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Sikhs in Kargil War

Dalvinder Singh Grewal

Writer
Historian
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Jan 3, 2010
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Sikhs in Kargil War

Colonel Dr. Dalvinder Singh Grewal
1925, Basant Avenue, Ludhiana, 919815366726

Kargil Vijay Diwas is celebrated every year on July 26 to honor the soldiers who fought in the Kargil War. On this day in 1999, India won the Kargil War against Pakistan. It drove out the Pakistani troops from their stealthily and secretly occupied positions on the hilltops of the northern Kargil district of Ladakh. On this day the prime minister of India pays tribute to the soldiers every year at the Amar Jawan Jyoti at India Gate. Events are also organized throughout the country to commemorate the contribution of the Indian Armed Forces, but this year, July 26 is special because it is now 25 years since this war a Silver Jubilee year. It is being celebrated with great fanfare all over India.

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Author at Gurdwara Charan Kamal Sahib, Kargil Author at Kargil Divas Dras

I remember those moments in July 2018 when I reached Kargil from Leh on Kargil Day in search ji's footprints. I offered my devotion to Gurdwara Charan Kamal Sahib in Kargil, where Guru Nanak Dev ji had rested his feet. I reached Dras, where the Kargil War Memorial is built and in which Kargil Day was being celebrated.

Origin of Kargil War

It was 1988. In Pakistan Brigadier Pervez Musharraf and Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto planned to separate Kashmir from India. The easiest way was found to occupy the hills of the National Highway, which runs from Srinagar to Leh. The temperature reaches minus 40 degrees on Kargil, Dras, and Batalik hills, which would have made it very difficult to get out of due to snow cover. Before this, it was a silent agreement between Pakistan and India that the troops would be withdrawn from the hills during the snow season. When Pervez Musharraf became the chief of the army, he implemented the plan and deployed soldiers disguised as jihadis in the Kargil region during the winter season.

The Indian Army was surprised when, on May 3, 1999, a shepherd informed them about Pakistani troops having entered the Indian border and set up their posts there. On May 5, the Indian Army sent a five-man patrol with Captain Sourav Kalia to see if what was said was true. When the patrol did not come back, the images of the area were searched by airplanes and helicopters. It was found that Pakistan had built a large number of bunkers on Kargil, Dras and Batalik hills. India then gathered 30 battalions to that area so that these intruders could be chased away from here. The Eighth Sikh Battalion was a very important part of these troops.

This area of Kargil is located on the main road from Srinagar to Leh in the northern part of Kashmir and is a hilly area generally covered with snow in winter. On 26 July 1999, India badly defeated the soldiers sent by the Pakistanis in the guise of civilian jihadis and forced them to lay down their weapons.

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Kargil area

The main intention of the Pakistanis was to take possession of the main hills, Tiger Hill, Tololing, etc., along this highway that passes through Mushkoh, Daras, Kaksar, Kargil, Batalik and joins Leh, and then keep an eye on this road, shelling the incoming convoy. The main aim was to cut off Leh from the Kashmir Valley by blocking this route. Pakistan used its soldiers to infiltrate into the terror valleys in May 1999 and then built bunkers on these hills. By the time the Indian Army came to know of this movement, the Pakistanis had firmly established themselves on these hills. Indian forces drummed them heavily against all odds and killed many of them in mostly hand-to-hand battles at the tops. Most of the Pakistanis were killed, but those who survived were surrounded but were allowed to leave with the mediation of America. This nefarious move of Pakistan was thus foiled, and the battlefield fell into the hands of India.

121 independent brigades of 15 Corps of Northern Command, 56 and 79 mountain brigades, 50 independent para brigade of 8 mountain division, 70 infantry brigade, and 102 independent infantry brigade of 3 Infantry Division took part in this war. There were also two brigades of artillery.

Among the three Sikh regiments of Punjab, 8 and 11 Sikh Regiment and 14 Sikh LI Regiment and two Punjab Regiments 3 Punjab and 13 Punjab also advanced and contributed to trample the enemy badly. Sikh, Sikh LI and Punjab Regiments of India have been honoured with the highest number of war awards.

Bravery is another name of Sikh regiment. It has a long and distinguished history. It remains the most highly decorated regiment in the Indian Army with 73 war honours and 38 theatr honours. Before independence it received 14 Victoria Crosses, 21 Indian Orders of Merit (equivalent to Param Vir Chakra) and many other coveted awards. Most decorated was 1 Sikh hero Nand Singh who had a Victoria Cross on his chest before independence and a Mahavir Chakra after independence. In addition, the regiment has, in the post-independence era, won two Paramveer Chakras, two Ashoka Chakras, two Param Vishishta Seva Medals, 14 Mahaveer Chakras, 4 Ashoka Chakras, 5 Kirti Chakras, 64 Veer Chakras, one Uttam Yudh Seva Medal, in addition to numerous other medals.

The Sikh LI Regiment received one Ashoka Chakra, 5 Mahavir Chakras, 6 Kirti Chakras, 23 Veer Chakras, 13 Shauria Chakras and over 300 other awards. The Punjab Regiment received 21 Victoria Cross, 187 Military Cross, 2 Padma Bhushan, 1 Padma Shri, 18 Maha Veer Chakra, 18 King's Cross, 20 PVSM, Veer Chakra 69 and over 500 other honours. Three Sikh Units including 3 Punjab and 3 Medium regiment were among those who taught China a lesson in Galwan Valley, Gurtej Singh of 3 Punjab single-handedly killed 12 Chinese and set an example and was awarded the Vir Chakra.

In 1999 two brigades were brought forward to protect the Kargil region. Brigadier MPS Bajwa was commanding 192 Infantry Brigade and Brigadier Devinder Singh was commanding 70 Infantry Brigade. Both were Sikh officers. 3 Infantry Division was commanded by Major General Mohinder Puri who was a Punjabi. Chief of Army Staff General Malik was also a Punjabi. The most difficult target for Brigadier Bajwa was to clear Tiger Hill from enemies.

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Brigadier MPS Bajwa Tiger Hill

He was given two battalions of 8 Sikhs and 18 Grenadiers for the attack on Tiger Hill. According to Brigadier Bajwa's writing, 'I chose the most difficult route for the attack on Tiger Hill, the direct ascent... 8 Sikhs were put forward for this most difficult task and I told the commanding officer that it was a question of the honour of the Sikhs. We selected 52 men, including two officers, two subedars and 48 Jawans. These 52 brave men fought so bravely that they changed the map of the war. Artillery, especially Bofors (the Artillery Brigade was also commanded by a Sikh Brigadier), helped us a lot in this difficult time because our men were under direct fire of enemy rifles, LMGs, and MMGs. The young men showed great lionheartedness and reached that peak by constantly advancing in the pouring rain of bombs and bullets.

The enemy retaliated on them, due to which 14 soldiers were martyred and many were injured. Two officers were injured, and both subedars were martyred. Brigadier Bajwa wrote that 'when the Pakistani counterattack was taking place, 8 Sikh subedar told me that a very tall Pakistani was constantly inciting his men to attack again, due to which it was difficult to stay at the height. I told him that this officer should be eliminated so that the counterattacks are stalled. I say with certainty that their counterattacks were so strong that our Sikh warriors could have been knocked off the top at any time. But our warriors shouted ‘Bole So Nihal’ a Sikh slogan, so loudly that the enemy was shaken up and their counterattacks were broken. First of all we killed that Pakistani officer and then chased the others who left the field empty for us. The name of that Pakistani officer was Captain Colonel Sher Khan. "30 Pakistanis were killed in this battle, and the rest retreated, giving us a famous victory. Captain Colonel Sher Khan rallied his men and fought very well," said Brigadier Bajwa. “I reported to the GOC about the bravery of him and my Sikh warriors. Seeing more attacks happening, I encouraged them regularly.

The names of the martyrs of Punjab in the Kargil war are as follows:

8 Sikhs-Subedar Karnail Singh-Vir Chakra, Naik Ranjit Singh-Sena Medal, Subedar Joginder Singh-Sena Medal, Naik Bahadur Singh-Sena Medal; Sepoy Major Singh-Sena Medal, Havildar Desa Singh, Havildar Amar Singh, Naik Nirmal Singh, Naik Baldev Singh, Havildar Vikram Singh, Sepoy Kulwinder Singh, Sepoy Tarlochan Singh, Sepoy Darshan Singh, Sepoy Surjit Singh, Sepoy Jaswinder Singh, Sepoy Gurmail Singh , Sepoy Jeevan Singh, Sepoy Rashwinder Singh, Sepoy Sukhwinder Singh, Sepoy Sukhwinder Singh second. 14 Sikh-Sepoy Buta Singh.

Punjabi Martyrs of Other Platoons: Majors: Harminder Pal Singh, JDS Dhaliwal, KG Singh; Subedars: Naunihal Singh Bhullar, Kuldeep Singh, Sucha Singh, Daljit Singh; Naib Subedar Kamil Singh; Havildar Kamaldev Singh, T{censored}m Singh, Gurmeet Singh, Amarjit Singh, Gurmeet Singh, Karam Singh, Gian Singh; Lance Havildar Baldev Singh, Naik Puran Singh, Sucha Singh, Paramjit Singh, Sikandar Singh; Lance Naik- Balwinder Singh, Rajinder Singh, Dalveer Singh, Gurmail Singh, Amarjit Singh, Gurcharan Singh, Kuldeep Singh, Ranbir Singh; Sepoy Gurmej Singh, Pawan Singh, Jaskaran Singh, Darshan Singh, Jaswant Singh, Gurmail Singh, Daljit Singh; PTA Harvinder Singh, Gopal Singh, Grenadier Gurinder Singh, Gurpreet Singh, Avtar Singh and others.

Other Sikhs and Punjabis also did a very commendable job, but due to space restrictions, only sample details are given.
 

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Dalvinder Singh Grewal

Writer
Historian
SPNer
Jan 3, 2010
1,389
427
80
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ਕਾਰਗਿਲ ਯੁੱਧ ਵਿੱਚ ਪੰਜਾਬੀਆਂ ਦੀ ਦੇਣ

ਕਰਨਲ ਡਾ: ਦਲਵਿੰਦਰ ਸਿੰਘ ਗ੍ਰੇਵਾਲ

1925, ਬਸੰਤ ਐਵੇਨਿਊ, ਲੁਧਿਆਣਾ, 919815366726

ਕਾਰਗਿਲ ਵਿਜੇ ਦਿਵਸ ਹਰ ਸਾਲ 26 ਜੁਲਾਈ ਨੂੰ ਕਾਰਗਿਲ ਯੁੱਧ ਵਿੱਚ ਲੜਨ ਵਾਲੇ ਸੈਨਿਕਾਂ ਦੇ ਸਨਮਾਨ ਵਿੱਚ ਮਨਾਇਆ ਜਾਂਦਾ ਹੈ। 1999 ਵਿੱਚ ਲੱਦਾਖ ਦੇ ਉੱਤਰੀ ਕਾਰਗਿਲ ਜ਼ਿਲ੍ਹੇ ਦੀਆਂ ਪਹਾੜੀ ਚੋਟੀਆਂ 'ਤੇ ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨੀ ਫੌਜਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਦੇ ਕਬਜ਼ੇ ਵਾਲੇ ਟਿਕਾਣਿਆਂ ਤੋਂ ਬਾਹਰ ਕੱਢਣ ਲਈ ਕਾਰਗਿਲ ਯੁੱਧ ਵਿੱਚ ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨ 'ਤੇ ਭਾਰਤ ਦੀ ਜਿੱਤ ਹੋਈ ਸੀ । ਇਸੇ ਲਈ ਇਹ ਦਿਨ ਪੂਰੇ ਭਾਰਤ ਵਿੱਚ ਮਨਾਇਆ ਜਾਂਦਾ ਹੈ । ਭਾਰਤ ਦੇ ਪ੍ਰਧਾਨ ਮੰਤਰੀ ਹਰ ਸਾਲ ਇੰਡੀਆ ਗੇਟ ਵਿਖੇ ਅਮਰ ਜਵਾਨ ਜੋਤੀ ਵਿਖੇ ਸੈਨਿਕਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਸ਼ਰਧਾਂਜਲੀ ਦਿੰਦੇ ਹਨ। ਭਾਰਤੀ ਹਥਿਆਰਬੰਦ ਬਲਾਂ ਦੇ ਯੋਗਦਾਨ ਦੀ ਯਾਦ ਵਿੱਚ ਪੂਰੇ ਦੇਸ਼ ਵਿੱਚ ਸਮਾਗਮਾਂ ਦਾ ਆਯੋਜਨ ਵੀ ਕੀਤਾ ਜਾਂਦਾ ਹੈ ਪਰ ਇਸ ਸਾਲ਼ ਦੀ 26 ਜੁਲਾਈ ਤਾਂ ਖਾਸ ਹੈ ਕਿਉਂਕਿ ਹੁਣ ਇਸ ਯੁੱਧ ਜਿਤੇ ਨੂੰ 25 ਸਾਲ ਹੋ ਰਹੇ ਹਨ ਜਿਸ ਲਈ ਇਸ (ਸਿਲਵਰ ਜੁਬਲੀ ) ਨੂੰ ਸਾਰੇ ਦੇਸ਼ ਵਿੱਚ ਬੜੀ ਧੁਮ ਧਾਮ ਨਾਲ ਮਨਾਇਆ ਜਾ ਰਿਹਾ ਹੈ।

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ਲੇਖਕ ਗੁਰਦਵਾਰਾ ਚਰਨ ਕਮਲ ਸਾਹਿਬ,

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ਕਾਰਗਿਲ ਲੇਖਕ ਕਾਰਗਿਲ ਦਿਵਸ ਦਰਾਸ ਵੇਲੇ

ਮੈਨੂੰ ਜੁਲਾਈ ਸੰਨ 2018 ਦੇ ਉਹ ਪਲ ਯਾਦ ਹਨ ਜਦ ਮੈਂ ਗੁਰੂ ਨਾਨਕ ਦੇਵ ਜੀ ਦੇ ਚਰਨ ਚਿਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਦੀ ਖੋਜ ਵਿਚ ਲੇਹ ਤੋਂ ਕਾਰਗਿਲ ਦਿਵਸ ਤੇ ਕਾਰਗਿਲ ਪਹੁੰਚਿਆ।ਕਾਰਗਿਲ ਵਿੱਚ ਗੁਰਦਵਾਰਾ ਚਰਨ ਕਮਲ ਸਾਹਿਬ ਜਿੱਥੇ ਗੁਰੂ ਨਾਨਕ ਦੇਵ ਜੀ ਨੇ ਚਰਨ ਪਾਏ ਸਨ ਅਪਣੀ ਸ਼ਰਧਾ ਦੇ ਫੁਲ ਭੇਟ ਕਰ ਕੇ ਦਰਾਸ ਪਹੁੰਚਿਆ ਜਿੱਥੇ ਕਾਰਗਿਲ ਵਾਰ ਮੈਮੋਰੀਅਲ ਬਣਿਆ ਹੋਇਆ ਹੈ ਤੇ ਜਿਸ ਵਿੱਚ ਕਾਰਗਿਲ ਦਿਵਸ ਮਨਾਇਆ ਜਾ ਰਿਹਾ ਸੀ । ਮੈਨੂੰ ਜੁਲਾਈ ਸੰਨ 2018 ਦੇ ਉਹ ਪਲ ਯਾਦ ਹਨ ਜਦ ਮੈਂ ਗੁਰੂ ਨਾਨਕ ਦੇਵ ਜੀ ਦੇ ਚਰਨ ਚਿਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਦੀ ਖੋਜ ਵਿਚ ਲੇਹ ਤੋਂ ਕਾਰਗਿਲ ਦਿਵਸ ਤੇ ਕਾਰਗਿਲ ਪਹੁੰਚਿਆ।ਕਾਰਗਿਲ ਵਿੱਚ ਗੁਰਦਵਾਰਾ ਚਰਨ ਕਮਲ ਸਾਹਿਬ ਜਿੱਥੇ ਗੁਰੂ ਨਾਨਕ ਦੇਵ ਜੀ ਨੇ ਚਰਨ ਪਾਏ ਸਨ ਅਪਣੀ ਸ਼ਰਧਾ ਦੇ ਫੁਲ ਭੇਟ ਕਰ ਕੇ ਦਰਾਸ ਪਹੁੰਚਿਆ ਜਿੱਥੇ ਕਾਰਗਿਲ ਵਾਰ ਮੈਮੋਰੀਅਲ ਬਣਿਆ ਹੋਇਆ ਹੈ ਤੇ ਜਿਸ ਵਿੱਚ ਕਾਰਗਿਲ ਦਿਵਸ ਮਨਾਇਆ ਜਾ ਰਿਹਾ ਸੀ ।

ਕਾਰਗਿਲ ਯੁੱਧ ਦਾ ਮੁੱਢ

1988 ਦੀ ਗੱਲ ਹੈ। ਬ੍ਰਿਗੇਡੀਅਰ ਪਰਵੇਜ਼ ਮੁਸ਼ਰਫ ਤੇ ਪ੍ਰਾਈਮ ਮਿਨਿਸਟਰ ਬੇਨਜ਼ੀਰ ਭੁੱਟੋ ਨੇ ਇਹ ਯੋਜਨਾ ਬਣਾਈ ਕਿ ਕਸ਼ਮੀਰ ਨੂੰ ਹਿੰਦੁਸਤਾਨ ਤੋਂ ਵੱਖ ਕੀਤਾ ਜਾਵੇ। ਸੌਖਾ ਰਸਤਾ ਇਹ ਹੀ ਲੱਭਿਆ ਗਿਆ ਕਿ ਜੋ ਨੈਸ਼ਨਲ ਹਾਈਵੇ ਸ੍ਰੀਨਗਰ ਤੋਂ ਲੇਹ ਨੂੰ ਜਾਂਦਾ ਹੈ ਉਸ ਦੀਆਂ ਪਹਾੜੀਆਂ ਨੂੰ ਕਬਜ਼ੇ ਵਿੱਚ ਕਰ ਲਿਆ ਜਾਵੇ। ਕਾਰਗਿਲ ਦਰਾਸ ਅਤੇ ਬਟਾਲਿਕ ਪਹਾੜੀਆਂ ਤੇ 40 ਡਿਗਰੀ ਮਾਈਨਸ ਤੱਕ ਦਾ ਟੈਂਪਰੇਚਰ ਪਹੁੰਚ ਜਾਂਦਾ ਹੈ ਜੋ ਬਰਫ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ ਢਕਣ ਦੇ ਕਾਰਨ ਉਥੋਂ ਦੀ ਨਿਕਲਣਾ ਬੜਾ ਹੀ ਮੁਸ਼ਕਿਲ ਹੋ ਜਾਣਾ ਸੀ। ਇਸ ਤੋਂ ਪਹਿਲਾਂ ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨ ਤੇ ਭਾਰਤ ਦੇ ਵਿੱਚ ਇਹ ਇੱਕ ਮੂਕ ਸਮਝੌਤਾ ਸੀ ਕਿ ਬਰਫ ਦੀ ਰੁੱਤੇ ਪਹਾੜੀਆਂ ਤੋਂ ਫੌਜ ਪਿੱਛੇ ਕਰ ਲਈ ਜਾਏਗੀ । ਪਰਵੇਜ਼ ਮੁਸ਼ਰਫ ਜਦ ਫੌਜ ਦਾ ਮੁਖੀ ਬਣਿਆਂ ਤਾਂ ਉਸ ਨੇ ਬਣਾਈ ਹੋਈ ਯੋਜਨਾ ਨੂੰ ਅਮਲ ਵਿੱਚ ਲਿਆਂਦਾ ਅਤੇ ਸੈਨਿਕਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਜਹਾਦੀਆਂ ਦੇ ਰੂਪ ਵਿੱਚ ਕਾਰਗਿਲ ਖੇਤਰ ਵਿੱਚ ਸਰਦੀਆਂ ਦੀ ਰੁਤੇ ਜਾ ਤੈਨਾਤ ਕੀਤਾ।

ਪਰ ਭਾਰਤੀ ਫੌਜ ਨੂੰ ਹੈਰਾਨੀ ਉਦੋਂ ਹੋਈ ਜਦੋਂ ਮਈ ਤਿੰਨ 1999 ਨੂੰ ਜੋ ਇੱਕ ਚਰਵਾਹੇ ਨੇ ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨ ਦੇ ਦਸਤਿਆਂ ਦਾ ਭਾਰਤੀ ਹੱਦਾਂ ਅੰਦਰ ਆਉਣ ਤੇ ਉੱਥੇ ਆਪਣੇ ਮੋਰਚੇ ਬਣਾਉਣ ਬਾਰੇ ਖਬਰ ਦਿੱਤੀ। ਪੰਜ ਮਈ ਨੂੰ ਭਾਰਤੀ ਸੈਨਾ ਨੇ ਇੱਕ ਪੰਜ ਬੰਦਿਆਂ ਦਾ ਪੈਟਰੋਲ ਕੈਪਟਨ ਸੌਰਵ ਕਾਲੀਆ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ ਭੇਜਿਆ ਤਾਂ ਕਿ ਉਹ ਦੇਖ ਸਕਣ ਕਿ ਕੀ ਜੋ ਦਸਿਆ ਗਿਆ ਹੈ ਉਹ ਸਹੀ ਹੈ? ਜਦ ਪਟ੍ਰੋਲ ਵਾਪਿਸ ਨਾ ਆਇਆ ਤਾਂ ਜਹਾਜ਼ਾਂ ਅਤੇ ਹੈਲੀਕਾਪਟਰਾਂ ਰਾਹੀਂ ਇਲਾਕੇ ਦੀਆਂ ਤਸਵੀਰਾਂ ਲੈ ਕੇ ਪੁਣ ਛਾਣ ਕੀਤੀ ਗਈ ਤਾਂ ਪਤਾ ਲੱਗਿਆ ਕਿ ਕਾਰਗਿਲ, ਦਰਾਜ਼ ਤੇ ਬਟਾਲਿਕ ਪਹਾੜੀਆਂ ਉੱਤੇ ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨ ਨੇ ਕਾਫੀ ਗਿਣਤੀ ਵਿੱਚ ਮੋਰਚੇ ਬਣਾ ਲਏ ਹਨ ਤਾਂ ਭਾਰਤ ਨੇ ਵੀ 30 ਬਟਾਲੀਨਾਂ ਉਸ ਇਲਾਕੇ ਵਿੱਚ ਲਿਆਂਦੀਆਂ ਤਾਂ ਕਿ ਇਹਨਾਂ ਘੁਸਪੈਠੀਆਂ ਨੂੰ ਇੱਥੋਂ ਖਦੇੜਿਆ ਜਾ ਸਕੇ ਇਹਨਾਂ ਬਟਾਲੀਅਨਾਂ ਦੇ ਵਿੱਚ ਅੱਠ ਸਿੱਖ ਰੈਜੀਮੈਂਟ ਦਾ ਬੜਾ ਮਹੱਤਵਪੂਰਨ ਭਾਗ ਰਿਹਾ।

ਕਾਰਗਿਲ ਦਾ ਇਹ ਖੇਤਰ ਕਸ਼ਮੀਰ ਦੇ ਉਤਰੀ ਭਾਗ ਵਿੱਚ ਸ੍ਰੀਨਗਰ ਤੋਂ ਲੇਹ ਜਾਂਦੇ ਮੁੱਖ ਮਾਰਗ ਨਾਲ ਲਗਦਾ ਹੈ ਤੇ ਸਾਰਾ ਹੀ ਪਹਾੜੀ ਖੇਤਰ ਹੈ। ਜੁਲਾਈ ਦੇ ਇਸ ਦਿਨ ਭਾਰਤ ਨੇ ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨੀਆਂ ਵਲੋਂ ਭੇਜੇ ਸਿਵਲੀਅਨ ਆਤੰਕਵਾਦੀਆਂ ਦੇ ਭੇਸ ਵਿੱਚ ਭੇਜੇ ਫੌਜੀਆਂ ਨੂੰ ਬੁਰੀ ਤਰ੍ਹਾਂ ਹਰਾ ਕੇ ਘੇਰੇ ਵਿੱਚ ਲੈ ਕੇ ਹਥਿਆਰ ਸੁੱਟਣ ਲਈ ਮਜਬੂਰ ਕੀਤਾ ਸੀ।

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ਕਾਰਗਿਲ ਖੇਤਰ
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ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨੀਆਂ ਦਾ ਮੁੱਖ ਇਰਾਦਾ ਮੁਸ਼ਕੋਹ, ਦਰਾਸ, ਕਾਕਸਾਰ, ਕਾਰਗਿਲ, ਬਟਾਲਿਕ ਵਿੱਚੋਂ ਦੀ ਜਾਂਦੇ ਤੇ ਲੇਹ ਨੂੰ ਮਿਲਾਉਂਦੇ ਇਸ ਸ਼ਾਹ ਮਾਰਗ ਨੂੰ ਨਾਲ ਲਗਦੀਆਂ ਮੁੱਖ ਪਹਾੜੀਆਂ ਟਾਈਗਰ ਹਿੱਲ, ਤੋਲੋਲਿੰਗ ਆਦਿ ਨੂੰ ਕਬਜ਼ੇ ਵਿੱਚ ਲੈਣਾ ਤੇ ਫਿਰ ਇਸ ਮਾਰਗ ਉਪਰ ਨਜ਼ਰ ਰੱਖਣਾ,ਆਉਂਦੀ ਜਾਂਦੀ ਕਾਨਵਾਈ ਤੇ ਗੋਲਾਬਾਰੀ ਕਰਨਾ ਤੇ ਇਸ ਮਾਰਗ ਨੂੰ ਨਕਾਰਾ ਕਰਕੇ ਕਸ਼ਮੀਰ ਵਾਦੀ ਨਾਲੋਂ ਲੇਹ ਨੂੰ ਤੋੜਣਾ ਸੀ। ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨ ਨੇ ਅਪਣੇ ਸੈਨਿਕਾਂ ਤੋਂ ਆਤੰਕ ਵਾਦੀਆਂ ਦੇ ਭੇਸ ਵਿੱਚ ਮਈ 1999 ਵਿੱਚ ਘੁਸ-ਪੈਠ ਕਰਵਾਈ ਤੇ ਫਿਰ ਇਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਪਹਾੜੀਆਂ ਤੇ ਬੰਕਰ ਬਣਾ ਲਏ। ਇਹ ਹਰਕਤ ਜਦ ਭਾਰਤੀ ਸੈਨਾ ਦੀ ਨਜ਼ਰ ਪਈ ਤਦ ਤਕ ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨੀਆਂ ਨੇ ਇਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਪਹਾੜੀਆਂ ਤੇ ਪੱਕੇ ਪੈਰ ਕਰ ਲਏ ਸਨ।ਭਾਰਤੀ ਸੈਨਾ ਨੇ ਯੋਜਨਾ ਅਨੁਸਾਰ ਇਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਪਹਾੜੀਆਂ ਤੇ ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨੀ ਸੈਨਿਕਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਬੁਰੀ ਮਾਰ ਮਾਰੀ । ਜ਼ਿਆਦਾ ਤਰ ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨੀ ਮਾਰੇ ਗਏ ਪਰ ਜੋ ਬਚੇ, ਉਹ ਘੇਰ ਲਏ ਗਏ ਪਰ ਅਮਰੀਕਾ ਦੀ ਵਿਚੋਲਿਗੀ ਤੇ ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਜਾਣ ਲਈ ਰਸਤਾ ਦੇ ਦਿਤਾ ਗਿਆ। ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨ ਦੀ ਇਹ ਨਾਪਾਕ ਹਰਕਤ ਇਸ ਤਰ੍ਹਾਂ ਨਾਕਾਮਯਾਬ ਕਰ ਦਿਤੀ ਗਈ ਤੇ ਯੁੱਧ ਮੈਦਾਨ ਭਾਰਤ ਦੇ ਹੱਥ ਲੱਗਾ।

ਇਸ ਯੁੱਧ ਵਿੱਚ ਉਤਰੀ ਕਮਾਂਡ ਦੀ 15 ਕੋਰ ਦੀਆਂ 121 ਇੰਡੀਪੈਂਡੈਂਟ ਬ੍ਰੀਗੇਡ, 8 ਮਾਉਂਟੇਨ ਡਿਵੀਯਨ ਦੀਆਂ 56 ਤੇ 79 ਮਾਉਂਟਨ ਬ੍ਰਗੇਡ ਤੇ 50 ਇੰਡੀਪੈਂਡੈਂਟ ਪਾਰਾ ਬ੍ਰੀਗੇਡ ਅਤੇ 3 ਇਨਫੈਨਟਰੀ ਡਿਵੀਯਨ ਦੀਆਂ 70 ਇਨਫੈਂਟਰੀ ਬ੍ਰੀਗੇਡ ਅਤੇ 102 ਇੰਡੀਪੈਂਡੈਟ ਇਨਫੈਂਟਰੀ ਬ੍ਰਗੇਡ ਸ਼ਾਮਿਲ ਸਨ । ਤੋਪਖਾਨੇ ਦੀਆਂ ਵੀ ਦੋ ਬ੍ਰਗੇਡਾਂ ਸਨ ।


ਪੰਜਾਬ ਦੀਆਂ ਤਿੰਨ ਸਿੱਖ ਰਜਮੈਂਟਾਂ ਵਿਚ 8 ਅਤੇ 11 ਸਿੱਖ ਰਜਮੈਂਟ ਅਤੇ 14 ਸਿੱਖ ਐਲ ਆਈ ਰਜਮੈਂਟ ਅਤੇ ਦੋ ਪੰਜਾਬ ਰਜਮੈਂਟਾਂ 3 ਪੰਜਾਬ ਅਤੇ 13 ਪੰਜਾਬ ਨੇ ਵੀ ਅੱਗੇ ਹੋ ਕੇ ਦੁਸ਼ਮਣ ਨੂੰ ਬੁਰੀ ਤਰ੍ਹਾਂ ਲਤਾੜਣ ਵਿੱਚ ਅਪਣਾ ਯੋਗਦਾਨ ਪਾਇਆ।ਸਿੱਖ, ਸਿੱਖ ਐਲ ਆਈ ਤੇ ਪੰਜਾਬ ਰਜਮੈਂਟਾਂ ਭਾਰਤ ਦੇ ਸਭ ਤੋਂ ਵੱਧ ਯੁੱਧ ਅਵਾਰਡ ਪ੍ਰਾਪਤ ਕਰਨ ਵਾਲੀਆਂ ਰਜਮੈਟਾਂ ਹਨ।

ਬਹਾਦਰੀ ਸਿੱਖ ਰੈਜੀਮੈਂਟ ਦਾ ਦੂਜਾ ਨਾਂ ਹੈ। ਇਸਦਾ ਇੱਕ ਲੰਮਾ ਅਤੇ ਵਿਲੱਖਣ ਇਤਿਹਾਸ ਹੈ। ਇਹ 73 ਜੰਗੀ ਸਨਮਾਨਾਂ ਅਤੇ 38 ਥੀਏਟਰ ਸਨਮਾਨਾਂ ਨਾਲ ਭਾਰਤੀ ਫੌਜ ਵਿੱਚ ਸਭ ਤੋਂ ਉੱਚ ਸਨਮਾਨਿਤ ਰੈਜੀਮੈਂਟ ਬਣੀ ਹੋਈ ਹੈ। ਆਜ਼ਾਦੀ ਤੋਂ ਪਹਿਲਾਂ ਇਸ ਨੇ 14 ਵਿਕਟੋਰੀਆ ਕਰਾਸ, 21 ਭਾਰਤੀ ਆਰਡਰ ਆਫ ਮੈਰਿਟ (ਪਰਮ ਵੀਰ ਚੱਕਰ ਦੇ ਬਰਾਬਰ) ਅਤੇ ਹੋਰ ਇਨਾਮ ਪ੍ਰਾਪਤ ਕੀਤੇ ਸਭ ਤੋਂ ਵੱਧ ਸਨਮਾਨੇ ਗਏ 1 ਸਿੱਖ ਦੇ ਨਾਇਕ ਨੰਦ ਸਿੰਘ ਦੇ ਸੀਨੇ ਤੇ ਆਜ਼ਾਦੀ ਤੋਂ ਪਹਿਲਾਂ ਇੱਕ ਵਿਕਟੋਰੀਆ ਕਰਾਸ ਸਜਿਆ ਇੱਕ ਮਹਾਂਵੀਰ ਚੱਕਰ ਅਜ਼ਾਦੀ ਤੋਂ ਬਾਅਦ। ਇਸ ਤੋਂ ਇਲਾਵਾ, ਰੈਜੀਮੈਂਟ ਨੇ, ਆਜ਼ਾਦੀ ਤੋਂ ਬਾਅਦ ਦੇ ਯੁੱਗ ਵਿੱਚ, ਦੋ ਪਰਮਵੀਰ ਚੱਕਰ, ਦੋ ਅਸ਼ੋਕ ਚੱਕਰ, ਦੋ ਪਰਮ ਵਿਸ਼ਿਸ਼ਟ ਸੇਵਾ ਮੈਡਲ, 14 ਮਹਾਂਵੀਰ ਚੱਕਰ, 4 ਅਸ਼ੋਕ ਚੱਕਰ, 5 ਕੀਰਤੀ ਚੱਕਰ, 64 ਵੀਰ ਚੱਕਰ, ਇੱਕ ਉੱਤਮ ਯੁੱਧ ਸੇਵਾ ਮੈਡਲ, 10 ਅਤਿ ਵਿਸ਼ਿਸ਼ਟ ਸੇਵਾ ਮੈਡਲ, 22 ਸ਼ੌਰਿਆ ਚੱਕਰ, 104 ਸੈਨਾ ਮੈਡਲ ਅਤੇ 31 ਵਿਸ਼ਿਸ਼ਟ ਸੇਵਾ ਮੈਡਲ ਆਦਿ ਕੁੱਲ 1596 ਬਹਾਦਰੀ ਪੁਰਸਕਾਰ ਜਿੱਤੇ ਹਨ।

ਸਿੱਖ ਐਲ ਆਈ ਰਜਮੈਂਟ ਨੇ ਇੱਕ ਅਸ਼ੋਕ ਚੱਕਰ, 5 ਮਹਾਂਵੀਰ ਚੱਕਰ, 6 ਕੀਰਤੀ ਚੱਕਰ, 23 ਵੀਰ ਚੱਕਰ, 13 ਸ਼ੋਰਿਆ ਚੱਕਰ ਤੇ 300 ਤੋਂ ਉੱਪਰ ਹੋਰ ਇਨਾਮ ਪ੍ਰਾਪਤ ਕੀਤੇ।ਪੰਜਾਬ ਰਜਮੈਂਟ ਨੇ ਵਿਕਟੋਰੀਆ ਕਰਾਸ- 21, ਮਿਲਟ੍ਰੀ ਕ੍ਰਾਸ- 187, ਪਦਮ ਭੂਸ਼ਣ-2, ਪਦਮ ਸ਼੍ਰੀ- 1, ਮਹਾਂ ਵੀਰ ਚੱਕਰ-18, ਕਿੰਗਜ਼ ਕ੍ਰਾਸ-18, ਪੀ ਵੀ ਐਸ ਐਮ ਆਦਿ 20, ਵੀਰ ਚੱਕਰ 69 ਤੇ 500 ਤੋਂ ਉਪਰ ਹੋਰ ਮਾਨ ਸਨਮਾਨ ਪ੍ਰਾਪਤ ਕੀਤੇ ਹਨ। ਗਲਵਾਨ ਵਾਦੀ ਵਿੱਚ ਚੀਨ ਨੂੰ ਸਬਕ ਸਿਖਾਉਣ ਵਾਲਿਆਂ ਵਿਚ ਤਿੰਨ ਪੰਜਾਬ ਰਜਮੈਂਟ ਹੀ ਸੀ ਜਿਸ ਦੇ ਸਿਪਾਹੀ ਗੁਰਤੇਜ ਸਿੰਘ ਨੇ ਇਕੱਲੇ ਹੀ 12 ਚੀਨੀਆਂ ਨੂੰ ਮੌਤ ਦੇ ਘਾਟ ਉਤਾਰ ਕੇ ਇਕ ਮਿਸਾਲ ਕਾਇਮ ਕੀਤੀ ਤੇ ਵੀਰ ਚੱਕਰ ਨਾਲ ਸਨਮਾਨਿਆ ਗਿਆ।

1999 ਵਿੱਚ ਕਾਰਗਿਲ ਖੇਤਰ ਦੀ ਸੁਰੱਖਿਆ ਲਈ ਦੋ ਬ੍ਰੀਗੇਡਾਂ ਅੱਗੇ ਸਨ। ਬ੍ਰੀਗੇਡੀਅਰ ਐਮ ਪੀ ਐਸ ਬਾਜਵਾ 192 ਬ੍ਰੀਗੇਡ ਦੀ ਕਮਾਨ ਕਰ ਰਹੇ ਸਨ ਅਤੇ ਬ੍ਰੀਗੇਡੀਅਰ ਦੇਵਿੰਦਰ ਸਿੰਘ 70 ਇਨਫੈਨਟਰੀ ਬ੍ਰੀਗੇਡ ਦੀ ਕਮਾਨ ਕਰ ਰਹੇ ਸਨ। ਦੋਵੇਂ ਸਿੱਖ ਅਫਸਰ ਸਨ । 3 ਇਨਫੈਂਟਰੀ ਡਿਵੀਜ਼ਨ ਦੀ ਕਮਾਨ ਮੇਜਰ ਜਨਰਲ ਮੁਹਿੰਦਰ ਪੁਰੀ ਕਰ ਰਹੇ ਸਨ ਜੋ ਪੰਜਾਬੀ ਸਨ। ਚੀਫ ਆਫ ਆਰਮੀ ਸਟਾਫ ਜਨਰਲ ਮਲਿਕ ਵੀ ਪੰਜਾਬੀ ਸਨ।ਬ੍ਰੀਗੇਡੀਅਰ ਬਾਜਵਾ ਨੂੰ ਸਭ ਤੋਂ ਔਖਾ ਟਾਰਗੇਟ ਟਾਈਗਰ ਹਿੱਲ ਨੂੰ ਦੁਸ਼ਮਣਾਂ ਤੋਂ ਖਾਲੀ ਕਰਵਾਉਣ ਦਾ ਸੀ ।
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੍ਰੀਗੇਡੀਅਰ ਐਮ ਪੀ ਐਸ ਬਾਜਵਾ

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ਟਾਈਗਰ ਹਿੱਲ

ਟਾਈਗਰ ਹਿੱਲ ਉਤੇ ਹਮਲੇ ਲਈ ਉਸ ਨੂੰ ਦੋ ਬਟਾਲੀਅਨਾਂ 8 ਸਿੱਖ ਅਤੇ 18 ਗ੍ਰੀਨੇਡੀਅਰ ਦਿਤੀਆਂ ਗਈਆਂ। ਬ੍ਰੀਗੇਡੀਅਰ ਬਾਜਵਾ ਦੇ ਲਿਖਣ ਅਨੁਸਾਰ ‘ਮੈਂ ਟਾਈਗਰ ਹਿੱਲ ਤੇ ਹਮਲੇ ਲਈ ਸਭ ਤੋਂ ਔਖਾ ਰਸਤਾ ਸਿੱਧੀ ਚੜ੍ਹਾਈ ਵਾਲਾ ਚੁਣਿਆ… 8 ਸਿੱਖ ਨੂੰ ਇਸ ਸੱਭ ਤੋਂ ਔਖੇ ਕੰਮ ਲਈ ਅੱਗੇ ਲਾਇਆ ਤੇ ਕਮਾਨ ਅਫਸਰ ਨੂੰ ਕਿਹਾ ਕਿ ਇਹ ਸਿੱਖਾਂ ਦੀ ਇਜ਼ਤ ਦਾ ਸਵਾਲ ਹੈ। ਪਹਿਲੀ ਟੁਕੜੀ ਲਈ ਅਸੀਂ 52 ਆਦਮੀ ਚੁਣੇ ਜਿਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਵਿਚ ਦੋ ਅਫਸਰ ਤੇ ਦੋ ਸੂਬੇਦਾਰ ਸ਼ਾਮਿਲ ਸਨ।ਇਹ 52 ਬਹਾਦਰ ਇਤਨੀ ਦਲੇਰੀ ਨਾਲ ਲੜੇ ਕਿ ਇਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਨੇ ਤਾਂ ਯੁੱਧ ਦਾ ਨਕਸ਼ਾ ਹੀ ਬਦਲ ਕੇ ਰੱਖ ਦਿਤਾ। ਤੋਪਖਾਨਾ ਖਾਸ ਕਰਕੇ ਬੋਫੋਰ ਨੇ ਸਾਡੇ ਇਸ ਔਖੇ ਸਮੇਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਬੜੀ ਮਦਦ ਕੀਤੀ ਕਿਉਂਕਿ ਸਾਡੇ ਜਵਾਨ ਦੁਸ਼ਮਣ ਦੀ ਰਾਈਫਲ, ਐਲ ਐਮ ਜੀ ਅਤੇ ਐਮ ਐਮ ਜੀ ਦੀ ਸਿੱਧੀ ਮਾਰ ਥੱਲੇ ਸਨ ।

ਜੇ ਉਹ ਪੱਥਰ ਵੀ ਰੋੜ੍ਹ ਦਿੰਦੇ ਤਾਂ ਵੀ ਸਾਡੇ ਜਵਾਨਾਂ ਦਾ ਬੇਹਦ ਨੁਕਸਾਨ ਹੋਣਾ ਸੀ ਪਰ ਇਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਜਵਾਨਾਂ ਨੇ ਬੜੀ ਸ਼ੇਰ-ਦਿਲੀ ਵਿਖਾਈ ਤੇ ਵਰ੍ਹਦੇ ਗੋਲੇ-ਗੋਲੀਆਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਲਗਾਤਾਰ ਵਧਦੇ ਉਸ ਸਿਖਰ ਤੇ ਪਹੁੰਚ ਗਏ’।

ੁਸ਼ਮਣ ਨੇ ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਉਤੇ ਜਵਾਬੀ ਹਮਲੇ ਕੀਤੇ ਜਿਸ ਕਰਕੇ ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਵਿੱਚੋਂ 14 ਜਵਾਨ ਸ਼ਹੀਦ ਤੇ ਕਈ ਜ਼ਖਮੀ ਹੋ ਗਏ।ਦੋਨੋਂ ਅਫਸਰ ਜ਼ਖਮੀ ਹੋ ਗਏ ਤੇ ਦੋਨੋਂ ਸੂਬੇਦਾਰ ਸ਼ਹੀਦ ਹੋ ਗਏ।ਬ੍ਰੀਗੇਡੀਅਰ ਬਾਜਵਾ ਨੇ ਲਿਖਿਆ ਕਿ ‘ਜਦੋਂ ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨੀ ਜਵਾਬੀ ਹਮਲਾ ਹੋ ਰਿਹਾ ਸੀ ਤਾਂ 8 ਸਿੱਖ ਦੇ ਸੂਬੇਦਾਰ ਨੇ ਮੈਨੂੰ ਦੱਸਿਆ ਕਿ ਇਕ ਬਹੁਤ ਉੱਚਾ ਲੰਬਾ ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨੀ ਅਪਣੇ ਬੰਦਿਆਂ ਨੂੰ ਲਗਾਤਾਰ ਭੜਕਾਉਂਦਾ ਹੋਇਆ ਦੁਬਾਰਾ ਹਮਲੇ ਲਈ ਹਲਾ ਸ਼ੇਰੀ ਦੇ ਰਿਹਾ ਹੈ ਜਿਸ ਕਰਕੇ ਉਚਾਈ ਤੇ ਟਿਕਣਾ ਮੁਸ਼ਕਿਲ ਹੋ ਰਿਹਾ ਹੈ ਤਾਂ ਮੈਂ ਉਸ ਨੂੰ ਦੱਸਿਆ ਕਿ ਉਨ੍ਹਾ ਦੇ ਇਸ ਅਫਸਰ ਨੂੰ ਖਤਮ ਕਰਨਾ ਚਾਹੀਦਾ ਹੈ ਤਾਂ ਕਿ ਜਵਾਬੀ ਹਮਲੇ ਖਤਮ ਹੋ ਸਕਣ। ਮੈਂ ਯਕੀਨ ਨਾਲ ਕਹਿੰਦਾ ਹਾਂ ਕਿ ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਦੇ ਜਵਾਬੀ ਹਮਲੇ ਇਤਨੇ ਜ਼ੋਰਦਾਰ ਸਨ ਕਿ ਸਾਡੇ ਸਿੱਖ ਸੂਰਬੀਰ ਚੋਟੀ ਤੋਂ ਕਦੇ ਵੀ ਉਖੜ ਸਕਦੇ ਸਨ। ਪਰ ਸਾਡੇ ਯੋਧਿਆਂ ਨੇ ਇਕ ਜ਼ੋਰ ਦਾ ਬੋਲੇ ਸੋ ਨਿਹਾਲ ਦਾ ਜੈਕਾਰਾ ਲਾਇਆ ਤੇ ਦੁਸ਼ਮਣ ਤੇ ਟੁੱਟ ਪਏ। ਸਭ ਤੋਂ ਪਹਿਲਾਂ ਉਸ ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨੀ ਅਫਸਰ ਨੂੰ ਮਾਰਿਆ ਤੇ ਫਿਰ ਬਾਕੀਆਂ ਨੂੰ ਖਦੇੜਿਆ ਜੋ ਸਾਡੇ ਲਈ ਖਾਲੀ ਮੈਦਾਨ ਛੱਡ ਗਏ।ਉਸ ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨੀ ਅਫਸਰ ਦਾ ਨਾਮ ਕੈਪਟਨ ਕਰਨਲ ਸ਼ੇਰ ਖਾਂ ਸੀ। ਬ੍ਰਿਗੇਡੀਅਰ ਬਾਜਵਾ ਨੇ ਕਿਹਾ, "ਇਸ ਲੜਾਈ ਵਿੱਚ 30 ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨੀ ਮਾਰੇ ਗਏ ਸਨ ਅਤੇ ਬਾਕੀ ਸਾਨੂੰ ਇੱਕ ਮਸ਼ਹੂਰ ਜਿੱਤ ਦਿਵਾ ਕੇ ਪਿੱਛੇ ਹਟ ਗਏ। ਕੈਪਟਨ ਕਰਨਲ ਸ਼ੇਰ ਖਾਨ ਆਪਣੇ ਜਵਾਨਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਇਕੱਠਾ ਕਰਕੇ ਬਹੁਤ ਵਧੀਆ ਢੰਗ ਨਾਲ ਲੜਿਆ,"ਬ੍ਰਿਗੇਡੀਅਰ ਬਾਜਵਾ ਨੇ ਕਿਹਾ


“ਮੈਂ ਉਸ ਦੀ ਅਤੇ ਅਪਣੇ ਸਿੱਖ ਯੋਧਿਆਂ ਦੀ ਬਹਾਦੁਰੀ ਬਾਰੇ ਜੀ ਓ ਸੀ ਨੂੰ ਰਿਪੋਰਟ ਦਿਤੀ। ਹੋਰ ਹਮਲੇ ਹੁੰਦੇ ਦੇਖਕੇ ਮੈਂ ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਦੀ ਮਦਦ ਲਈ 18 ਗ੍ਰੀਨੇਡੀਅਰ ਦੀ ਘਟਕ ਪਾਰਟੀ ਭੇਜੀ । 18 ਗ੍ਰੀਨੇਡੀਅਰ ਲਈ ਹੁਣ ਉਪਰ ਪਹੁੰਚਣਾ ਮੁਸ਼ਕਲ ਨਹੀਂ ਸੀ ਕਿਉਂਕਿ ਸਿੱਖ ਪਲਟਨ ਨੇ ਉਪਰ ਬੇਸ ਬਣਾ ਲਿਆ ਸੀ।ਉਪਰ ਪਹੁੰਚ ਕੇ ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਨੇ ਪਾਕੀਆਂ ਤੇ ਭਰਵਾਂ ਹੱਲਾ ਬੋਲਿਆ ਤੇ ਇਸ ਅਚਾਨਕ ਹੋਏ ਹੱਲੇ ਵਿੱਚ ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨੀ ਠਹਿਰ ਨਾ ਸਕੇ ਤੇ ਜ਼ਿਆਦਾ ਤਰ ਮਾਰੇ ਗਏ। ਇਸ ਤਰ੍ਹਾਂ ਅਸੀਂ ਸਭ ਤੋਂ ਔਖਾ ਟਾਰਗੇਟ ਟਾਈਗਰ ਹਿੱਲ ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨੀਆਂ ਤੋਂ ਖੋਹ ਲਿਆ ਤੇ ਜਿੱਤ ਸਾਡੇ ਹੱਥ ਲੱਗੀ।ਸਿੱਖ ਜਵਾਨਾਂ ਦੇ ਬੇਸ ਤੋਂ 18 ਗ੍ਰੀਨੇਡੀਅਰ ਨੇ ਆਪਣੀ ਜਿੱਤ ਦਾ ਝੰਡਾ ਬੁਲੰਦ ਕਰ ਦਿਤਾ ਤੇ ਹਰ ਟੀ ਵੀ ਫਿਲਮ ਵਿੱਚ ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਦਾ ਹੀ ਨਾਂ ਗੂੰਜਣ ਲੱਗ ਪਿਆ ਪਰ ਸੱਭ ਇਸ ਨੂੰ ਭੁੱਲ ਗਏ ਕਿ ਸਿਖਰ ਤੇ ਪਹਿਲਾਂ ਪਹੁੰਚਣ ਤੇ ਬੇਸ ਬਣਾਉਣ ਵਾਲੇ ਸਿੱਖ ਜਵਾਨ ਹੀ ਸਨ ਜਿਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਨੇ ਇਸ ਜਿੱਤਦੀ ਨੀਂਹ ਰੱਖੀ ਸੀ।ਡਾਕੂਮੈਂਟਰੀ ਬਣੀ ਤਾਂ ਇਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਦਾ ਕੋਈ ਜ਼ਿਕਰ ਨਾ ਹੋਣ ਕਰਕੇ ਬੜਾ ਅਫਸੋਸ ਹੋਇਆ।

ਕਾਰਗਿਲ ਦੇ ਯੁੱਧ ਵਿੱਚ ਜੋ ਪੰਜਾਬ ਦੇ ਸ਼ਹੀਦ ਹੋਏ ਉਨਾਂ ਦੇ ਨਾਮ ਇਸ ਪਰਕਾਰ ਹਨ:

8 ਸਿੱਖ-ਸੂਬੇਦਾਰ ਕਰਨੈਲ ਸਿੰਘ-ਵੀਰ ਚੱਕਰ, ਨਾਇਕ ਰਣਜੀਤ ਸਿੰਘ-ਸੈਨਾ ਮੈਡਲ, ਸੂਬੇਦਾਰ ਜੋਗਿੰਦਰ ਸਿੰਘ- ਸੈਨਾ ਮੈਡਲ, ਨਾਇਕ ਬਹਾਦਰ ਸਿੰਘ- ਸੈਨਾ ਮੈਡਲ; ਸਿਪਾਹi ਮੇਜਰ ਸਿੰਘ-ਸੈਨਾ ਮੈਡਲ, ਹਵਲਦਾਰ ਦੇਸਾ ਸਿੰਘ, ਹਵਲਦਾਰ ਅਜਾਇਬ ਸਿੰਘ, ਨਾਇਕ ਨਿਰਮਲ ਸਿੰਘ, ਨਾਇਕ ਬਲਦੇਵ ਸਿੰਘ, ਹਵਲਦਾਰ ਵਿਕਰਮ ਸਿੰਘ, ਸਿਪਾਹੀ ਕੁਲਵਿੰਦਰ ਸਿੰਘ, ਸਿਪਾਹੀ ਤਰਲੋਚਨ ਸਿੰਘ, ਸਿਪਾਹੀ ਦਰਸ਼ਨ ਸਿੰਘ, ਸਿਪਾਹੀ ਸੁਰਜੀਤ ਸਿੰਘ, ਸਿਪਾਹੀ ਜਸਵਿੰਦਰ ਸਿੰਘ, ਸਿਪਾਹੀ ਗੁਰਮੇਲ ਸਿੰਘ, ਸਿਪਾਹੀ ਜੀਵਨ ਸਿੰਘ, ਸਿਪਾਹੀ ਰਸ਼ਵਿੰਦਰ ਸਿੰਘ, ਸਿਪਾਹੀ ਸੁਖਵਿੰਦਰ ਸਿੰਘ, ਸਿਪਾਹੀ ਸੁਖਵਿੰਦਰ ਸਿੰਘ ਦੋ।14 ਸਿੱਖ-ਸਿਪਾਹੀ ਬੂਟਾ ਸਿੰਘ।


ਹੋਰ ਪਲਟਣਾਂ ਦੇ ਪੰਜਾਬੀ ਸ਼ਹੀਦ:ਮੇਜਰ: ਹਰਮਿੰਦਰ ਪਾਲ ਸਿੰਘ, ਜੇ ਡੀ ਐਸ ਧਾਲੀਵਾਲ, ਕੇ ਜੀ ਸਿੰਘ; ਸੂਬੇਦਾਰ: ਨੌਨਿਹਾਲ ਸਿੰਘ ਭੁੱਲਰ, ਕੁਲਦੀਪ ਸਿੰਘ, ਸੁੱਚਾ ਸਿੰਘ, ਦਲਜੀਤ ਸਿੰਘ; ਨਾਇਬ ਸੂਬੇਦਾਰ ਕਮਿਲ ਸਿੰਘ; ਹਵਲ ਦਾਰ ਕਮਲਦੇਵ ਸਿੰਘ, ਤਰਸੇਮ ਸਿੰਘ, ਗੁਰਮੀਤ ਸਿੰਘ, ਅਮਰਜੀਤ ਸਿੰਘ, ਗੁਰਮੀਤ ਸਿੰਘ, ਕਰਮ ਸਿੰਘ,ਗਿਆਨ ਸਿੰਘ; ਲਾਂਸ ਹਵਲਦਾਰ ਬਲਦੇਵ ਸਿੰਘ, ਨਾਇਕ ਪੂਰਨ ਸਿੰਘ, ਸੁਚਾ ਸਿੰਘ, ਪਰਮਜੀਤ ਸਿੰਘ, ਸਿਕੰਦਰ ਸਿੰਘ ; ਲਾਂਸ ਨਾਇਕ- ਬਲਵਿੰਦਰ ਸਿੰਘ, ਰਜਿੰਦਰ ਸਿੰਘ, ਦਲਵੀਰ ਸਿੰਘ, ਗੁਰਮੇਲ ਸਿੰਘ, ਅਮਰਜੀਤ ਸਿੰਘ, ਗੁਰਚਰਨ ਸਿੰਘ, ਕੁਲਦੀਪ ਸਿੰਘ, ਰਣਬੀਰ ਸਿੰਘ; ਸਿਪਾਹੀ ਗੁਰਮੇਜ ਸਿੰਘ, ਪਵਨ ਸਿੰਘ, ਜਸਕਰਨ ਸਿੰਘ, ਦਰਸ਼ਨ ਸਿੰਘ, ਜਸਵੰਤ ਸਿੰਘ, ਗੁਰਮੇਲ ਸਿੰਘ, ਦਲਜੀਤ ਸਿੰਘ; ਪੀ ਟੀ ਏ ਹਰਵਿੰਦਰ ਸਿੰਘ, ਗੋਪਾਲ ਸਿੰਘ, ਗ੍ਰੀਨੇਡੀਅਰ ਗੁiਰੰਦਰ ਸਿੰਘ, ਗੁਰਪ੍ਰੀਤ ਸਿੰਘ, ਅਵਤਾਰ ਸਿੰਘ ਅਤੇ ਹੋਰ।
 
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Dalvinder Singh Grewal

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ਕਾਰਗਿਲ ਯੁੱਧ ਵਿੱਚ ਸਿੱਖ ਪਲਟਨਾਂ ਦੀ ਅਦਭੁੱਤ ਬਹਾਦੁਰੀ

ਕਰਨਲ ਡਾ: ਦਲਵਿੰਦਰ ਸਿੰਘ ਗ੍ਰੇਵਾਲ

1925, ਬਸੰਤ ਐਵੇਨਿਊ, ਲੁਧਿਆਣਾ, 919815366726


ਅੱਠ ਸਿੱਖ ਦੀ ਅਦਭੁੱਤ ਬਹਾਦੁਰੀ

14 ਮਈ ਨੂੰ 8 ਸਿੱਖ ਨੂੰ ਟਾਈਗਰ ਹਿੱਲ 'ਤੇ ਮੁੜ ਕਬਜ਼ਾ ਕਰਨ ਦਾ ਕੰਮ ਸੌਂਪਿਆ ਗਿਆ ਸੀ। ਮਿਲੀ ਜਾਣਕਾਰੀ ਬਹੁਤ ਘੱਟ ਸੀ। ਇਹੋ ਖਬਰ ਸੀ ਕਿ ਕੁਝ ਕੁ ਮੁਜਾਹਿਦੀਨ ਹੀ ਉਪਰ ਮੋਰਚਿਆਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਸਨ। । ਜਿਵੇਂ ਹੀ ਹਮਲਾ ਦੱਖਣੀ ਪਹੁੰਚ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ ਇੱਕ ਸ਼ੁਰੂਆਤੀ ਜਾਂਚ ਕਾਰਵਾਈ ਦੇ ਰੂਪ ਵਿੱਚ ਸ਼ੁਰੂ ਹੋਇਆ, ਦੁਸ਼ਮਣ ਦੁਆਰਾ, ਸਿੱਧੀ ਅਤੇ ਅਸਿੱਧੇ ਤੌਰ 'ਤੇ ਤਿੱਖੀ ਗੋਲੀਬਾਰੀ ਕੀਤੀ ਗਈ। ਸਾਹਮਣਿਓਂ ਆਉਂਦੀ ਗੋਲਾਬਾਰੀ ਦੀ ਪਰਵਾਹ ਕੀਤੇ ਬਿਨਾ ਸੂਬੇਦਾਰ ਜੋਗਿੰਦਰ ਸਿੰਘ ਅਤੇ ਉਸਦੀ ਪਲਟਨ ਨੇ ਆਪਣਾ ਮਾਰਚ ਜਾਰੀ ਰੱਖਿਆ ਅਤੇ ਸਫਲਤਾਪੂਰਵਕ ਟਾਈਗਰ ਹਿੱਲ ਦੀ ਚੋਟੀ ਵੱਲ ਜਾਣ ਵਾਲੇ ਸਪਰ ਦੇ ਅਧਾਰ 'ਤੇ ਪਹੁੰਚ ਗਏ। ਇਸ ਚੜਤ ਵਿੱਚ ਸੂਬੇਦਾਰ ਜੋਗਿੰਦਰ ਸਿੰਘ, ਜਿਸ ਨੇ ਲਾਂਸ ਨਾਇਕ ਰਣਜੀਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਨਾਲ ਮਿਲ ਕੇ ਜਵਾਬੀ ਗੋਲੀਬਾਰੀ ਦੀ ਅਗਵਾਈ ਕੀਤੀ, ਨੇ ਮਹਾਨ ਕੁਰਬਾਨੀ ਦਿੱਤੀ। ਟਾਈਗਰ ਹਿੱਲ ਦੇ ਅੰਤਮ ਕਬਜ਼ੇ ਵਿੱਚ ਸੂਬੇਦਾਰ ਦੁਆਰਾ ਹਾਸਲ ਕੀਤੀ ਮਹੱਤਵਪੂਰਨ ਪ੍ਰਾਪਤੀ ਮਹੱਤਵਪੂਰਨ ਸਾਬਤ ਹੋਈ।
ਦੁਸ਼ਮਣ ਦੀ ਗੋਲਾਬਾਰੀ ਦੀ ਮਾਤਰਾ ਤੋਂ ਕੋਈ ਸ਼ੱਕ ਨਹੀਂ ਸੀ ਰਹਿ ਗਿਆ ਕਿ ਦੁਸ਼ਮਣ ਦੀ ਗਿਣਤੀ ਤੇ ਗੋਲਾਬਾਰੀ ਦੀ ਸ਼ਕਤੀ ਕਿਆਸੀ ਹੋਈ ਤਾਕਤ ਤੋਂ ਕਿਤੇ ਜ਼ਿਆਦਾ ਸੀ ਤੇ ਟਾਈਗਰ ਹਿੱਲ ਉਤੇ ਦੁਸ਼ਮਣ ਦੀ ਪਕੜ ਬੜੀ ਮਜ਼ਬੂਤ ਸੀ। ਹਿੱਲ ਕੰਪਲੈਕਸ ਵਿੱਚ ਟਾਈਗਰ ਹਿੱਲ (ਟੌਪ), ਈਸਟਰਨ ਸਪਰ, ਵੈਸਟਰਨ ਸਪਰ, ਇੰਡੀਆਗੇਟ, ਰੌਕੀ ਨੌਬ ਅਤੇ ਹੈਲਮੇਟ ਸ਼ਾਮਲ ਹਨ।

ਫੌਜ ਨੇ ਟਾਈਗਰ ਹਿੱਲ 'ਤੇ ਕਬਜ਼ਾ ਕਰਨ ਤੋਂ ਪਹਿਲਾਂ ਇਸ ਨੂੰ ਅਲੱਗ-ਥਲੱਗ ਕਰਨ ਦੀ ਯੋਜਨਾ ਬਣਾਈ ਸੀ। ਸਿਪਾਹੀਆਂ ਰਸ਼ਵਿੰਦਰ ਸਿੰਘ, ਸੁਖਵਿੰਦਰ ਸਿੰਘ ਅਤੇ ਜਸਵਿੰਦਰ ਸਿੰਘ ਦੁਆਰਾ ਦੁਸ਼ਮਣ ਦੀ ਗੋਲਾਬਾਰੀ ਨੂੰ ਬੇਅਸਰ ਕਰਨ ਲਈ ਪ੍ਰਮੁੱਖ ਉਚਾਈਆਂ 'ਤੇ ਕਬਜ਼ਾ ਕਰਨ ਲਈ 21 ਮਈ ਤੱਕ 8 ਸਿੱਖ ਦੁਆਰਾ ਇਹ ਪ੍ਰਾਪਤੀ ਕੀਤੀ ਗਈ ਸੀ। ਆਪਣੀ ਨਿੱਜੀ ਸੁਰੱਖਿਆ ਦੀ ਪੂਰੀ ਅਣਦੇਖੀ ਕਰਦੇ ਹੋਏ, ਇਹ ਬਹਾਦਰ ਆਦਮੀ ਮੁੱਖ ਨਿਸ਼ਾਨਿਆਂ 'ਤੇ ਕਬਜ਼ਾ ਕਰਨ ਵਿਚ ਸਫਲ ਹੋ ਗਏ।

31 ਮਈ ਤੋਂ 2 ਜੁਲਾਈ ਦੇ ਵਿਚਕਾਰ, ਇਸ ਬਟਾਲੀਅਨ ਦੇ ਜਵਾਨਾਂ ਅਤੇ ਅਫਸਰਾਂ ਨੇ ਸਿੱਧੇ ਅਤੇ ਅਸਿੱਧੇ ਦੋਨੋਂ ਤਰ੍ਹਾਂ ਦੀ ਗੋਲੀਬਾਰੀ ਦੁਆਰਾ ਦੁਸ਼ਮਣ ਨੂੰ ਭਾਰੀ ਨੁਕਸਾਨ ਪਹੁੰਚਾਉਣਾ ਜਾਰੀ ਰੱਖਿਆ ਅਤੇ ਅੱਗੇ ਵਧਦੇ ਰਹੇ ਤਾਂ ਕਿ ਦੁਸ਼ਮਣ ਨੂੰ ਘੇਰ ਲਿਆ ਜਾ ਸਕੇ। ਹਰ ਰਾਤ, ਉਹ ਬਰਫ਼ ਵਿੱਚੋਂ ਲੰਘਦੇ, ਇੱਕ ਰੇਂਗਣ ਵਾਲੀ ਖਾਈ ਬਣਾਉਂਦੇ ਅਤੇ ਇੱਕ ਨਵੀਂ ਪੋਸਟ ਸਥਾਪਤ ਕਰਦੇ - ਹੌਲੀ-ਹੌਲੀ ਪਰ ਨਿਰੰਤਰ ਸਿਖਰ ਵੱਲ ਵਧਦੇ। ਹਰ ਰੋਜ਼ ਦੁਸ਼ਮਣ ਦੀ ਗੋਲੀਬਾਰੀ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ-ਨਾਲ ਮੀਂਹ, ਅਤੇ ਬਰਫ਼ਬਾਰੀ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ ਬਹੁਤ ਹੀ ਕਠੋਰ ਮੌਸਮੀ ਸਥਿਤੀਆਂ ਤੋਂ ਅਣਜਾਣ, ਬਹਾਦਰ ਸਿਪਾਹੀਆਂ ਨੇ ਆਪਣੇ ਦੁਸ਼ਮਣ ਨੂੰ ਹਰਾਉਣ ਅਤੇ ਆਪਣੇ ਅੰਤਿਮ ਨਿਸ਼ਾਨੇ ਲਈ ਤਿਆਰ ਹੋਣ ਦੀ ਹਿੰਮਤ ਕੀਤੀ। ਪਰ ਜਾਨੀ ਨੁਕਸਾਨ ਕਾਫੀ ਹੋਇਆ।

ਕੁੱਲ ਮਿਲਾ ਕੇ 10 ਜਵਾਨ ਸ਼ਹੀਦ ਹੋ ਗਏ ਅਤੇ 48 ਹੋਰ ਜ਼ਖਮੀ ਹੋ ਗਏ। ਇਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਨੁਕਸਾਨਾਂ ਦੇ ਬਾਵਜੂਦ, ਉਹ ਡਟੇ ਰਹੇ ਅਤੇ ਤਿੰਨ ਦਿਸ਼ਾਵਾਂ ਤੋਂ ਟਾਈਗਰ ਹਿੱਲ ਨੂੰ ਅਲੱਗ ਕਰ ਦਿੱਤਾ। ਇਹ ਲਾਜ਼ਮੀ ਸੀ ਕਿ ਟਾਈਗਰ ਹਿੱਲ ਸਿਖਰ 'ਤੇ ਘੁਸਪੈਠੀਆਂ ਨੂੰ ਪੂਰੀ ਤਰ੍ਹਾਂ ਘੇਰਨ ਲਈ ਪੱਛਮੀ ਸਪਰ ਤੇ ਵੀ ਕਬਜ਼ਾ ਕਰ ਲਿਆ ਜਾਂਦਾ।

ਟਾਈਗਰ ਹਿੱਲ ਦੀ ਆਖਰੀ ਲੜਾਈ ਲਈ ਮੇਜਰ ਰਵਿੰਦਰ ਸਿੰਘ ਅਤੇ ਲੈਫਟੀਨੈਂਟ ਸਹਿਰਾਵਤ ਨੇ ਚਾਰ ਜੇਸੀਓਜ਼ ਅਤੇ 52 ਓਆਰਜ਼ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ ਪੱਛਮੀ ਸਪੁਰ 'ਤੇ ਕਬਜ਼ਾ ਕਰਨ ਦੀ ਚੁਣੌਤੀਪੂਰਨ ਜ਼ਿੰਮੇਵਾਰੀ ਨਿਭਾਈ। ਇਹ 4/5 ਜੁਲਾਈ ਦੀ ਰਾਤ ਨੂੰ ਸੀ ਕਿ 8 ਸਿੱਖਾਂ ਦੇ ਬਹਾਦਰ ਸਿਪਾਹੀਆਂ ਦਾ ਇਹ ਦਲ ਬੋਲੇ ਸੋ ਨਿਹਾਲ ਦੇ ਜੈਕਾਰਿਆਂ ਦੌਰਾਨ ਰੋਹੀਨੋ ਹੌਰਨ, ਰੌਕੀ ਨੌਬ, ਹੈਲਮੇਟ ਅਤੇ ਇੰਡੀਆ ਗੇਟ 'ਤੇ ਕਬਜ਼ਾ ਕਰਨ ਲਈ ਰਵਾਨਾ ਹੋਇਆ। ਇਹ ਅਹੁਦਿਆਂ ਨੂੰ ਬਹੁਤ ਮਜ਼ਬੂਤ ਕੀਤਾ ਗਿਆ ਸੀ ਅਤੇ ਪੂਰਬ ਵੱਲ ਟਾਈਗਰ ਹਿੱਲ ਅਤੇ ਪੱਛਮ ਵੱਲ ਟ੍ਰਿਗ ਹਾਈਟਸ ਤੋਂ ਦੁਸ਼ਮਣ ਦਾ ਦਬਦਬਾ ਸੀ। ਇਹ ਕੰਮ ਚੁਣੌਤੀਪੂਰਨ ਸੀ ਕਿਉਂਕਿ ਪਹੁੰਚ 75 ਤੋਂ 80 ਡਿਗਰੀ ਗਰੇਡੀਐਂਟ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ ਢਲਾਣ ਤੋਂ ਸੀ।

ਰਜੀਵੜੇ ਸਿੱਖਾਂ ਲਈ, ਬਹੁਤ ਹੀ ਖਰਾਬ ਮੌਸਮ ਅਤੇ ਬਰਫਾਨੀ ਉਚਾਈਆਂ ਕੋਈ ਮਾਇਨੇ ਨਹੀਂ ਰੱਖਦੀਆਂ। ਸੂਬੇਦਾਰ ਨਿਰਮਲ ਸਿੰਘ, ਨਾਇਬ ਸੂਬੇਦਾਰ ਕਰਨੈਲ ਸਿੰਘ ਅਤੇ ਨਾਇਬ ਸੂਬੇਦਾਰ ਰਵੇਲ ਸਿੰਘ ਨੇ ਪੱਕਾ ਆਧਾਰ ਕਾਇਮ ਕੀਤਾ। ਲੈਫਟੀਨੈਂਟ ਆਰਕੇ ਸਹਿਰਾਵਤ ਨੂੰ ਤਿੰਨ ਟੀਮਾਂ ਦੁਆਰਾ ਹਮਲੇ ਦਾ ਤਾਲਮੇਲ ਕਰਨਾ ਸੀ। ਅੱਧੀ ਰਾਤ ਤੱਕ, ਤਿੰਨੋਂ ਟੀਮਾਂ ਇੰਡੀਆ ਗੇਟ, ਹੈਲਮੇਟ ਅਤੇ ਰੌਕੀ ਨੌਬ 'ਤੇ ਕਬਜ਼ਾ ਕਰਨ ਲਈ ਢੁਕਵੇਂ ਢੰਗ ਨਾਲ ਤਿਆਰ ਸਨ। ਜਿਉਂ ਹੀ ਬੋਲੇ ਸੋ ਨਿਹਾਲ, ਸਤਿ ਸਿਰੀ ਅਕਾਲ ਦੇ ਜੈਕਾਰੇ ਗੂੰਜੇ, ਸਿੱਖ ਯੋਧੇ ਵਧ ਪਏ । ਉਧਰੋਂ ਦੁਸ਼ਮਣ ਨੇ ਗੋਲੇ ਗੋਲੀਆਂ ਦਾ ਮੀਂਹ ਵਰ੍ਹਾ ਦਿਤਾ । ਦੁਸ਼ਮਣ ਦੀ ਤਿੱਖੀ ਗੋਲਾਬਾਰੀ ਅਤੇ ਸਿੱਧੀ ਗੋਲੀਬਾਰੀ ਸ਼ੁਰੂ ਹੋ ਗਈ। ਇੱਕ "ਗਹਿ ਗੱਡਵੀਂ ਲੜਾਈ" ਹੋਈ ਜਿਸ ਦੌਰਾਨ ਬੰਕਰਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਇੱਕ ਤੋਂ ਬਾਅਦ ਇੱਕ ਸਾਫ਼ ਕੀਤਾ ਗਿਆ। ਸਵੇਰੇ 4 ਵਜੇ ਤੱਕ ਇੰਡੀਆ ਗੇਟ ਅਤੇੁਰੂ ਕੀਤਾ ਦੁਸ਼ਮਣ ਤੋਂ ਹਿੰਸਕ ਜਵਾਬੀ ਕਾਰਵਾਈ ਨੂੰ ਦੇਖਦੇ ਹੋਏ, ਕਿਸੇ ਵੀ ਹਮਲੇ ਨੂੰ ਨਾਕਾਮ ਕਰਨ ਲਈ ਸਾਰੀਆਂ ਤਿਆਰੀਆਂ ਕਰ ਲਈਆਂ ਗਈਆਂ ਸਨ।



ਦਰਅਸਲ, ਦੋ ਵੱਡੇ ਹਮਲਿਆਂ ਨੂੰ ਨਾਕਾਮ ਕਰ ਦਿੱਤਾ ਗਿਆ ਜਿਸ ਵਿੱਚ ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨ ਦੇ ਮੇਜਰ ਇਕਬਾਲ ਅਤੇ 12 ਂਲ਼ੀ ਦੇ ਕੈਪਟਨ ਕਮਲ ਸ਼ੇਰ 30 ਹੋਰਾਂ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ ਮਾਰੇ ਗਏ। ਤਿੰਨ ਜੇ.ਸੀ.ਓਜ਼ - ਸਬ ਨਿਰਮਲ ਸਿੰਘ ਅਤੇ ਕਰਨੈਲ ਸਿੰਘ ਅਤੇ ਨਾਇਬ ਸੂਬੇਦਾਰ ਰਵੇਲ ਸਿੰਘ - ਅਤੇ 18 ਜਵਾਨਾਂ ਨੇ ਸਰਵਉੱਚ ਕੁਰਬਾਨੀ ਦਿੱਤੀ। ਜ਼ਖਮੀਆਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਮੇਜਰ ਰਵਿੰਦਰ ਸਿੰਘ ਅਤੇ ਲੈਫਟੀਨੈਂਟ ਸ਼ੇਰਾਵਤ ਤੋਂ ਇਲਾਵਾ 18 ਜਵਾਨ ਪੱਛਮੀ ਸਪਰ ਦੇ ਕਬਜ਼ੇ ਨੇ 7 ਜੁਲਾਈ ਨੂੰ ਟਾਈਗਰ ਹਿੱਲ ਦੀ ਚੋਟੀ 'ਤੇ ਕਬਜ਼ਾ ਕਰਨਾ ਸੰਭਵ ਕੀਤਾ । ਯੂਨਿਟ ਨੇ ਕੁੱਲ 35 ਆਦਮੀ ਸ਼ਹੀਦ ਹੋਏ। ਲਗਭਗ 70 ਜ਼ਖਮੀ ਹੋਏ - ਇੱਕ ਵੱਡੀ ਕੀਮਤ ਸੀ . ਪਰ ਪੂਰੀ ਸ਼ਿੱਦਤ ਨਾਲ, ਟਾਈਗਰ ਹਿੱਲ 'ਤੇ 8 ਸਿੱਖ ਨੇ ਜਿੱਤ ਪ੍ਰਾਪਤ ਕੀਤੀ । ਅੱਠ ਸਿੱਖ ਦੇ ਕੁੱਝ ਬਹਾਦਰਾਂ ਦੀ ਅਦਭੁੱਤ ਬਹਾਦੁਰੀ ਦੇ ਜ਼ਿਕਰ ਤੋਂ ਬਿਨਾ ਇਹ ਲੇਖ ਅਧੂਰਾ ਹੋਵੇਗਾ।



ਨਿਰਮਲ ਸਿੰਘ


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ਸੂਬੇਦਾਰ ਨਿਰਮਲ ਸਿੰਘ
ਸੂਬੇਦਾਰ ਨਿਰਮਲ ਸਿੰਘ 1976 ਵਿੱਚ 8 ਸਿੱਖ ਵਿੱਚ ਭਰਤੀ ਹੋਇਆ। 4 ਜੁਲਾਈ,1999 ਨੂੰ, ਉਹ ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨੀ ਜਵਾਬੀ ਹਮਲੇ ਵਿੱਚ ਬੁਰੀ ਤਰ੍ਹਾਂ ਜ਼ਖਮੀ ਹੋਏ ਲੋਕਾਂ ਵਿੱਚੋਂ ਇੱਕ ਸੀ ਪਰ ਉਸਨੇ ਆਪਣੀ ਫੌਜ ਦੀ ਕਮਾਂਡ ਬਰਕਰਾਰ ਰੱਖੀ ਅਤੇ ਵਾਇਰਲੈਸ 'ਤੇ ਬ੍ਰਿਗੇਡ ਕਮਾਂਡਰ (ਬ੍ਰਿਗੇਡੀਅਰ ਐਮਪੀਐਸ ਬਾਜਵਾ) ਦੇ ਸੰਪਰਕ ਵਿੱਚ ਸੀ ਜੋ ਉਸਨੂੰ ਪ੍ਰੇਰਿਤ ਕਰਦਾ ਰਿਹਾ। ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨ ਦੇ ਹਮਲਿਆਂ ਨੂੰ ਹਰਾਉਣ ਲਈ ਭਾਰੀ ਹੱਥੋਂ-ਹੱਥ ਲੜਾਈ ਵਿੱਚ ਸੂਬੇਦਾਰ ਨਿਰਮਲ ਸਿੰਘ ਨੇ ਗੰਭੀਰ ਜ਼ਖ਼ਮੀ ਹੋਣ ਦੇ ਬਾਵਜੂਦ ਆਪਣੇ ਜੈਕਾਰਾ ਜਵਾਨਾਂ ਦੀ ਅਗਵਾਈ ਕੀਤੀ ਅਤੇ ਅੰਤ ਵਿੱਚ ਸਿਰ ਵਿੱਚ ਗੋਲੀ ਲੱਗਣ ਨਾਲ ਉਸ ਦੀ ਮੌਤ ਹੋ ਗਈ। ਉਸ ਦੇ ਸਿਰ 'ਤੇ ਸਿੱਧੀ ਸੱਟ ਲੱਗਣ ਕਾਰਨ ਮਾਰੇ ਜਾਣ ਤੋਂ ਪਹਿਲਾਂ, ਸੂਬੇਦਾਰ ਸਾਹਬ ਨੇ ਸਾਨੂੰ 'ਬੋਲੇ ਸੋ ਨਿਹਾਲ ਸਤਿ ਸ੍ਰੀ ਅਕਾਲ' ਦੇ ਜੈਕਾਰੇ ਲਗਾਉਣ ਅਤੇ ਹਮਲਾਵਰ ਦੁਸ਼ਮਣ ਅਤੇ ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਦੀ ਅਗਵਾਈ ਕਰ ਰਹੇ ਅਧਿਕਾਰੀ ਨੂੰ ਖਬਰ ਭੇਜਣ ਲਈ ਕਿਹਾ ਸੀ। ਹਵਲਦਾਰ ਸਤਨਾਮ ਸਿੰਘ ਨੇ ਦੱਸਿਆ।

ਬ੍ਰੀਗੇਡੀਅਰ ਬਾਜਵਾ ਨੇ ਕਿਹਾ “8 ਸਿੱਖ ਦੇ ਜਵਾਨ ਜੂਝਦੇ ਹੋਏ ਸਿਖਰ 'ਤੇ ਪਹੁੰਚ ਗਏ ਪਰ ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨੀਆਂ ਦੀ ਭਾਰੀ ਗੋਲੀਬਾਰੀ ਹੇਠ ਆ ਗਏ ਜਿਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਨੇ ਚੰਗੀ ਤਰ੍ਹਾਂ ਤਿਆਰੀ ਕੀਤੀ ਹੋਈ ਸੀ। 8 ਸਿੱਖ ਦੇ ਜਵਾਨਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਪਿਛੇ ਹਟਣਾ ਪਿਆ ਅਤੇ ਉਹ ਸਿਖਰ 'ਤੇ ਲਟਕਦੇ ਰਹੇ। ਮੈਂ ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਰੇਡੀਓ 'ਤੇ ਪ੍ਰੇਰਣਾਦਾਇਕ ਭਾਸ਼ਣ ਦਿੱਤਾ ਅਤੇ ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਕਿਹਾ ਕਿ ਵਾਰ-ਵਾਰ ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨੀ ਜਵਾਬੀ ਹਮਲਿਆਂ ਦੇ ਸਾਹਮਣੇ ਇਕ ਇੰਚ ਵੀ ਪਿੱਛੇ ਨਾ ਹਟਣ। ਦੋ ਅਫਸਰਾਂ ਦੇ ਜ਼ਖਮੀ ਹੋਣ ਅਤੇ ਤਿੰਨ ਜੇ.ਸੀ.ਓਜ਼ ਦੇ ਮਾਰੇ ਜਾਣ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ, ਸੂਬੇਦਾਰ ਨਿਰਮਲ ਸਿੰਘ ਇਕਲੌਤਾ ਆਗੂ ਬਚਿਆ ਸੀ ਅਤੇ ਮੈਂ ਉਸ ਨੂੰ ਕਿਹਾ ਕਿ ਉਸ ਨੂੰ ਇਹ ਯਕੀਨੀ ਬਣਾਉਣਾ ਪਏਗਾ ਕਿ ਦਸਮੇਸ਼ ਪਿਤਾ (ਗੁਰੂ ਗੋਬਿੰਦ ਸਿੰਘ) ਦੁਆਰਾ ਸਿੱਖਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਬਖ਼ਸ਼ਿਆ ਮਾਣ ਸਨਮਾਨ ਘੱਟ ਨਾ ਹੋਣ ਦਿੱਤਾ ਜਾਵੇ”।

"ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ (8 ਸਿੱਖ ਬਟਾਲੀਅਨ) ਨੇ ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨੀ ਜਵਾਬੀ ਹਮਲਿਆਂ ਵਿੱਚ 14 ਜਵਾਨ ਗੁਆ ਦਿੱਤੇ ਅਤੇ ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਦੇ ਦੋਵੇਂ ਅਧਿਕਾਰੀ ਜ਼ਖਮੀ ਹੋ ਗਏ ਅਤੇ ਸਾਰੇ ਚਾਰ ਜੇਸੀਓ ਮਾਰੇ ਗਏ," ਬ੍ਰਿਗੇਡੀਅਰ ਬਾਜਵਾ ਨੇ" ਕਿਹਾ। ਅਗਵਾਈ ਲਈ ਸਿਰਫ ਸੂਬੇਦਾਰ ਨਿਰਮਲ ਸਿੰਘ ਹੀ ਬਚਿਆ ਸੀ ਜਿਸ ਨੇ ਅਦਭੁਤ ਬਹਾਦੁਰੀ ਤੇ ਮਿਸਾਲੀ ਅਗਵਾਈ ਨਾਲ ਦੁਸ਼ਮਣ ਦਾ ਟਾਕਰਾ ਕੀਤਾ ਅਤੇ ਆਖਰੀ ਦਮ ਤੱਕ ਲੜਦੇ ਹੋਏ ਸ਼ਹੀਦੀ ਪਾਈ। ਸੂਬੇਦਾਰ ਨਿਰਮਲ ਸਿੰਘ ਦਾ ਜਨਮ 6 ਮਈ 1957 ਨੂੰ ਜ਼ਿਲ੍ਹਾ ਗੁਰਦਾਸਪੁਰ ਦੇ ਇੱਕ ਪਿੰਡ ਵਿੱਚ ਹੋਇਆ। ਉਹ 1976 ਵਿਚ 8 ਸਿੱਖ ਵਿਚ ਭਰਤੀ ਹੋਇਆ ਸੀ। 4 ਜੁਲਾਈ, 1999 ਨੂੰ, ਉਹ ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨੀ ਜਵਾਬੀ ਹਮਲੇ ਵਿਚ ਬੁਰੀ ਤਰ੍ਹਾਂ ਜ਼ਖਮੀ ਹੋਏ ਲੋਕਾਂ ਵਿਚ ਸ਼ਾਮਲ ਸੀ ਪਰ ਉਸ ਨੇ ਆਪਣੀਆਂ ਫੌਜਾਂ ਦੀ ਕਮਾਂਡ ਬਰਕਰਾਰ ਰੱਖੀ ਅਤੇ ਵਾਇਰਲੈੱਸ 'ਤੇ ਬ੍ਰਿਗੇਡ ਕਮਾਂਡਰ (ਬ੍ਰਿਗੇਡੀਅਰ ਐਮ.ਪੀ.ਐਸ. ਬਾਜਵਾ) ਦੇ ਸੰਪਰਕ ਵਿਚ ਸੀ, ਜਿਸ ਨੇ ਉਸ ਨੂੰ ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨ ਦੇ ਹਮਲਿਆਂ ਨੂੰ ਹਰਾਉਣ ਲਈ ਪ੍ਰੇਰਿਤ ਕੀਤਾ। ਸੂਬੇਦਾਰ ਨਿਰਮਲ ਸਿੰਘ ਨੂੰ ਮਰਨ ਉਪਰੰਤ ਵੀਰ ਚੱਕਰ ਨਾਲ ਸਨਮਾਨਿਤ ਕੀਤਾ ਗਿਆ।

ਹਵਲਦਾਰ ਸਤਪਾਲ ਸਿੰਘ


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ਹਵਲਦਾਰ ਸਤਪਾਲ ਸਿੰਘ

ਹਵਲਦਾਰ ਸਤਪਾਲ ਸਿੰਘ ਅੱਠ ਸਿੱਖ ਦਾ ਬਹਾਦਰ ਜਵਾਨ ਸੀ ਜਿਸ ਨੇ ਕੈਪਟਨ ਸ਼ੇਰ ਖਾਨ ਨੂੰ ਮਾਰਿਆ ਸੀ ਤੇ ਨਾਲ ਹੋਰਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਵੀ ਹੱਥੋ ਹੱਥ ਦੀ ਪੰਜ ਮਿੰਟਾਂ ਦੀ ਲੜਾਈ ਵਿੱਚ ਹੀ ਮੌਤ ਦੇ ਘਾਟ ਉਤਾਰ ਦਿੱਤਾ ਸੀ ।ਸਤਪਾਲ ਸਿੰਘ ਦੇ ਕਹਿਣ ਮੁਤਾਬਕ ਜੁਲਾਈ 6, 1999 ਨੂੰ ਉਹਨਾਂ ਦਾ ਪਹਿਲਾ ਨਿਸ਼ਾਨਾ ਇੰਡੀਆ ਗੇਟ ਪਹੁੰਚਣਾ ਸੀ ਜਿਸ ਨਾਲ ਟਾਈਗਰ ਹਿਲ ਨੂੰ ਜਿੱਤਣ ਵਿੱਚ ਮਦਦ ਮਿਲਣੀ ਸੀ ।ਸਤਪਾਲ ਸਿੰਘ ਜਿਸ ਦਾ ਪਿਤਾ ਅਜਾਇਬ ਸਿੰਘ 1971 ਦੀ ਲੜਾਈ ਵਿੱਚ ਫਿਰੋਜ਼ਪੁਰ ਦੀ ਹੱਦ ਦੇ ਵਿੱਚ ਲੜਦਾ ਹੋਇਆ ਸ਼ਹੀਦ ਹੋਇਆ ਸੀ ਆਪਣੇ ਆਪ ਨੂੰ ਬੜਾ ਜਿੰਮੇਵਾਰ ਸਿਪਾਹੀ ਸਮਝਦਾ ਸੀ, ਨੇ ਦੱਸਿਆ : “ਅੱਠ ਸਿੱਖ ਰੈਜੀਮੈਂਟ ਨੂੰ ਜ਼ਿਮੇਵਾਰੀ ਦਿਤੀ ਗਈ ਸੀ ਕਿ ਉਹ ਟਾਈਗਰ ਹਿਲ ਦੀ ਖੱਬੀ ਬਾਹੀ ਨੂੰ ਕਬਜ਼ੇ ਵਿੱਚ ਲੈ ਕੇ ਟਾਈਗਰ ਹਿੱਲ ਉਤੇ ਹਮਲੇ ਲਈ ਬੇਸ ਬਣਨਗੇ।ਉਹਨਾਂ ਨੇ ਆਪਣੀ ਘਟਕ ਪਲਾਟੂਨ ਉੱਪਰ ਭੇਜੀ ਜਿਸ ਵਿੱਚ ਦੋ ਅਫਸਰ, ਚਾਰ ਜੇਸੀਓ ਤੇ 46 ਜਵਾਨ ਸਨ । 4 ਜੁਲਾਈ 1999 ਨੂੰ ਘਟਕ ਪਲਾਟੂਨ ਨੇ ਜਪੁਜੀ ਸਾਹਿਬ ਦਾ ਪਾਠ ਕਰਕੇ ਤੇ ਅਰਦਾਸ ਕਰਨ ਤੋਂ ਬਾਅਦ ਚੜ੍ਹਾਈ ਚੜ੍ਹਨੀ ਸ਼ੁਰੂ ਕੀਤੀ।ਨਾਂ ਦਾ ਨਿਸ਼ਾਨਾ ਇੰਡੀਆ ਗੇਟ ਤੇ ਪਹੁੰਚ ਕੇ ਉਸ ਨੂੰ ਕਬਜ਼ੇ ਵਿੱਚ ਲੈਣਾ ਸੀ ਤਾਂ ਕਿ ਟਾਈਗਰ ਹਿੱਲ ਤੇ ਚੜ੍ਹਨ ਲਈ ਉਸ ਦਾ ਸੌਖਾ ਰਾਸਤਾ ਬਣ ਸਕੇ ਤੇ ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨੀ ਸੈਨਾ ਤੋਂ ਟਾਈਗਰ ਹਿਲ ਛਡਵਾਈ ਜਾ ਸਕੇ” ।
ਸ ਨੇ ਦੱਸਿਆ ਕਿ 5 ਜੁਲਾਈ ਦੀ ਸਵੇਰ ਉਸ ਉਨਾਂ ਨੇ ਬੋਲੇ ਸੋ ਨਿਹਾਲ ਦਾ ਨਾਅਰਾ ਲਾ ਕੇ ਇੰਡੀਆ ਗੇਟ ਉੱਤੇ ਹਮਲਾ ਕਰ ਦਿੱਤਾ। ਕੁਝ ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨੀ ਸਿਪਾਹੀਆਂ ਨੂੰ ਮਾਰ ਮੁਕਾਇਆ ਪਰ ਕੁਝ ਬਚ ਕੇ ਨਿਕਲ ਗਏ । ਦੂਜੇ ਦਿਨ 6 ਜੁਲਾਈ ਨੂੰ ਉਹਨਾਂ ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨੀ ਸਿਪਾਹੀਆਂ ਬਹੁਤ ਭਾਰੀ ਗਿਣਤੀ ਵਿੱਚ ਦੁਬਾਰਾ ਹਮਲਾ ਕੀਤਾ ਸੀ ਪਰ ਸਿੱਖ ਸਿਪਾਹੀ ਬੋਲੇ ਸੋ ਨਿਹਾਲ ਦੇ ਜੈਕਾਰੇ ਲਾਉਂਦੇ ਹੋਏ ਬੜੀ ਬਹਾਦਰੀ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ ਇਹਨਾਂ ਵੱਧਦੇ ਹੋਏ ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨੀ ਸਿਪਾਹੀਆਂ ਨੂੰ ਦੋ ਵਾਰ ਪਿੱਛੇ ਧੱਕ ਦਿੱਤਾ ।ਉਨਾਂ ਦਾ ਕਮਾਂਡਰ ਕੈਪਟਨ ਸ਼ੇਰ ਖਾਨ ਸੀ ਜਿਸ ਨੇ ਦੁਬਾਰਾ ਫਿਰ ਫੌਜਾਂ ਇਕੱਠੀਆਂ ਕਰਕੇ ਤੀਜੀ ਵਾਰ ਉਸਨੇ ਸਾਡੇ ਉੱਤੇ ਹਮਲਾ ਕੀਤਾ ਪਰ ਅਸੀਂ ਉਸ ਨੂੰ ਇਹੋ ਜਿਹੀ ਮਾਰ ਦਿਖਾਈ ਕਿ ਕੈਪਟਨ ਸ਼ੇਰ ਖਾਨ ਨੂੰ ਖੁਦ ਮਾਰਿਆ।

ਸ਼ੇਰ ਖਾਂ ਟਰੈਕ ਸੂਟ ਵਿੱਚ ਸੀ । ਉਸ ਸਮੇਂ ਸਾਨੂੰ ਨਹੀਂ ਸੀ ਪਤਾ ਕਿ ਉਹ ਇੱਕ ਅਫਸਰ ਹੈ ਸਾਡੀ ਉਸ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ ਪੰਜ ਮਿੰਟ ਦੀ ਗਹਿ ਗਚਵੀਂ ਲੜਾਈ ਹੋਈ ਤੇ ਗਾਲ ਗਲੋਚ ਵੀ ਹੁੰਦਾ ਰਿਹਾ । ਉਹ ਸਾਨੂੰ ਗਾਲਾਂ ਕੱਢਦਾ ਰਿਹਾ । ਮੈਂ ਉਸ ਉੱਤੇ ਗੋਲੀਆਂ ਚਲਾਈਆਂ ਤੇ ਉਸ ਨੂੰ ਜ਼ਖਮੀ ਕਰ ਦਿੱਤਾ ਫਿਰ ਉਸ ਉੱਤੇ ਟੁੱਟ ਕੇ ਪੈ ਗਿਆ ਤੇ ਸੈਕਿੰਡਾਂ ਚ ਹੀ ਮੈਂ ਕੈਪਟਨ ਸ਼ੇਰਖਾਨ ਨੂੰ ਸੁੱਟ ਲਿਆ ਲੇਕਿਨ ਮੇਰੇ ਉੱਤੇ ਵੀ ਏਕੇ 47 ਨਾਲ ਕੈਪਟਨ ਸ਼ੇਰ ਖਾਨ ਦਾ ਚਾਰ ਗੋਲੀਆਂ ਦਾ ਫਾਇਰ ਹੋਇਆ ਜਿਸਨੇ ਮਰੀ ਸੱਜੀ ਲੱਤ, ਪੇਟ, ਖੱਬਾ ਹੱਥ ਤੇ ਖੱਬਾ ਮੋਢਾ ਜ਼ਖਮੀ ਕਰ ਦਿੱਤੇ । ਮੈਂ ਫਿਰ ਵੀ ਆਪਣੇ ਆਪ ਨੂੰ ਕਾਬੂ ਕੀਤਾ ਤੇ ਫਾਇਰਿੰਗ ਕਰਦੇ ਹੋਏ ਸ਼ੇਰ ਖਾਨ ਦੇ ਉੱਤੇ ਦੁਬਾਰਾ ਹਮਲਾ ਕੀਤਾ ਤੇ ਉਸ ਨੂੰ ਮਾਰਿਆ । ਸ਼ੇਰ ਖਾਨ ਨਾਲ ਮੇਰੀ ਇਹ ਹੱਥੋਂ ਹੱਥ ਦੀ ਲੜਾਈ ਸੀ ਤੇ ਜਿਸ ਵਿੱਚ ਮੈਂ ਸ਼ੇਰ ਖਾਨ ਨੂੰ ਬੁਰੀ ਤਰ੍ਹਾਂ ਮਾਰਿਆ । ਅਸੀਂ ਬੜੀ ਬਹਾਦਰੀ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ ਇੱਕ ਦੂਜੇ ਨਾਲ ਲੜੇ ਤੇ ਲਗਾਤਾਰ ਬੋਲੇ ਸੋ ਨਿਹਾਲ ਦੇ ਜੈਕਾਰੇ ਲਗਾਉਂਦੇ ਰਹੇ ।

ਸਾਡੀ ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨੀਆਂ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ ਲਗਭਗ 50 ਮਿੰਟ ਤੱਕ ਲੜਾਈ ਹੋਈ ਜਿਹਦੇ ਚ ਸਾਡੇ 18 ਜਵਾਨ ਸ਼ਹੀਦ ਹੋਏ ਜਿਨਾਂ ਚ ਤਿੰਨ ਜੇਸੀਓ ਤੇ 15 ਜਵਾਨ ਸਨ ਜਦ ਕਿ ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨ ਦੇ 85 ਜਵਾਨ ਮਾਰੇ ਗਏ । ਸੱਤ ਜੁਲਾਈ ਨੂੰ ਸਾਡੀ ਟੀਮ ਆਪਣੇ ਹੈਡਕੁਆਰਟਰ ਪਹੁੰਚੀ ਤੇ ਜ਼ਖਮੀਆਂ ਨੂੰ ਹਸਪਤਾਲ ਪਹੁੰਚਾਇਆ ਗਿਆ ਜਿਹਨਾਂ ਚ ਮੈਂ ਵੀ ਸ਼ਾਲ ਸਾਂ।

ਸ਼ੇਰ ਖਾਨ ਬਾਰੇ ਮੈਂ ਇਹ ਦੱਸਾਂ ਕਿ ਬੜਾ ਬਹਾਦਰ ਸੀ ਤੇ ਉਸ ਨੇ ਜੋ ਬਹਾਦਰੀ ਦਿਖਾਈ ਉਸ ਦੇ ਬਦਲੇ ਚ ਸਾਡੇ ਖੁਦ ਆਪਣੇ ਕਮਾਂਡਰ ਨੇ ਉਸ ਦੀ ਜੇਬ ਦੇ ਵਿੱਚ ਇੱਕ ਚਿੱਟ ਪਾਈ ਜਿਹਦੇ ਉੱਤੇ ਲਿਖਿਆ।“ ਉਸ ਸਮੇਂ ਉਸਨੂੰ ਬਹੁਤ ਘੱਟ ਪਤਾ ਸੀ ਕਿ ਜਿਸ ਆਦਮੀ ਨਾਲ ਉਸਨੇ ਹੱਥੋ-ਹੱਥ ਲੜਾਈ ਕੀਤੀ ਸੀ ਉਹ ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨੀ ਫੌਜ ਦੀ ਨਾਰਦਰਨ ਲਾਈਟ ਇਨਫੈਂਟਰੀ ਦਾ ਕੈਪਟਨ ਕਰਨਲ ਸ਼ੇਰ ਖਾਨ ਸੀ ਅਤੇ ਜਿਸ ਨੂੰ ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨ ਦਾ ਸਰਵਉੱਚ ਬਹਾਦਰੀ ਪੁਰਸਕਾਰ, ਨਿਸ਼ਾਨ-ਏ ਮਿਲਿਆ ਸੀ। -ਹੈਦਰ, ਭਾਰਤੀ ਬ੍ਰਿਗੇਡ ਕਮਾਂਡਰ ਬ੍ਰਿਗੇਡੀਅਰ ਬਾਜਵਾ ਦੀ ਸਿਫਾਰਿਸ਼ 'ਤੇ, ਜਿਸ ਨੇ ਮ੍ਰਿਤਕ ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨੀ ਕੈਪਟਨ ਦੇ ਟਰੈਕਸੂਟ ਦੀ ਜੇਬ 'ਚ ਚਿਟ ਪਾਈ ਸੀ।

ਸ਼ੇਰ ਖਾਨ ਬੜੀ ਬਹਾਦਰੀ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ ਲੜਿਆ ਤੇ ਬੜੀ ਬਹਾਦਰੀ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ ਹੀ ਉਸ ਨੇ ਆਪਣੀ ਸ਼ਹੀਦੀ ਪਾਈ ।“ ਸਤਪਾਲ ਸਿੰਘ ਜੋ ਚਾਰ ਗੋਲੀਆਂ ਤੋਂ ਬਾਅਦ ਵੀ ਖਾਣ ਤੋਂ ਬਾਅਦ ਵੀ ਬਚਿਆ ਰਿਹਾ ਤੇ ਰਿਟਾਇਰ ਹੋਣ ਵੇਲੇ ਸੂਬੇਦਾਰ ਬਣ ਗਿਆ ਜਿਸ ਪਿੱਛੋਂ ਉਸ ਨੇ ਪੰਜਾਬ ਪੁਲਿਸ ਵਿੱਚ ਨੌਕਰੀ ਕਰ ਲਈ । ਆਪਣੇ ਪਿਤਾ ਅਜੈਬ ਸਿੰਘ ਵਾਂਗ ਹੀ ਜੋ ਸਨ ਫਿਰੋਜ਼ਪੁਰ ਦੀ ਬਾਰਡਰ ਤੇ ਤਿੰਨ ਗਾਰਡ ਰੈਜੀਮੈਂਟ ਨਾਲ 1971 ਦੀ ਲੜਾਈ ਲੜੇ ਆਪਣੇ ਆਪ ਨੂੰ ਵੀ ਇੱਕ ਬਹਾਦਰ ਸੂਰਵੀਰ ਸਿੱਧ ਕੀਤਾ।

ਮੈਨੂੰ ਚਾਰ ਗੋਲੀਆਂ ਲੱਗੀਆਂ ਸਨ ਅਤੇ ਮੇਰੀ ਲਾਈਟ ਮਸ਼ੀਨ ਗਨ (ਲ਼ੰਘ) ਦੇ ਦੋ ਮੈਗਜ਼ੀਨ ਦੁਸ਼ਮਣਾਂ 'ਤੇ ਫਾਇਰ ਕੀਤੇ ਗਏ ਸਨ ਕਿਉਂਕਿ ਹੱਥੋਂ-ਹੱਥ ਲੜਾਈ ਸ਼ੁਰੂ ਹੋ ਗਈ ਸੀ। ਮੈਂ ਟ੍ਰੈਕਸੂਟ ਪਹਿਨੇ ਅਤੇ ਪਾਕਿ ਫੌਜਾਂ ਦੀ ਅਗਵਾਈ ਕਰ ਰਹੇ ਲੰਬਾ, ਚੰਗੀ ਤਰ੍ਹਾਂ ਬਣੇ ਆਦਮੀ 'ਤੇ ਝਪਟਿਆ। ਦੋਵਾਂ ਪਾਸਿਆਂ ਤੋਂ ਗਾਲ੍ਹਾਂ ਕੱਢਣ ਨਾਲ ਚਾਰੇ ਪਾਸੇ ਹਫੜਾ-ਦਫੜੀ ਮਚ ਗਈ ਪਰ ਮੈਂ ਉਸ ਨੂੰ ਮਾਰਨ ਵਿਚ ਕਾਮਯਾਬ ਹੋ ਗਿਆ, ”ਹਵਲਦਾਰ ਸਤਪਾਲ ਸਿੰਘ ਜਿਸ ਨੇ ਇਸੇ ਲੜਾਈ ਵਿਚ ਵੀਰ ਚੱਕਰ ਵੀ ਹਾਸਲ ਕੀਤਾ ਸੀ, ਨੇ ਦੱਸਿਆ।

14 ਸਿੱਖ ਦੀ ਬਹਾਦੁਰੀ

ਸਿੱਖ ਰੈਜੀਮੈਂਟ ਦੀਆਂ ਉੱਚ ਪਰੰਪਰਾਵਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਆਪਣਾ ਕੰਮ ਪੂਰਾ ਕਰਨ ਤੋਂ ਬਾਅਦ, ਸਿੱਖ ਬਟਾਲੀਅਨ ਦੇ 14 ਸਿੱਖ ਦੀ ਵਾਰੀ ਸੀ, ਦੁਸ਼ਮਣ ਨੂੰ ਇੱਕ ਹੋਰ ਸਬਕ ਸਿਖਾਉਣ ਦੀ।

27 ਮਈ ਨੂੰ ਬਟਾਲੀਅਨ ਨੂੰ ਲੇਹ ਲਈ ਏਅਰਲਿਫਟ ਕੀਤਾ ਗਿਆ ਸੀ। ਮੇਜਰ ਰੋਹਿਤ ਸਹਿਗਲ ਦੀ ਅਗਵਾਈ ਵਾਲੀ ਐਡਵਾਂਸ ਪਾਰਟੀ ਨੂੰ ਕੱਸਰ ਖੇਤਰ ਵਿੱਚ ਦੁਸ਼ਮਣ ਦੀ ਘੁਸਪੈਠ ਨੂੰ ਰੋਕਣ ਲਈ ਪਹਿਲਾਂ ਹੀ ਚੰਨੀਗੁੰਡ ਭੇਜਿਆ ਗਿਆ ਸੀ। ਇਸ ਪਾਰਟੀ ਨੇ ਸੰਵੇਦਨਸ਼ੀਲ ਬਟਾਲਿਕ ਸੈਕਟਰ ਵਿੱਚ ਕਿਸੇ ਵੀ ਹੋਰ ਘੁਸਪੈਠ ਨੂੰ ਰੋਕਣ ਲਈ ਇੱਕ ਰੱਖਿਆਤਮਕ ਸਥਾਨ 'ਤੇ ਕਬਜ਼ਾ ਕਰ ਲਿਆ ਅਤੇ ਅਪਮਾਨਜਨਕ ਕਾਰਵਾਈਆਂ ਲਈ ਇੱਕ ਮਜ਼ਬੂਤ ਅਧਾਰ ਪ੍ਰਦਾਨ ਕੀਤਾ।

27 ਮਈ ਨੂੰ, ਦੁਸ਼ਮਣ ਨੇ ਇਸ ਰੱਖਿਆਤਮਕ ਸਥਾਨ 'ਤੇ ਪ੍ਰਭਾਵਸ਼ਾਲੀ ਅਤੇ ਤੇਜ਼ ਗੋਲੀਬਾਰੀ ਕੀਤੀ। ਦੁਸ਼ਮਣ ਦੀ ਗੋਲਾਬਾਰੀ ਨੂੰ ਬੇਅਸਰ ਕਰਨ ਲਈ, ਸਿਪਾਹੀ ਬੂਟਾ ਸਿੰਘ ਨੇ ਮਿਸਾਲੀ ਦਲੇਰੀ ਅਤੇ ਬਹਾਦਰੀ ਦਿਖਾਉਂਦੇ ਹੋਏ ਮੀਡੀਅਮ ਮਸ਼ੀਨ ਗੰਨ ਨੂੰ ਇੱਕ ਅਸਰਦਾਰ ਥਾਂ ਤੇ ਤੈਨਾਤ ਕੀਤਾ ਅਤੇ ਲਗਭਗ ਚਾਰ ਘੰਟੇ ਤੱਕ ਦੁਸ਼ਮਣ 'ਤੇ ਪ੍ਰਭਾਵਸ਼ਾਲੀ ਗੋਲੀ ਚਲਾਈ। ਦੁਸ਼ਮਣ ਨੇ ਪ੍ਰਭਾਵਸ਼ਾਲੀ ਗੋਲਾਬਾਰੀ ਨੂੰ ਬੇਅਸਰ ਕਰਨ ਲਈ ਆਪਣੀ ਗੋਲਾਬਾਰੀ ਨੂੰ ਕੇਂਦਰਿਤ ਕੀਤਾ। ਸਿਪਾਹੀ ਬੂਟਾ ਸਿੰਘ, ਦੁਸ਼ਮਣ ਦੇ ਛੋਟੇ ਹਥਿਆਰਾਂ ਦੀ ਗੋਲੀ ਦਾ ਸ਼ਿਕਾਰ ਹੋ ਕੇ ਵੀ ਆਪਣੀ ਐਮਐਮਜੀ ਨੂੰ ਉਦੋਂ ਤੱਕ ਚਲਾਉਂਦਾ ਰਿਹਾ ਜਦੋਂ ਤੱਕ ਉਸਨੇ ਆਖਰੀ ਸਾਹ ਨਹੀਂ ਲਿਆ ਅਤੇ ਦੁਸ਼ਮਣ ਨੂੰ ਕੰਪਨੀ ਦੀ ਰੱਖਿਆ ਵਾਲੇ ਇਲਾਕੇ 'ਤੇ ਕਬਜ਼ਾ ਕਰਨ ਤੋਂ ਰੋਕਿਆ।

7 ਜੂਨ ਨੂੰ 14 ਸਿੱਖਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਚੋਰਬਾਟਲਾ ਦੀ ਜ਼ਿੰਮੇਵਾਰੀ ਸੌਂਪੀ ਗਈ। ਇਹ ਕੰਟਰੋਲ ਰੇਖਾ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ-ਨਾਲ ਕਮਾਂਡਿੰਗ ਹਾਈਟਸ ਵੱਲ ਵਧਿਆ ਅਤੇ ਕਬਜ਼ਾ ਕਰ ਲਿਆ। ਲੇਹ ਪਹੁੰਚਣ ਦੇ ਤੁਰੰਤ ਬਾਅਦ, 14 ਸਿੱਖਾਂ ਨੇ ਇੱਕ ਕੰਪਨੀ ਕਾਲਮ ਨੂੰ ਚੋਰਬਾਟਲਾ ਲਈ ਰਵਾਨਾ ਕੀਤਾ ਤਾਂ ਕਿ ਉੱਥੇ ਹਲਕੇ ਤੌਰ 'ਤੇ ਰੱਖੀ ਗਈ ਸਥਿਤੀ ਨੂੰ ਮਜ਼ਬੂਤ ਕੀਤਾ ਜਾ ਸਕੇ। ਕੰਪਨੀ 15,000 ਫੁੱਟ ਤੋਂ ਵੱਧ ਦੀ ਉਚਾਈ 'ਤੇ 22 ਕਿਲੋਮੀਟਰ ਦੀ ਦੂਰੀ ਨੂੰ ਕਵਰ ਕਰਦੇ ਹੋਏ ਹਨੁਥਾਂਗ ਅਤੇ ਹੈਂਡਨਬਰੋਕ ਵੱਲ ਚਲੀ ਗਈ।ਇਹ ਆਪਣੇ ਆਪ ਵਿੱਚ ਇੱਕ ਕਾਰਨਾਮਾ ਸੀ ਅਤੇ ਬਹਾਦਰ ਸਿੱਖ ਸੈਨਿਕਾਂ ਦੀ ਸਰੀਰਕ ਅਤੇ ਮਾਨਸਿਕ ਮਜ਼ਬੂਤੀ ਨੂੰ ਦਰਸਾਉਂਦਾ ਸੀ।

ਸੈਕਟਰ ਵਿੱਚ ਦੁਸ਼ਮਣ ਦੀ ਗਤੀਵਿਧੀ ਕੁਝ ਹੱਦ ਤੱਕ ਘੱਟ ਸੀ। ਨਾਇਬ ਸੂਬੇਦਾਰ ਜਸਬੀਰ ਸਿੰਘ ਨੇ ਇੱਕ ਮਿਸਾਲੀ ਯਤਨ ਵਿੱਚ ਪੁਆਇੰਟ 5620 (ਲਗਭਗ 19,000 ਫੁੱਟ) 'ਤੇ ਇੱਕ ਸੈਕਸ਼ਨ ਪੋਸਟ ਦੀ ਸਥਾਪਨਾ ਕੀਤੀ। ਉਸਦੇ ਉੱਦਮ ਨੇ ਚੋਰਬਾਟਲਾ ਦੇ ਪੂਰਬੀ ਹਿੱਸੇ ਨੂੰ ਸੁਰੱਖਿਅਤ ਕੀਤਾ। ਇਸ ਤੋਂ ਬਾਅਦ ਦੁਸ਼ਮਣ ਪੂਰੀ ਤਰ੍ਹਾਂ ਹਾਵੀ ਹੋ ਗਿਆ।

ਇਸੇ ਤਰ੍ਹਾਂ ਪੰਜਾਬ ਦੀਆਂ ਦੂਜੀਆਂ ਪਲਟਣਾਂ ਨੇ ਵੀ ਯੁੱਧ ਵਿਚ ਬਹਾਦੁਰੀ ਦਿਖਾਈ ਜਿਸਦਾ ਵਿਸਥਾਰ ਇਹ ਲੇਖ ਲੰਬਾ ਹੋਣ ਦੇ ਡਰੋਂ ਨਹੀਂ ਦਿਤਾ ਗਿਆ।
 

Dalvinder Singh Grewal

Writer
Historian
SPNer
Jan 3, 2010
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KARGIL-A POST-MORTEM
INTRODUCTION

  1. General
  2. Name
  3. History
  4. Geography
  5. Socio-culture
  6. Economy
  7. Political Situation
General:

“Emerald amongst the white pearls of the Himalayas”, “The Happy Valley” and “Super-Switzerland of Asia” are some of the appellations given to the Kashmir over the centuries. The Mughal King Jehangir was so bewitched by the natural splendour of the valley that he exclaimed in ecstasy, “If there is a paradise on earth, it is here, it is here.’ Lush green valleys, abundance of flowers and fruits and shimmering springs and translucent lakes make Kashmir a visitors’ paradise.

Name:

According to a legend, the area between Baramulla and Anantnag was 80x25 miles lake occupied by a demon Jalodbawa. He used to change the course of the water of lake according to his will, causing frequent floods in lower plains. An ascetic named Kashyap when came to the area was told of the devastation caused by the demon. He requested Lord Vishnu to save the plains from the floods. Lord Vishnu killed Jaldobawa in a battle, and cut the mountains around to drain the lake into a river. The Lord asked Kashyapa to bring better people from plains to settle them in the area. Kashyapa brought learned people from Benaras and other parts of India and settled them in the newly created valley. The reclaimed land came to be known as Kasyapamir on the name of Kashyapa and later Kashmir.​

History:

The oldest records about the History of Kashmir are available in Neel Mat Purana, in which details from 6th to 8th Century are found recorded. Another book Raj Tringini written by Pandit Kalhan in 8 parts in 11th-12th Century AD has records of history upto 1140 A.D. A book Raja Bali written by Raja Jone has details upto 1412 A.D. Jena Raja Raj Trangini written by Pandit Sriwara has records from 1459 to 1486 A.D. Some of the other books describing the History of Kashmir are Twareekh-I-Hindustan (Urdu), Valley of Kashmir and Story of Kashmir both in English.

As per these records Kashmir was ruled by the following in ancient times:
Rulers of Kashmir Period in Yrs

1. Hindu Kings 2526 B.C. -1342 A.D. 3868

A. Gonundia Dynasty first time from 2526 B.C. -169 B.C. 2357
B. Vikramditiya and other Dynsties 167 B.C. - 25 A.D. 192
C. Gonundia Dynasty second time 25 A.D. - 596 A.D. 571
D. Hindu Karkoota Dynasty 596 A.D. - 816 A.D. 260
E. Utpla Dynasty 857 A.D. - 938 A.D. 83
F. Yashash Kara & Others 940 A.D. - 981 A.D. 64
G. Lohara Dynasty first 1004 A.D.- 1090 A.D. 97
H. Lohara Dynasty Second time 1102 A.D. -1129 A.D. 48
J Other Hindu Kings 1129 A.D.- 1342 A.D 213

2. Sultan Kings 1343 A.D.- 1585 A.D. 242
3. Mughal Rule 1585 A.D.- 1751 A.D. 166
4. Afghan Rule 1752 A.D.- 1819 A.D. 67
5. Sikh Rule 1819 A.D.-1846 A.D. 27
6. Dogra Rule 1846 A.D.-1948 A.D. 102
7. Indian Rule 1948 A.D.- till date.

Hindu Kings:

80 Gonundia kings ruled Kashmir for over 3000 years; first time from 2526 to 169 B.C. and second time from 25 A.D. to 596 A.D.[1] The period of the rule of some of the kings of ancient Kashmir from 1182 BC to 1342 AD found from historical records are shown in table at Appendix ‘A’.
Damodar 1, Yashwanti Rani, Gonundia II, Luv-Kush, Kahigindra, Surinder, Godhar, Swaran, Janak, Sachinada, Ashok, Julka, Damodar II, Abhoh, Manua & Gonundia III are some of the famous kings of Gonudia dynasty. King Ashok was a very gentle and known philonthropist. The public was very happy during his rule. He adopted Buddhism and established many Bodh Mathhs. He established the first city of Kashmir and named it Srinagri. It is now known as Purnadish. His son Julka barred Buddhism and expelled all Buddhists from Kashmir. He opened embassies in various neighbouring countries and established proper justice and finanacial management systems. A later king Jaska again reintroduced Buddhism in Kashmir. Durlabhka/ Partap Datia II (632-682AD) annexed Punchh and Rajauri. Lalita Datia I (697-733 AD) constructed many temples with Gold domes. He also constructed numerous canals for watering of the land.

Awanti Varma (857-884 AD) was a very peace loving king. The public was the happiest in his period. Soya an engineer under him improved the flow of Jhelum by removing the silt in the entire zone. He adopted a noble method of taking out the silt. He threw some golden coins at different places in the river and advertised it widely. The people dug out the silt to find out these golden coins. He supervised this digging out deep ensuring that the silt does not come back to the river. This way he saved the surrounding areas from floods. Soya also constructed a canal from lake Wular to Khanabal, resulting in increase in production. He established Soyapur later known as Sopur, on his name.

Shankar Varma (884-903 AD) established Sunderpura now known as Pattan. Rani Deeda (981-1003 AD) was a very capable queen but enraged at the death of her son she killed all her grandsons and handed over the kingdom to her nephew thereby changing the dynasty over to Loharas

King Harsh (1090-1102 AD); He improved the administration and introduced gold, silver and copper coins on his name. He became greedy and collected all wealth from temples and Boddh maths, but he died penniless. The Lohara dynasty rule (1102-1129A.D.) was full of turmoil inviting intruders. Invaders burnt Srinagar during the rule of King Sushal. During the rule of King Sam Dev and his brother Udhyan Dev, Zulakdar Khan Tatar attacked Kashmir, burnt remaining Srinagar and adjoining towns. After the death of King Sam Dev, Ranchan Shah, a Tibetan managed to kill the General Ram Chand and took over the control of Kashmir. He got converted into Islam with a new name Sadar-ud-Deen. His rule was of limited duration as Udyan Dev, brother of Sam Dev returned from Afghanistan and took over the reins. Kota Rani the queen of Sam Dev who was forcibly married first to Rachan Shah after the death of Sam Dev and then to Udhyan Dev, became the ruler for a brief period when Arva, A Turk attacked Kashmir. Udhyan Dev fled but the Queen Kota Rani took over the control of the kingdom and defeated the attacker. Meanwhile Udhyan Dev also returned and ruled upto 1342 AD. After his death his General Shah Mirza took over the Kingdom and wanted to marry Kota Rani forcibly which the queen refused and committed suicide.

The kings connected with establishing various cities/towns are Luv : Lolav, Ashok: Srinagar, Kanashak : Kanshakpura, Hasak: Hasakpura, Jasak: Jasakpura, Parvarsain Dooja: reshaped Srinagar as Parvarpura, Partap II: Tapar, Awanti: Awantipura and Siyapyr (Sopur), Shakar varman: Sunderpur (later known as Pattan),​

The Sultans (1343-1585 A.D.)

Shah Mirza crowned himself Sultan under the name of Sultan Shams-ud-Deen. He established a Muslim kingdom and ruled from 1343 to 1349 A.D. The period of rule of other Sultans is given at Appendix ‘B’.

Most of these Sultans ruled for periods from 3 to 10 years, however, Sultan Zain-ul-Abideen, also known as Badshah, ruled for 50 years i.e., 1420 to 1470 A.D. He cared for the Kashmiri public and ensured justice and progress. His development works included opening of workshops for paper, silk and match-boxes, digging of copper mines and use of Dal lake as a source of irrigation and constructing of Zainagir, Lachhman Kool and Chakdal canals. He provided facilities for trading by improving communication, sending ambassadors to neighbouring countries and by improvind the methodology of trade. He constructed a bridge on Jhelum at Zainakadal and a causeway from Inderkot to Sopur. He added Nushera, Zainpura, Zainkot and Zainalankar colonies in Srinagar. He improved the administration, made it more active and effective and removed corruption. The Brahmins who had left Kashmir valley due to the atrocities of earlier rulers were brought back and settled well. He changed the official language of Kashmir from Sanskrit to Persian. His period is known as the golden period of Kashmir. Another well known Sultan is Sultan Yusuf Shah (1580-1585 A.D.) who improved the lot of Kashmiris.​

Mughal Rule

King Akbar was very keen to capture Kashmir. He attacked Kashmir in 1582 but was defeated. However, in 1585 Akbar’s forces under Mir Qasim again attacked Kashmir with greater strength. The last Sultan, Yusuf Shah was captured and sent to Bihar jail where he died in 1592 A.D. Akbar established Governorship in Kashmir and visited Kashmir in 1589, 1592 and 1597. He stopped the taxes and forced labour from Hindus and gave them high offices. He toned up the administration. Akbar had 4822 cavaliers and 92400 Infantry in Kashmir.[2] However Kashmir was devasted by floods. His successor Jehangir also visited Kashmir numerous times and died in Kashmir in 1627. He increased the beauty of Kashmir by adding gardens and a few canals. When he was asked about his views about Kashmir, he said, “ If there is a heaven on earth, it is this alone, it is this alone and it is this alone.”

During Shah Jehan’s rule (1628 A.D. – 1658 A.D.) his local governor levied Zazia tax on Hindus. On a complaint, the Governor was changed. The new Governor Zafar Khan not only reduced taxes but also improved the trade and business. Another Governor Ali Mardan took keen interst in improvement of rest houses and forts. He added Chashma Shahi to Srinagar. Aurangzeb (1658-1707 A.D.) was anti-Hindu. He issued ordes for forcible conversion of the Hindus into Islam. 14 Governors ruled Kashmir during his period. Governor Saif Khan (1664-1667A.D.) got the land surveyed, reduced pay of government staff and stopped production of opium. Governor Ibrahim’s (1678-1685 A.D.) period was of turmoil and fights between Shia and Sunni Muslims and of floods and earthquakes. Fazalkhan (1698-1701 A.D.) discontinued taxes on salt and earthen pots. He constructed schools, madrasas and rest houses. Prophet Mohammed’s hair ‘Hazrat Bal’ was brought from Beejapur to Srinagar during his Governorship. Governors Abdul and Mula Sharief caused atrocities on Kashmiris frequently and burnt Hindu settlements including Kailash Puri. Aurangzeb visited Kashmir in 1665 A.D. with 50,000 soldiers through Peer Panchal for the first and last time till he died in 1701 A.D.

The later Governors were Muslim fanatics who made the living of Hindus in Kashmir, a hell. Governor Afg (1748-1752 A.D.) was a real terror. During his period Ahmed Shah Abdali attacked Kashmir and made it a part of his rule in 1752 A.D. 28 Afghan Governors controlled Kashmir from 1752 to 1819 A.D. The Bambay and Khakhe Qabailies of Muzzaffarabad district raided the valley frequently, created terror by burning hutments and looted the rich. Mohammed Muzaffar Khan, an Army Officer with Sultan of Pakhli captured Darawa, Karnah and Pakhli, made Mozaffrabad as his capital and created his own small Sultanate. The Sultanate thus created by Bambay Sultans remained a satellite of Kshmir state. Sultans Aibat Khan, Mirza Khan, Hassan Ali Khan I, Zabardasat Khan, Muzzaffar Khan, Hassan Khan, Rehmat Khan, Mommed Barkat Khan, Hassan Ali Khan II also known as jagirdar of Boi and Abdul Qayuum Khan managed the affairs of this areas as chieftains till 1947.​

Afghan Governors

With the advent of Ahmed Shah Durrani in 1752, Kashmir became a part of Afghansitan as did the rest of North India. This ended Mughal era. Pathan Governors were more cruel than the Mughal Governors. These Pathan Governors forcibly converted Hindus into Islam and tortured those who did not submit.

Sukhjeevan Mal (1754-1762) who improved the lot of Kashmiris was an exception. He created his own army of 30,000 Hindus and Sikhs and recruited 2000 Sikhs specially from Pothohar. He opened the Hindu temples for worship and stopped all special taxes on Hindus. The King of Afghanistan did not accept this; got him captured and killed him mercilessely. Islamic fanaticism increased further. During the rule of Azad Khan (1782-85), Hindus, particularly Brahmins, were used as load carriers. He annexed Poonchh. With the change of rule in Afghanistan, Governor Abdulla Khan (1796-1807) was removed by Sher Mohammad appointing his son Ata Mohammad as Governor (1897-1813). His successor Azam Khan (1813-1819) proved a real terror for Hindus. He enforced the order on banning turban and shoes by Hindus. The Brahmins migrated to Punjab in large number during his Governorship. His brother Jabad Khan (1819) was the last Afghan Governor.

Sikh Rule
Maharaja Ranjit Singh’s army captured Kashmir in July 1819 and annexed Kashmir with Sikh Kingdom with its capital at Lahore. Sikh army under Kanwar Kharak Singh, Genreal Deewan Chand and General Hari Singh Nalwa fought marvellously to defeat Jabad Khan. Kashmir remained under Sikh Rule till 1846 and was ruled through 10 Governors i.e., Deewan Moti Ram (1819-20), Hari Singh Nalwa (1820-21), Deewan Moti Ram 2nd time (1821-24), Deewan Chuni Lal (1824-26), Deewan Kirpa Ram (1826-30), Behma Singh Ardli (1830-31), Kanwar Sher Singh (1831-34), Mian Singh (1834-41), Sheikh Ghulam Mahi-ud-Din (1841-45) and Sheikh Imam Deen (1846).

During the Sikh rule all the special taxes on Hindus and Sikhs were discontinued. The ban on Hindus and Sikhs on wearing turban and shoes was also removed. Cow slaughter was banned. Temples were repaired and Gurdwaras were constructed to commemorate the visit of Gurus. Revenue collection system was improved. Number of forts and bridges were constructed. The trade was opened to Punjab and the rest of India; trade thus flourished. The improvement in general administration and welfare measures taken by the Governors, specially Kanwar Sher Singh improved the lot of Kashmiris. During his rule the snow -fall was so heavy that all movement became difficult. He took special measures to evacuate the troubled and provided food and shelt er free to them. Agriculture systems were improvised and improved. The area remained generally peaceful during Sikh Raj and the public was happy at the measures adopted. Ladakh area was captured after a hard battle. The chieftains of Ghori the Bombay Sultans who often created troubles were subjugated and piquet's were established in Muzzaffrabad. The Jammu area was put under Raja Gulab Singh in 1820.

Dogra Rule under British Empire

Since the advent of Sikhs in J & K the sequence of events are given in Appendix ‘C’. After the death of Maharaja Ranjit Singh and the annexation of Punjab as well Jammu & Kashmir by the British, Maharaja Gulab Singh purchased the area of Jammu & Kashmir from the British under the treaty of 1846. The Raja was the local head of Jammu & Kashmir under the British rule. Maharajas Gulab Singh (1846-57), Ranbir Singh (1857-85) and Partap Singh (1885-1949) ruled the state of Jammu & Kashmir peacefully for over 103 years.

Mahraja Gulab Singh extended his kingdom to China border and established proper control over the entire area. He recaptured Muzaffarabad from the Boi Sultan but gave it to him after a due warning to pay taxes in time. Maharaja Ranbir Singh opened many schools and post offices and enacted legislation to improve the legal system.

Mahraja Partap Singh was deeply religious.He remained in meditation and religious worship for most of his time. Though the British interference increased yet some improvement were brought. He got Kohala - Domel road and bridges at Kohala and Domel constructed in 1888.

During the rule of Maharaja Hari Singh, Primary education was made free and compulsory for all. 3000 schools were opened. Many hospital and dispensaries were opened. Tobacco was banned for children upto the age of 14. The land was given to the tillers. The minimum age for marriage was made as 18 years for boys and 14 years for girls. Demorcracy was introduced into the state. State assembly came into being in 1934. Out of 75 members 40 members were to be selected by the public. He created three new battalians i.e., 7, 8, and 9 Jammu & Kashmir Infantry Battalions in 1942 A.D. to ensure safety in the north-east region. He got the census of the state done in 1941. The population of Jammu & Kashmir during 1941 cesnus was: Muslims 3101247, Hindus 80965, Sikhs 65903, Boddhi 40696, Christians 3086 Jains and others 1519. The state was divided into 5 regions based on language as under:​
  1. Punjabi speaking areas: Districts of Mozaffarabad, Punchh, Mirpur and Ranbirpura Tehsil.​
  2. Dogri: Districts of Kathua, Jammu, Udhampur and Riasi.​
  3. Kashmiri: Baramula, Anantnag and Srinagar.​
  4. Ladakhi: District Ladakh​
  5. Dardi (Gilgiti): Gilgit, Gilgit Agency, Gorez, Drass and Asrot​
Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) was one of the 565 princely states of India on which the British paramountcy lapsed at the stroke of midnight on 15 August 1947. By the terms agreed upon for the partition of the Indian subcontinent between India and Pakistan, the rulers of princely states were given the right to opt for either Pakistan or India or- with certain reservations- to remain independent. The ruler of J & K, Maharaja Hari Singh did not exercise the option to join either of the two dominions, and instead, wanted a Standstill Agreement pending final decision on his state's accession.

Finding direct danger to Srinagar from Qabailies and the situation having gone out of his control, Maharaja Hari Singh requested troops from Maharaja of Patiala. He also sent his Deputy Prime Minister Sri Ram Lal Batra on October 23, with a letter for Lord Mountbatten and Pt. Jawahar Lal Nehru with an appeal for assistance. Along with Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and Home Minister Vallabhbhai Patel, Mountbatten decided that Indian troops could be committed only if Hari Singh acceded to India, in exercise of his powers under the Independence of India Act.

On October 25, V.P. Menon flew to Srinagar to obtain Hari Singh’s signature on the Instrument of Accession and on 26 Oct 1947, the Maharaja signed the Instrument of Accession in favour of India. This instrument was accepted by the then Governor General of India, Lord Mountbatten, on 27 Oct 1947, thereby making J & K a legal and constitutional part of the Union of India. The agreement entered is given at Appendix ‘D’.

Meanwhile the First Patiala Sikh Regiment reached Srinagar on 27 October 1947 by air and halted the advance of Qabailies beyond Srinagar Airport. They pushed the Qabailies towards Baramulla. On the same day regular Indian Army troops were also rushed to the state to drive out the Pakistanis. The pushing back of the intruders continued thereafter.

This proxy war started by Pakistan through Qabailies, led to a full-scale war between India and Pakistan by November 1947, on till December, recapturing most of the territory. However some one-third of the disputed territory was still left with Pakistan. At Mountbatten’s suggestion, and by some accounts in the face of Vallabhbhai Patel’s strenuous objections, the Indian Cabinet referred the entire conflict to the United Nations Security Council. On 01 Jan 1948, India took up the issue of Pak aggression in J & K to the UN and a ceasefire was negotiated in January 1948. On August 13,1948, the Security Council submitted a signal resolution that was to shape the terms of India-Pakistan engagement on Kashmir for a considerable period.

The August 13 resolution, which both India and Pakistan agreed to honour, had three parts (Appendix ‘D’). The first part called for a cease-fire to come into force. The second part mandated that “since the presence of troops of Pakistan constitutes a material change since it was represented by the Government of Pakistan before the Security Council, the Government of Pakistan agrees to withdraw its troops.” Pakistan was also committed “to use its best endeavour” to secure the withdrawal of tribesmen and its other nations present there for the purposes of war, Section B of this second part of the resolution held that when the United Nations Commission for India and Pakistan (UNCIP) certified that Pakistani tribesmen and troops had withdrawn, India would withdraw from the State all but a minimum level of forces needed to maintain law and order. Subsequently, Part Three of the resolution mandated, the future of Jammu and Kashmir would be decided “in accordance with the will of the people.”

The cease-fire actually came into operation on 01 Jan 1948, leaving approximately 84,000 sq. km of Jammu and Kashmir under Pakistan control.

On 17 October 1949, the Indian Constituent Assembly adopted Article 370 of the Constitution, ensure a special status for Jammu & Kashmir. An interim constitution for the state of Jammu & Kashmir came into effect in November 1951

On 24 July 1952, an agreement was reached between Sheikh Abdullah, the then Prime Minister of J & K and the Government of india which provided for the state’s autonomy within India. Sheikh Abdullah later planned underhand to reach an agreement with Pakistan as well. He was thereafter removed and imprisoned for conspiracy. Bakshi Gulam Mohammed replaced him on 9 August 1953. The Government of India and Pakistan agreed to appoint a plebisite administrator by the end of April 1954. . With Muslims comprising a majority of the population in Kashmir Valley, one could easily have expected communal politics to develop but the people of this Valley, through centuries of their history had developed tolerance and peaceful coexistence, irrespective of different religious beliefs. The National Conference led by Mr. Sheikh Abdullah, a popular Kashmiri leader, believed in nationalism based on community interests and not on religion. Mr. MA Jinnah tried but failed to win the sympathies of the Muslims of Kashmir for his two-nation theory. Perhaps a plebiscite, soon after the partition of India and Pakistan, would have been overwhelmingly favorable to India. However, Pakistan never withdrew troops from North-West Kashmir which soon was declared by Pakistan as a state of Pakistan union.

However, Pakistan never withdrew its troops, scuttling the implementation of the August 13 Security Council Resolution. Finding Pakistan adamant on not vacating the Pakistan Occupied Kashmir and not allowing the pre-conditions for plebiscite to be fulfilled, the Jammu & Kashmir State Constituent Assembly in 1956 adopted a constitution with the provision that Jammu & Kashmir was thereafter an integral part of Union of India. A series of U.N. resolutions were passed to bring about progress, but with little effect. On December 2, 1957, for example, the Security Council passed a resolution expressing concern over the lack of progress in realising earlier resolution, after Sweden’s representative, Gunnar V. Jarring, submitted a report which “explore(d) what was impeding their full resolution.” Significantly, this 1957 resolution constituted the last instance of the U.N. considering the future of Jammu and Kashmir in a serious manner -until the Security Council’s most recent call for India-Pakistan dialogue on the issue.

India and Pakistan were left to conduct bilateral talks on Kashmir from December 27, 1962. Almost sabotaged at the outset by Pakistan’s decision to hand over 2,060 square miles of territory in its part of Kashmir to China, the talks dragged on desultorily, and collapsed after six rounds.

Having failed to secure Jammu & Kashmir through negotiations, Pakistan planned covert activities for creating unrest in J & K to show the world that J & K people are not actually with India and India has manipulated the state constituent assembly to pass the clause of integration with India. First such Pak inspired activities was violence and demonstrations across the valley on 27 December 1963 when the holy relic of Hazrat Mohammed was found missing from Hazrat Bal shrine. The holy relic was recovered on 4 January 1964. Sheikh Abdullah was also released on 8 April and the conspiracy case against him was dropped. Discussions were held between Prime minister of India Shri Jawahar Lal Nehru and Sheikh Abdullah on 29 April. At the instance of Nehru, Sheikh Abdullah went to Pakistan on 27 May. Meanwhile articles 356 and 357 were extended to J & K. This led to protest demonstrations in the state on 21 December.

Taking a cue from Hazrat Bal and December 1964, demonstrations in J & K, Pakistan thought of exploiting the situation through inciting the local public against India. Then came the idea of another Proxy war on the same line as that on 1947. Having failed to create anti-India feelings among public, Pakistan sent armed infiltrators across the LC under the code name OP Gibraltar on 5 August 1965 and in September across the international border near Chhamb.

Pakistanis tried out strategy of proxy war OP Gibraltar in 1965, which failed miserably. This again led to the famous war of 1965 which came into end on 23 September 1965 through a USSR brokered ceasefire.

In 1970-71, Pakistan resorted genocide in the erstwhile East Pakistan to suppress the large scale uprising by the people against West Pakistan authoritarianism. .India helped the Bengalis in terms of economic and political support as the great refugee influx from east Pakistan was become a great financial burden for India and above all creating a security risk. India helped the East Bengal freedom fighters Mukti Bahini which created lot of problems for Pakistan. To divert public opinion all over the world Pakistan resorted to air strikes against India It too resulted in the famous Bangladesh war of 1971. Pakistani forces surrendered in two weeks and East Bengal was liberated with a new name Bangladesh. Shimla Accord was signed between India and Pakistan on 4 July 1972 according to which, “both governments agree that their respective heads will meet again at a mutually convenient time in the future and that, in the meanwhile, the representatives of the two sides will meet to discuss further the modalities and arrangements for the establishment of a durable peace and normalization of relations, including the repatriation of prisoners of war and civilian internees, a final settlement of Jammu & Kashmir and the resumption of diplomatic relations.” The last line left the door open on Kashmir.

Meanwhile the Kashmir Accord was signed on 3 November 1974, by G. Parthasarathy, for Indira Gandhi and Mirza Afzal beg for Sheikh Abdullah. Sheikh Abdullah was sworn in as Chief of J & K on 25 February 1975 with the support of Congress Legislature Party. However Congress withdrew its support and Sheikh Abdullah resigned on 27 March 1977. As a result the state assembly was dissolved and the state had free and fair elections on 30 June. The nation Conference bagged 47 out lof 76 seats. Sheikh Abdullah took over as Chief Minister.

Having found Kashmir out of his hand General Zia-ul-Haque, ex Chief of Army Staff General Zia-ul-Haque an ex-Army Chief of Staff who took over the reins of Pakistan as military dictator planned to take the revenge of Bangla Desh defeat. He planned operation Tupac, a key proxy war operation in 1978. His main aim was to capture Kashmir and merge it with Pakistan and avenge Pakistani defeat in 1971. Operation Tupac was to be conducted over a period of 20 years and in four parts. In part one he had planned to send terrorists to Jammu and Kashmir, create unrest among the general public and fail the civil administration.[3]

Sheikh Abdullah nominated his son Farooq Abdullah as his political heir on 23 January 1981 and died on 8 September 1982. Farooq Abdullah took over as Chief Minister after him. Farooq Abdullah led the National Conference to a convincing victory in Assembly Elections in 1983. As against his association with Congress party he invited opposition parties to a conclave at Srinagar within months of becoming the Chief Minister. The Congress party started a campaign to discredit the election. This resulted in his worsening of relations with Indira Gandhi who appointed Jagmohan as the Governor in April, 1984.. Farooq Abdullah’s government was dismissed on 02 July 1984 and his brother-in-law G.M. Shah was sworn in as the Chief Minister. G.M. Shah too was dismissed on 7 March 1986 and was replaced by Sheikh Abdullah in November 1986 after having reached at an accord with Rajiv Gandhi, the then Prime Minister of India. However the alliance of National Conference and National Congress lost considerable support in the valley.

This was a turning point for the Islamic fundamentalists. In Jan 1987 they united to form a Muslim United Front. Their aim was to oppose NC-Congress alliance. Farooq won the elections but with the charges of rigging. This also started a wave of protests in the valley and anti-India demonstrations were staged. At least ten people were killed in police firing. The protests continued and by August 1988 there was frequent curfew in the valley.

Meanwhile Pakistan succeeded in a proxy war in Afghanistan where it trained Taliban and trained them to fight the legitimate Afghan regime. Pakistan ISI remained at the hub of affairs, recruiting, training, arming, directing, control and providing necessary administrative support. Pakistan foreign office provided the necessary outside liaison with the Muslim world and propagated the cause of Taliban through Pakistani media. This proxy war resulted in a declared war between the Taliban and the ruling coalition. Taliban captured and ruled 80% of Afghan territory and Pakistan maintained its hegemony over Taliban.

Once Pakistan tasted its success through Taliban and was relatively free from Afghanistan it found Kashmir to be ripe for launching Operation Tupac. It upgraded its assistance in Kashmir and floated Jammu & Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) and a few other militant organization. JKLF became quite active in militant activities.
The proxy war in J & K heated up gradually in 1989. The violence began two bombs were thrown at the police by JKLF activities. The incidents followed by grenade attacks by militants. In July, Gen K V Krishna rao governor and in August Yusuf Halwai and NC worker was shot dead by militants. On 8 December, within days of V P Singh becoming prime Minister, Rubaiya Sayeed daughter of the Home Minister, Mufti Mohammed Sayeed was kidnapped by the JKLF. She was released on 13 December in exchange of 5 JKLF leaders. Release of prisoners resulted in victory celebrations by JKLF and creation of Anti-India feelings. This resulted in curfew in Kashmir valley and fiver persons getting killed in police firing.

Finding the situation worsening in J & K, Jagmohan was appointed Governor for a second time on 19 January 1990 while Farooq resigned. Terrorist continued their activities unabated. 35 people were killed on 20 January, when protesters were fired upon from both sides of the Gawakadal bridge. On 13 February Lassa Koul, director of Srinagar Door darshan, was killed by militants. In March, a mass exodus of Kashmiri Pundits took place. Massive protest marches continued in Srinagar. The security forces tried to stop them with police firing as a result more people were killed. On 21 May, Jagmohan resigned as governor. Girish Chandra Saxena, a former head of RAW (Research and Analysis Wing) was appointed Governor. However the violence continued unabated, becoming endemic. A situation of virtual civil war existed in the Valley in 1991. JKLF has been very active with direct support and guidance from Pak ISI. India however was able to create a dent in JKLF, weaning away certain elements. Finding JKLF slipping lout of its hands Pakistan created another terrorist outfit Hizbul Mujahideen. It also withdrew support to JKLF.

The BJP's Ekta Yatra (march for unity) on 26 January 1992 was allowed to hoist the National Flag in Lal Chowk, under total curfew and massive security. Nevertheless, the violence continued, spreading to areas of Jammu province like Doda. The Hizbul Mujahideen, the Pakistan backed terrorist organization increased its strength dramatically and differences surface between it and the JKLF. Pakistan created number of other militant organizations and also stepped up propaganda against India through its media and also through diplomatic channels. Allegations of human rights violations by the security forces increased as do charges of corruption.

In a freak incident, forty people were killed in Sopore by security forces who in retaliation to killing of their two men burnt down a section of the town in January 1993. The valley was in near fire again. Pakistan cashed on the situation by inciting Kashmiris and sending more terrorists in to the valley. In March, General K V Krishna Rao was again made Governor in March 1993. The death of a police constable, Riyaz Ahmed, in army custody in April started a strike by state policemen. In October the militants managed to occupy Hazratbal shrine. Security forces surrounded the shrine. The protest all over the valley created the tense situation. In one such tense moment, Security forces opened fire on protesters in Bij Behara killing sixty people. This worsened the situation even further and the militants increased their numbers. ISI also increased its activities in other parts of India.

Prime Minister Narasimha Rao tried to tie up the situation byo starting a political process in the Valley. He released militant leaders like Yasin Malik and Shabir Shah in 1994. Pakistan activated more terrorist outfits, with increased number of foreign militants. The total activities was named 'jihad' and the Islamic Fundamentalists were fed on the promise that Kashmir will soon be an Islamic state.

Indian Government took some economic and political measures to stop the increasing violence and terrorist activities. In 1995, Jammu and Kashmir was declared backward state under the new industrial policy and entrepreneurs were exempted from income tax by 5 years. Terrorists however remained active. In May 1995 Chrar-e-Sharief town was set ablaze along with the 14th century Chrar-e-Sharief shrine by militants led by a foreign mercenary Mast Gul. In July, 5 foreign tourists are abducted from Pahalgam by a militant group (Al Faran).

India stepped up operations against militants and increased political and economic activity. In March 1996, 33 top militants were killed, virtually annihilating JKLF (Aman) Group during an encounter with security forces at Hazratbal. Govt announced setting up of a State Human Rights Commission in January 1997. In Feb, Rs 7200 crore (US $ 1714.28 Million) economic package was announced for J&K. In Mar, elections to the Legislative Council were held with National Conference winning all but one seat which went to BJP In April elections for 6 parliamentary seats were held successfully. In September election to the State Assembly were conducted successfully. Democracy thus returned to the valley.

Irritated at the political leverage to India Pakistan stepped its activities again in 1998. This was to increase infiltration of foreign militants in the valley. Indian Security forces increased vigilance. Percentage of foreign militants killed went up to 47 percent in 1998, there by indicating a sense of despondency in Pak ISI and Pro Pakistan groups. 23 Kashmiri Hindus were killed by militants at Wandhama village in Srinagar District In Jan. New situation arose In May 1998, with India and Pakistan exploding Nuclear devices to establish their status as Nuclear powers in the region. July to Oct saw increased cross border firing by Pakistan to internationalize the Kashmir problem.

India however, tried to prove that situation was normal. The Prime Minister, Mr. IK Gujral on 27 Jan 99 inaugurated first National Winter Games. In Feb, Indian and Pakistan Prime Ministers met at Lahore and signed a Joint Declaration expressing resolve to settle all contentious issues between the two countries including Kashmir problem, through bilateral dialogue.

As the Lahore declaration was being signed Gen Musharraf the Pak Army Chief was preparing for infiltration into J & K. Not finding desired success due to stiff resistance by Indian security forces and Kashmiri Muslims not aligning with the terrorists, Pakistan sent its own forces which infiltrated and occupied Kargil heights with an aim of cutting Srinagar-Leh highway, cutting off northern Kashmir, encouraging demoralized terrorist outfits, internationalizing Kashmir issue and gaining a footage for any future dialogue.. This resulted in Kargil War. India even prepared itself for a major war with Pakistan. Pakistan succeeded in averting war by approaching USA. USA brokered ceasefire between Pakistan and India did not last long as without wasting much time Pakistan stepped up its proxy war which has since been continuing unabated.

India was surprised in Kargil despite the fact that India knew that Pakistan had planned such an operation. It had not prepared itself for such infiltration and had not kept its proper surveillance and vigilance along the borders.

India has failed to project the Pakistan’s aggression through proxy wars at international level and has not trained itself to fight a proxy war effectively despite over 50 years experience of proxy wars by now.
India has recently termed this proxy war system as cross border terrorism, which has been easily countered by Pakistan saying that there is no border in Kashmir but a LoC.

Judging from the ongoing proxy war in J & K even after Kargil and the past pattern of wars between India and Pakistan in which each proxy war followed regular war; a more aggressive and determined limited war can still be expected

Pakistan has since been actively aiding and abetting terrorism through ISI not only in J & K but also in rest of India. It is involved in training and financing terrorist groups in the East and South India. Pakistan’s main aim is to, ‘bleed India through thousand wounds’. It has made Indian Security Forces and J & K bleed profusely. The costs of countering this proxy war have been extensive in terms of human lives, financial expenditure and loss of peace.

Pakistan has continuously stepped up its propaganda. Any minor event in Kashmir valley is highlighted on Pakistan TV. 50% footage on Pakistan TV is of this proxy war; the riots, strikes, killings, firing etc. It has also been propagating that India is not meeting the commitment of bilateral negotiations. India has not been reacting as needed and kept on harping that India will enter into negotiations with Pakistan if Pakistan stopped cross border terrorism. It however, has not done anything worthwhile to highlight Pakistan’s proxy war against India. It tried to speak to the people of J & K. It even tried to have talks with Pakistani sponsored and funded Hurriyat, an umbrella organization of various terrorist groups. As the talks did not materialize India thought of the opportunity offered by Pakistan for talks. Accordingly in July 2001, Pakistani Chief Executive was invited to India.

This helped General Musharraf to consolidate his position and to become President of Pakistan the position only India legitimized under prevailing circumstances. General Musharraf came with a set one-point agenda i.e., Kashmir. Despite of India having declared J & K as an integral part of India, and to enter into dialogue only if terrorism from across the border was stopped, India agreed to enter into negotiations with Pakistan on issues including J & K. This not only vindicated Pakistan’s stand that Kashmir is an issue but also negated the earlier stands taken by India that J & K is not a disputed territory and its merger non-negotiable.

Talks with Pakistan failed but Gen Musharraf used the media extensively and effectively in India and Pakistan to highlight Pakistan’s view point that Kashmir is a disputed territory. Neither cross border terrorism no proxy war waged by Pakistan was adequately highlighted by India.

If the history of J & K is analyzed following facts emerge prominently:

Kashmir has been ruled by Indian Hindu Kings for over 4000 years and by invading Muslim rulers for about 450 Years.
Islam was introduced in Kashmir through forcible conversion of Hindus.
Islam is not the only religion in Kashmir; other religions include Hindus, Sikhs and Buddhists.
Punjabi/Dogri is the predominant language; Dardi, Kashmiri and Ladakhi follow.
Basic culture of J & K people remains Indian.

After partition of India in 1947, Kashmir Government and Indian Government reached a proper agreement for merger of J & K with India. Pakistan started a proxy war in J & K in 1947 in a well-planned manner to grab it; through the Qabailies; assisted, directed and controlled by regular Pakistan Army. This proxy war resulted in a war by November 1947 between India and Pakistan and continued till 1948. A UNO brokered agreement did not materialize as Pakistan did not meet its commitment of withdrawing forces and tribals from J & K.

Pakistan waged proxy wars again in 1965, and 1988 against India; All these proxy wars culminated into regular wars. ‘Op Tupac’ planned by Gen. Zia has been religiously followed by Pakistan Government. Kargil appeared to be the last phase of the operation i.e., the limited war.

India was surprised in Kargil despite the fact that India knew that Pakistan had planned such an operation. It had not prepared for such infiltration and had not kept its proper surveillance and vigilance along the borders.
India has failed to project the Pakistan’s aggression through proxy wars at international level and has not trained itself to fight a proxy war effectively despite over 50 years experience of proxy wars by now.
India has recently termed this proxy war system as cross border terrorism, which has been easily countered by Pakistan saying that there is no border in Kashmir but an LoC.
Judging from the ongoing proxy war in J & K even after Kargil and the past pattern of wars between India and Pakistan in which each proxy war followed regular war; a more aggressive and determined limited war can still be expected.​

Geography
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The Land. More than 90% of Jammu & Kashmir State is mountainous. The physiography of the territory as a whole is divided into seven zones that are closely associated with the structural components of the western Himalayas. From south-west to north-east these zones consist of the low-lying Jammu and Punch plains, the thickly forested (coniferous) Himalayan foothills (2000 to 7000 feet or 600 to 2100 m), the Pir heavily glaciated Panjal Range (average12500 feet or 3350 m), the Valley of Kashmir at an elevation of 5,300 feet or 1,600m, the complex central Great Himalayas ranges (more than 20,000 ft or 6,100m), the upper Indus Valley (11,000 feet or 3,350 m), the Ladakh plateau and the Karakoram Range.( more than 25,000 feet or 7,600m). The Indus, Jhelum, Chenab and Tawi are the major rivers and Dal and Wular are the major lakes. The climate varies from alpine in the northeast to subtropical to the southwest. Annual average precipitation ranges from 3 inches (75cm) in the north to 45 inches (1,150 cm) in the south-west.

The plains. The narrow zone of plains country in the Jammu region is characterized by interlocking sandy alluvial fans that have been deposited by streams discharging from the foothills and by a much-dissected pediment (eroded bedrock surface) covered by loams and losses (wind-deposited silt) of the Pleistocene Epoch (i.e., those about 10,000 to 1,600,000 years old). Rainfall is low, amounting to about 15 or 20 inches (380 to 500 millimeters) a year, and it occurs mainly in the form of heavy but infrequent rain showers in the summer (June of September), when the monsoon winds blow. The countryside has been almost entirely denuded of trees, and thorn scrub and co{censored} grass and the dominant forms of vegetation.

The Foothills. The foothills of the Himalayas, rising from 2,000 to 7000 feet (610 to 2,134 meters), form outer and inner zones. The outer zone consists of sandstones, clays, silts and conglomerates, influenced by Himalayan folding movements and eroded to form long ridges and valley (dunes). The inner zone consists of more massive sedimentary rock, including red sandstones of the Miocene Epoch (about 5.3 to 23.7 million years old) that has been folded, fractured, and eroded to form steep spurs and plateau remnants. River valleys are deeply incised and terraced, and faulting has produced a number of alluvium-filled basins, such as those of Udhampur and Punch. Rainfall increases with elevation, and the lower scrubland gives way to pine forests at higher altitudes.

The Pir Panjal Range. The Pir Panjal Range constitutes the first mountain rampart associated with the Himalayas. It has an average crest line of 12,500 feet, with individual peaks, rising to 15,000 feet. Consisting of an ancient rock core of granites, gneisses, quartz rocks, and slates, it has been subject to considerable uplift and fracturing and was heavily glaciated during the Pleistocene Epoch. The range receives considerable precipitation in the forms of winter snowfall and summer rain and has extensive areas of pasture above the tree line.

The Valley. The Valley of Kashmir is a deep, asymmetrical basin lying between the Pir Panjal and the western end of the Great Himalayas ranges at an average altitude of 5,300 feet. During the Pleistocene it was occupied at times by a lake, known as Lake Karewa, and is now filled by lacustrine sediments and alluvium deposited by the upper Jhelum River. Soil and water conditions vary considerably. The climate is characterized by an annual rainfall of about 30 inches, some of which is derived from the summer monsoon winds and some from winds associated with winter low-pressure systems. Snowfall often is with rain and sleet: Temperature is considerably modified by altitude; at Srinagar average minimum temperatures of about 28 F9-2 C occur in January and average maximum temperatures of 88 F (31 C) in July. Up to 7,000 feet, woodlands of deodar cedar, blue pine, walnut, willow, elm, and poplar occur: from 7,000 to 10,5000 feet coniferous forests with fir, pine, and spruce are found; from 10,5000 to 12,000 feet birch is dominate: and above 12,000 feet there are meadows with rhododendrons and dwarf willows as well as honeysuckle.
The Great Himalayas zone. Geologically complex and topographically immense, the Great Himalayas contain ranges reaching more than 20,000 feet in altitude and deeply entrenched, remote valleys. The region was heavily glaciated in the Pleistocene, and remnant glaciers and snowfields are still present. The zone receives some rain from the south-west monsoon winds in the summer months- and the lower slopes are forested-but the mountains constitute a climatic divide, representing a transition from the monsoon climate of the Indian sub-continent to the dry, continental climate of Central Asia.

The Upper Indus Valley: Valley of the Upper Indus River is a well-defined feature that follows the geological strike (structural trend) westward from the Tibetan border to the point in the Pakistani sector where it rounds the great mountainous mass of Nanga Parbat to run southward in deep gorges cut across the strike. In its upper reaches the river is flanked by gravel terraces, each tributary builds an alluvial fan out into the main valley. The town of Leh in the Indian sector stands on such a fan, 11,500 feet above sea level, with a climate characterized by almost total lack of rainfall, intense insolation (exposure to the Sun’s rays), and great diurnal and annual ranges of temperature. Life depends on melt water from the surrounding mountains, and vegetation is Alpine (i.e., above the limit of tree growth), growing on thin soils.

The Karakoram Range. The great granite-gneiss massifs of the Karakorum which straddle the Indian and Pakistani sectors, contain some of the world’s highest peaks, including K2, with an altitude of 28251 feet (8,611 meters); at least 30 other peaks exceed 24,000 feet. The range, which is still heavily glaciated, rises starkly from dry, desolate plateaus characterized by extremes of temperature and shattered rock debris. The Karakoram region is aptly named the “roof of the world.”

Siachen Glacier : The Siachen (the place of roses) glacier, 72 km, in the East Karakoram is one of the longest glaciers in the Himalaya and Karakoram. It has number of peaks, side valleys and at its head lies the Indira Col, the divide between South and Central Asia. The Nubra River drains the glacier and ultimately joins the Shayok river near Khaksar. On the west lies the West Karakoram (now under Pakistani control) and towards the east is the Shayok basin, forming the border with China. The northern slopes of the Indira Ridge leads to the Shaksgam valley.

Political Divisions

Jammu & Kashmir is situated in the northern part of the Indian subcontinent, in the vicinity of the Western Himalayan mountain ranges. Formerly one of the largest princely state of India, it is bounded on the north-east by the Uyghur Autonomous Region of Sinkiang and Tibet (The Tibet Autonomous Region) in China, on the south by Indian state of Himachal Pradesh and Punjab and on the north-west and west by a Pakistani-Occupied portion of the territory marked by Line of Control which has remained a flash point ever since the independence of India.​
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As Jammu & Kashmir’s boundary has been a subject of regular change, it is important to know the events leading to these changes in brief and then to describe the actual geography of the state.

Kashmir originally consisted of the northern top of undivided India, between Russia in the North, China in northeast, Tibet in East, Punjab in the South and West and Afghanistan in the northwest. In 1947 when India was divided into the present Indian and Pakistan states, the erstwhile princely states were asked to decide as to which state they would join. Kashmir was then ruled by Maharaja Hari Singh. As the Maharaja remained undecided, Pakistan planned to capture it by force. It sent its forces under the guise of Qabailies who occupied northeastern parts of Kashmir and then descended onto Srinagar. Having seen the imminent danger of forceful occupation of Kashmir by Pakistan, Maharaja Hari Singh agreed to accede Kashmir to India. On his immediate request Indian forces were dispatched to Kashmir, who valiantly fought and recovered most of the area from these invaders.

Meanwhile the Indian Prime Minister also appealed to U.N.O. for vacation of Kashmir from Pakistani Forces. The war between the two countries halted through a UNO brokered peace talk and the occupation of the occupied areas remained with Pakistan temporarily through a line of control popularly known as LoC, till a decision was reached.​

In undivided India, Kashmir included the following important divisions: Kashmir valley, Jammu, Ladakh, Baltistan & Gilgit Agency

The last division and some portions of Kashmir valley still remain with Pakistan while the remaining Kashmir Valley, Jammu and Leh are with India. All these five regions are of heterogeneous character having varied culture, religions and languages. The northern part has high mountain ranges with heights varying from 3000 to 6000 meters.​

SOCIO-CULTURE

The People: Population of J & K is 7, 718,700 as per 1991 census and less than 1% of India’s total population. The sex ratio is 923 females against 1000 men and the density is 76 men per sq. km. The people in Kashmir can be divided into four religious groups, Muslims (2/3rd) in Kashmir valley, Buddhists in Leh-Ladakh region and Dogra Hindus (30%) in Jammu region with a sprinkling of Sikhs in Kashmir valley and Jammu areas. King Ashoka introduced Buddhism (c.265-238 BC) in the region. Hinduism replaced Buddhism gradually. A succession of Hindu dynasties ruled over Kashmir until 1346 AD when it came under the Muslim rule From the 9th to the 12th century AD, the region appears to have achieved considerable prominence as a center of Hindu culture. It was brought under the Muslim rule in the 14th century, and it remained so for some five centuries until Sikh and then Dogra (hill Rajput) rulers assumed control in the 19th Century; it was annexed to the Sikh kingdom of the Punjab in 1819 and to the Dogra kingdom of Jammu in 1846. The (Hindu) Dogra dynasty ruled the region until 1947, when British India was partitioned into India and Pakistan. Urdu, Kashmir and Dogri are the official languages of Kashmir. Kashmiri, Dogri, Gojri, Punjabi, Urdu, Balti, Dardi, Pahari and Ladakhi are the languages spoken in different parts of J & K.

Education is free at all levels. Literacy rates, particularly in Ladakh, are lower than the national average. The two major institutes of higher education are, the University of Kashmir at Srinagar and the University of Jammu at Jammu, both founded in 1969. Medical services are provided by hospitals and dispensaries scattered throughout the state. There is somewhat lesser accessibility to health care in Ladakh, Influenza; respiratory ailments such as asthma, and dysentery are common health problems. Cardiovascular diseases, cancers, and tuberculosis are on the increase in the Valley of Kashmir.

People are primarily settled in village hutments alongside rivers for water and communication requirements and at the hilltops for security reasons. Srinagar in Kashmir valley and Jammu in Dogra region are the two major towns of the state with Leh in Ladakh developing into a township.

Rural settlements: Physiographic diversity is matched by the considerable variety of human occupation in the territory. In the plains and foothills, agricultural settlements have resulted from colonization movements from the Punjab region extending over a long period; both the people and their culture are similar to those of adjacent parts of the Punjab and other lowlands to the west. Where alluvial soils and the availability of water for irrigation make agriculture possible in the duns and lower valleys, the population is sustained by crops of wheat and barley, which are gathered in the spring (rabi) harvest, and of rice and corn (maize) gathered in the late summer (Kharif) harvest, as well as by keeping livestock. The upper sections of the valleys support a sp{censored}r population that depends on a mixed economy of corn, cattle, and forestry; seasonal migration to higher pastures in the spring is necessary for the production of milk and clarified butter, or ghee, or southern lowland markets. In winter the hill dwellers return to lower areas to work in government-owned forests and timber mills. Agricultural hamlets and nucleated villages predominate, and towns such as Jammu and Udhampur function essentially as market centres and administrative headquarters for the rural populations and estates in the vicinity.

The Jammu region:- Jammu, winter capital of the maharajas and second-largest city of the Indian sector, was traditionally the seat of Dogra power. Of the total population of Jammu, more than two-thirds are classed as Hindus; of these the greater part live in the southestern portion of the region. Culturally, ethnically, and linguistically, they are closely related to the Punjabi-speaking peoples in Punjab State (India), many speaking the Dogri language. The majority of the Sikhs also live in the Jammu region. To the northwest, however, the proportion of Muslims increases, with Muslims constituting a dominant majority in the area around the western town of Punch.

Kashmiris of the Valley and Highlands. The Valley of Kashmir with its surrounding highland (Kashmir proper) has always retained something of its own individuality. The vast majority of the people are Muslim; culturally and ethnically, the closest links are with peoples in the northwestern highlands of the Gilgit district in the Pakistani sector. The Kashmiri language is influenced by Sanskrit and belongs to the Dardic branch of Indo-Aryan languages also spoken by the various hill tribes of Gilgit. The great majority of the population resides in the lower reaches of the Valley. Srinagar, Jammu & Kashmir’s largest city is located on the Jhelum River.

Ladakh. The Great Himalayas are an ethnic and cultural, as well as physical, divide. Ladakh (sometimes called “Little Tibet”), to the northeast, is thinly populated. To the east, around Leh, the inhabitants are predominantly Buddhists of Tibetan ancestry and language (Ladakhi). In the region around Kargil to the west, however, the population is predominantly Muslim, most belonging to the Shi’ite branch of Islam.

Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (PoK) is a quasi-state in the Pakistani-occupied sector of Jammu and Kashmir, in the northwestern part of the Indian subcontinent. PoK is neither a province nor an agency of Pakistan but has a government of its own that is regarded by Pakistan as “independent,” even though it is protected by and economically and administratively linked to Pakistan. The Pakistani Supreme Court in early September was constrained to note the denial of the basic human right to these people to affect their own representatives. It has approximately 650 square miles (1,680 square km) area and consists of an area shaped stretch of territory bordering the India’s Jammu and Kashmir on the east, the Pakistani states of Punjab on the south and southwest and North-West Frontier Province on the west, and the Gilgit and Baltistan agencies of Pakistan on the north.

Northern Pakistan occupied Kashmir comprises foothills of the Himalayas rising to Jamgarh peak (15,531 feet [4,734 m); south of this are the north-western reaches of the Pir Panjal Range, which has an average crest line of 12,500 feet (3,800 m). The Jhelum River and its upper tributaries, including the Punch River, have cut deeply incised and terraced valleys through these mountain ranges; the Jhelum also constitutes most of the western boundary of PoK. The southern part of the territory consists of a narrow zone of plains' country in the Punch region that is characterized by interlocking sandy alluvial fans. Thorn scrub and co{censored} grass are the dominant forms of vegetation in the south: this scrubland gives way to pine forests at higher elevations in the north.

Wheat, barley, corn (maize), millet, and livestock are raised in the lower valleys and support relatively high population densities. In the more sp{censored}ly settled upper valleys, corn, cattle, and forestry are the economic mainstays. There are deposits of marble near Muzaffarabad and Mirpur, graphite at Mohriwali, and other reserves of bauxite, silica, chalk and low-grade coal; Household industries produce carved wooden objects, textiles, and durries carpets. The government of PoK has its headquarters at Muzaffarabad, which is linked by road with Abbottabad to the Southwest. Mirpur is the major town in the southern part of the territory.[4]

Administration and Social Conditions: Before its division, the territory as a whole was composed of the provinces of Jammu, Kashmir, and the border states-Ladakh, Baltistan, and the Gilgit Agency. The districts of Muzaffarabad, Kotli, and Mirpur, as well as part of Punch, now form the state of Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (PoK), while Baltistan, Astor, and the Gilgit Agency now constitute the Northern Areas-all of this area in the Pakistani-controlled sector. The districts of Ladakh (Leh), Anantnag, Baramulla, Srinagar, Pulwama, Badgam, Kupwara, and Kargil in Srinagar province and the districts of Jammu, Mathua, Udhampur, Rajauri, Doda, and part of Punch of Jammu province form the Indian-held sector and are represented in the Indian Parliament as the state of Jammu and Kashmir. Srinagar is the summer capital while Jammu is the winter capital of the state. The state is distributed in 14 districts.

Analysis: Considering Geography, political divisions and socio-culture of J & K we find that: J & K consists of Jammu, Kashmir, Ladakh, Baltistan and Gilgit Agency. Kashmir valley is a very small part of J & K. Any matter relating to J & K has to be discussed in its entirety and not in parts e.g., Kashmir valley which is just a small part. When we say Kashmir it is actually J & K and not Kashmir valley alone. Maharaj Hari Singh ceded J & K to India.

J & K population consists of Muslims of all faiths, Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhist and some sprinkling of Christians. As per 1941 census of the state after Muslims come Hindus & Sikhs in nearly equal numbers. To regard Kashmir valley Muslims as the true representatives of J & K will be gross misrepresentation of the population. Ladakhi, Gilgit and Jammu Muslims do not have commonalities and have differences in faiths as well.

To declare Kashmir as a Muslim state will be a gross injustice to the people of J & K who belong to all faiths and have been living amicably and cordially till the problems of terrorism & proxy war was imposed by Pakistan in J & K. The responsibility of a government is to grant equal rights to all citizens. But the experience in almost all Muslim states has shown that other communities are not granted equal right as is the case of Pakistan, Afghanistan and Gulf Countries. In Afghanistan

the destruction of ancient Buddhist monuments and imposing identity symbols on Hindus are gross violation of the law of equity and justice.

The culture of J & K has deep roots in Indian culture; the languages close to Indian languages and the area geographically meshed in northern part of India. To take a part say Kashmir valley breaks the contiguity of the area.

Economy

Jammu & Kashmir’s per capita state domestic product at current prices is Rs 3,420. It has road length of 14,429 km. and a rail route of 77 km. The majority of the population pursues subsistence agriculture and grows rice, corn (maize) wheat, barley, pulses, oilseeds and tobacco on terraced slopes. In the valley of Kashmir large orchards produce apples, pears, perches, mulberries, walnuts and almonds. Saffron is produced only in Kashmir in the entire subcontinent.

Resources and Agriculture: - The territory has limited mineral and fossil fuel resources, much of it being concentrated in the Jammu region. Small reserves of natural gas are fond near Jammu, and bauxite and gypsum deposits occur in the Udhampur district. Other minerals include limestone, coal, zinc and copper.

Occupation: - The majority of the Kashmiri population is occupied in agriculture of diverse kinds, each adapted to local conditions. Rice, the staple crop, is planted in May and harvested in late September. Corn, millet, pulses (legumes such as peas, beans, and lentils), cotton, and tobacco are- with rice- the main summer crops, while wheat and barley are the chief spring crops. Many temperate fruits and vegetables are grown in areas adjacent to urban markets or in well-watered area with rich organic soils. In the Valley of Kashmir large orchards produce apples, pears, peaches, walnuts, almonds, and cherries. The Valley of Kashmir is the sole producer of saffron in the Indian subcontinent. Lake margins are particularly favoured, and intensive cultivation of vegetables and flowers is practised in reclaimed marshland or on artificial floating gardens. The pressure of population on land is everywhere apparent, and all available resources are utilized. The lakes and rivers provide fish, water chestnuts, hydroelectric power, and transport and are a tourist attraction. The mountains supply many kinds of timber and pasture for sheep and dairy cattle.

Cultivation in Ladakh is restricted to such main valley as those of the Indus, Shayok, and Suru rivers, where it consists of small-irrigated plots of barley, buckwheat, turnips, and mustard. Plants introduced in the 1970s by Indian researchers have given rise to orchards and vegetable fields. Pastoralism-notably yak herding-long has been a vital feature of the Ladakh economy” ; sheep and goat farming, as well as cattle breeding, have been encouraged. The Kashmir goat, which is raised in the region, provides cashmere (also called pashmina) for the production of fine textiles.

Animal life: Wild animals include the Siberian ibex, the Ladakh urial (a species of wild sheep with a reddish coat), the rare hangul (or Kashmir stag) found in Dachigam National Park, black and brown bears, and many game birds, including vast numbers of migratory ducks.

Trade and Industry: All the principal towns, including Leh, and a majority of the villages are electrified, and hydroelectric and thermal generating plants have been constructed to provide power for industrial developing based on local raw materials. Major power stations are at Chineni and Salal and on the upper Sind and lower Jhelum rivers. Land reforms have been undertaken, grain production increased, and the quantity of major exports-timber, fruits and dry nuts, and handicraft products- vastly expanded since 1947. Metal-ware, precision instruments, sporting goods, furniture, embroidery, matches, and resin and turpentine are the major industrial products of the state.

Srinagar possesses many specialized agricultural markets, retail shopping centres, and associated industries. The industries have developed from rural crafts and include handloom weaving of local silk, cotton, and wool, carpet weaving, wood-carving, and leather work. Such industries, together with silverwork and copper work and jewellery, were stimulated by the presence of the royal court and the tourist trade but also owe something to the important position achieved by Srinagar in west Himalayan trade. In the past the city acted as an entrypoint for the products of the Punjab region east of the Karakoram, Pamir, and Ladakh ranges on the other. Routes still run northwestward into Gilgit via the Raj Diangan Pass and northeastward via the Zoji Pass to Leh and beyond. Handicraft manufacture also is important in Ladakh, particularly the production of cashmere shawls, carpets, and blankets.

Transportation and Tourism: The Indian union (central) government has made a huge investment in developing highways and communications in Jammu and Kashmir. As a result of the India-Pakistan dispute over Kashmir, the route through the Jhelum valley from Srinagar to Rawalpindi (Pakistan) was blocked. This made it necessary to transform a longer and more difficult cart road through Banihal Pass into an all-weather highway in order to link Jammu with the Valley: included was the construction of the Jawahar Tunnel (1959), one of the longest in Asia. This road, however, is often made impassable by severe weather, which causes shortages of essential commodities in the Valley. A road also connects Srinagar with Kargil and Leh. Jammu is the terminus of the Northern Railway of India. Srinagar and Jammu are connected by air to Delhi and other Indian cities, and there is service between Srinagar and Leh.

Considerable improvements also have been made in facilities for tourists, although the potential is still largely untapped. Tourism has had a significant socio-economic impact on Ladakh, which was largely isolated from outsiders until the 1970s. In addition to historical and religious sites, visitor destinations include such snow-sports centres as that at Gulmarg south of Baramula in the Pir Panjal Range and the hot mineral springs at Chumathang near Leh.

The proxy war has been however very expensive for India, not only in terms of disturbed conditions, loss of valuable lives as loss of tourism and trade but also overall financial burden for managing the costly proxy war.

The Pakistan-sponsored terrorist violence has taken a toll of 9,151 civilians and 5,101 security personnel besides inflicting an estimated damage worth Rs 2,000 crore to private property.[5]

Political situation

The state of Jammu and Kashmir retains a special status within the union government: the rest of the states follow the Indian constitution, but Jammu and Kashmir has its own constitution (adopted in 1956) that affirms the integrity of the state within the Republic of India. The union government has direct legislative powers in matters of defence, foreign policy, and communications within the state and has indirect influence in matters of citizenship, Supreme Court jurisdiction, and emergency powers.

Under the constitution of Jammu and Kashmir, the President of India appoints the governor of the state. Executive power rests in the elected chief minister and the council of ministers. The legislature consists of two houses: the Legislative Assembly (Vidhan Sabha) of 77 members, representing constituencies: and the Legislative Council (Vidhan Parishad) of 36 members. The state directly sends four elected representatives to the Lok Sabha and two members, elected by the combined Legislative Assembly and Council, to the Rajya Sabha of the Indian Parliament. The High Court consists of a chief justice and two or more other judges, who are appointed by the president of India.

After the initial bungling, in the 50s, India took up a resolute stand on the Kashmir issue, making it absolutely clear that the solution of the problem lay in Pakistan vacating the territory it had illegally occupied. The Indian delegate at the United Nations went even a step further when he exposed the vested interest the West had in keeping the Kashmir issue alive. “Kashmir is a cold war issue; it is part of the desire to forge a ring around the Soviet Union, part of the policy of what is called “containment”.

To a large extent, so-called Kashmir problem has been exacerbated by the open partisanship shown by the West, more particularly, Britain and United States towards Pakistan within the United Nations and outside. USA even went a step further by turning a deaf ear to India’s steady complaint right from 1989 over Pakistan’s systematic attempts to create a reign of terror in the valley by promoting militant outfits from across the border who indulged in kidnapping and carnage. It began with the kidnapping of the daughter of India’s then Home Minister Mufti Mohd. Sayeed followed by selective killings, disrespect to the Indian tri-color, the flight from the Valley of the Pandit community, bomb explosions, storming of mosques and other places of worship, killing of our security personnel, attacks on media-persons, etc. None knows the fate of the Western tourists kidnapped a few years ago, though the decapitated body of one tourist was found in between. Terrorism robbed Kashmir of its earnings through inland and international tourism.

American Interests: Hopes of a resolution of the question of Jammu and Kashmir’s status virtually receded from the world’s collective consciousness for two decades. But Pakistan’s emergence as a key front in the U.S. assault on Soviet influence in Afghanistan changed that situation. By the mid-1980s, Pakistan was working on Operation Tupac, a revised version of its 1947 and 1965 enterprises, this time built around a sustained low-intensity conflict in Kashmir followed by a mass uprising.

If only any historian delves into the history of the Indian subcontinent, he would discover that Pakistan became a “terrorist” state not in 1989, but way back as early as 1947, the year a state based on the concept of a state religion was born as India’s neighbor. To a large extent the East, more particularly USA, has helped Pakistan become, a terrorist State by pampering it politically and militarily right from the beginning. So much so, now that the Kargil conflict seems to be escalating day by day, the “irresponsible” (a phrase used by the G-8 summit in Cologne) Pakistani leadership is even talking of pressing the nuclear button as an ultimate weapon in its insidious attempt to ‘internationalize’ the so-called Kashmir issue. Be it in 1947 or 1965 or 1971 or 1989 (when Pakistan launched its proxy war or its trans-border terrorism) or right now in 1999, it was and is Pakistan that created the Kashmir problem.

The U.S is not an honest broker in the process of peace. If Balkanization was a bad word until recently, Madeline Albright and the U.S. Department of State seemed to have adjudged it to be a worthwhile strategy in the Balkans itself. Now Bush has compared Kashmir to Kosovo in his recent statement. USA always propagated Kashmir as a disputed territory and freedom and self determination as the solutions; the version of Pakistan stand. The Pakistanis and the Pakistan- trained militants are perhaps cheered by the U.S. stand on Kosovo (and the U.S. fraternization with the Kosovo Liberation Army). Both should read the preface to Noam Chomsky’s recently republished Fateful Triangle: The United States, Israel and the Palestinians, in which he reports on the fate of the Kurds and Iraqi Shias. In order to isolate Iran, the U.S. will ensure that the Shia people of southern Iraq and the Kurds are not allowed to create homelands. In Kosovo, however, the U.S. enacts the principal of self-determination, perhaps in order to ensure the eastward expansion of its power through a refurbished North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Self-determination, in U.S. eyes, is only acceptable if it accords with the overall strategic objectives of the U.S.

If U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Gibson Lanpher and others seemed to speak for India now, U.S. officials seemed equally eager to keep the pot of Kashmir on the boil in order to facilitate an active U.S. entry into matters of state in South Asia. Bush taking a cue from his previous administration is further disturbing. Even though India negated that the talks with Musharraf were under no duress from USA, the facts speak otherwise. Even President Musharraf stated this before the Agra summit. The pressure of USA on India is thus a disturbing; India must not bow to balkanization.

Chinese interest. The conflicts within the state were heightened by tensions at the periphery between China and India. After the Chinese communist conquest of Tibet and the resurgence of Chinese power in Sinkiang, Chinese forces penetrated into the north-eastern parts of Ladakh; by 1956-57 they had completed a military road through Aksai Chin to provide better communication between Sinkiang and western Tibet. The belated discovery of the existence of this road by Indian patrols led to border clashes that culminated in the Sino-Indian war in October 1962. “China requested Pakistan in 1962 to settle its dispute by engaging Indian troops in Kashmir but Pakistan missed a golden chance to win a military victory” wrote Major general Rafi-ud Din a former Chief of Special Operations in the Inter Service Intelligence (ISI) who retired in 1993 wrote in The News[6] The north-eastern part of Ladakh has been occupied by China since the conflict. India refused to negotiate with China on the alignment of the Ladakhi boundary in this area, and the incident contributed significantly to the diplomatic rift between the two countries that only began to heal in the late 1980s. China was facilitated by Pakistan by giving atrategic heights in northern Kashmir and

by allowing China to build a road into Pakistan through J & K territory. This was a clear violation of all agreements reached from 1948 onwards. Pakistan had no right to gift away territory of J & K on which it had no legal jurisdiction.

In turn China helped Pakistan by providing military aid, missiles and even the know how about the atomic bomb. In addition it provided material, diplomatic and moral support to Pakistan throughout. China has thus proved to be the most trusted friend of Pakistan.

India’s stand: As far as India is concerned it has all along taken an unambiguous stand that Kashmir is as much a part of India as Tamil Nadu or Rajasthan and the so-called problem of Kashmir emanates from the invasion of a part of Kashmir by Pakistan in 1947. The problem would cease to exist the moment Pakistan vacates its aggression.

Pakistan’s Stand: Pakistan, built on the two-nation theory, argues that since the majority of the population of Kashmir is Muslim, it should belong to Pakistan. A pluralistic society like India which is home to many religions and languages, does not accept the concept of a state based on religion. Political analysts contend that a “fundamentalist” state like Pakistan that has fanned the flames of communal divide and has fostered the Taliban movement- an obscurantist crusade that has stifled basic human freedoms in Afghanistan at the behest of its Pakistani godfather - would have invented some other genie to harass India even if there were no Kashmir.
At the signing of the Simla Agreement on July 2, 1972, India wanted the Kashmir issue to be settled first. Pakistan Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Butto appealed that the Kashmir issue not be treated as the core one after Pakistan's military defeat in the 1971 war. Three decades later, General Parvez Musharraf called Kashmir the core issue. Prime Minister Vajpayee is willing to discuss Kashmir, but as part of a composite dialogue.
At the time of the Vajpayee-Musharraf summit on July 15, in Agra, both countries had diametrically opposite views on the Kashmir issue.
Positions on Kashmir

INDIA
  • Does not consider the Kashmir issue a dispute. Insists that Pakistan give back PoK under its control. It considers cross border terrorism as the key issue and asks Pakistan to stop it before any meaningful dialogue.
  • India says that the UN resolutions are no longer applicable. This position has been supported by UN Secretary General Kofi Anan.
  • India is willing to discuss Kashmir in a bilateral mode with Pakistan under the Simla Agreement.
  • According to India, Kashmir can be talked about only as part of a composite dialogue covering a range of issues like Siachen, terrorism, Sir Creek, Wular Barrage, etc. The framework for such composite talks is already in existence.
  • India wants the Line of Control in Kashmir to be made a line of peace and tranquillity. This means that Pakistan stop its cross-border terrorism.
  • Sees Pakistan's offer of a no-war pact meaningless, considering it is materially supporting a low-intensity war in Kashmir.
PAKISTAN
  • Wants India to acknowledge that the Kashmir issue is a dispute. Desires that the dispute be settled under the 1948 and 1949 UN resolutions. It denies its role in cross border terrorism. It also denies the role of ISI in any of the operation in India.
  • Pakistan wants that if a plebiscite under the UN resolutions is not acceptable, then the people of Kashmir (Valley) be granted the right to self-determination.
  • Pakistan's position is opportunist. Its stand that the Hurriyat, which claims to represent the people of Kashmir, be included as a third party in talks is equivocal.
  • Wants to discuss Kashmir dispute as the core issue. After pressure from the international community it has relented to fall in line with India's proposal of a composite dialogue. Gen. Musharraf still maintains that no dialodue can be started without it
  • Claims that the terrorists are not under its control. In a cleaver ploy it has suggested that international observers be deputed to assess its position on the LoC.
  • Desires a no-war pact because it fears that India's threshold of tolerance may snap, leading to an all-out war.

The rise of terrorism in 1989 put an effective end to India-Pakistan bilateral initiative. Prime Minister I.K.Gujral and Nawaz Sharif sought to revive a process of dialogue, but their initiative proved of limited utility owing to a variety of reasons. What shape future dialogue on Jammu and Kashmir will take is far from clear. [7]
The current crisis has less to do with the accession of 1948 and far more to do with events that began in the early 1980s. Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah died on September 8,1982, an incident that put into disarray the mild form of stability constitute by the skill of the Sheikh and the relatively careful governance from Delhi. This history can be developed with the four ages which originated in the political venality both of Indira Gandhi’s Congress and of Farooq Abdullah’s National Conference (1983-88) created the upsurge of young Kashmiris for azaadi manifested in the Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (1998-91); Pakistan’s usurpation of the revolt through the offices of the Hizbul Mujahideen and other Pakistan-oriented organisations (1991-93) and then into a proxy war fought by Pakistan through its ISI-trained mayhem Mujahideen (foreign, mainly Afghan, mercenaries) and the Indian forces. The Pakistani bombardment of Kargil, which began in April 1997, falls into this fourth phase.

Evidence of the “present ness” of the conflict can be seen in the emboldened Pakistani ISI and in the rise of the Hindu Right in India. If the ISI sent a group of rag-rag fighters into Kashmir in 1948 and 1965, by the late 1980s it was a very different outfit. “Steeled by the Afghan war,” the ISI systematically planned for action in Kashmir from 1984. It trained those opposed to India and allowed the insurgency “in Kashmir to ripen so that the fruit would fall of its own accord into Pakistani laps” [8]. In February 1990, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, the Afghan militant, told a crowd at Peshawar that India in Kashmir might face the same fate as the Soviets in his native land.[9]. The confidence of the Afghan campaign provided the ISI with personnel and prestige for its Kashmir intrigues.

Simultaneously, the rise of the Hindu Right in India alienated many Kashmiri Muslims from what some militants, following Jamaat founder Maulana Mehdhoodi, called the “Theo democracy” of India. The Vishwa Hindu Parishad’s Shilanyas campaign of 1989, L.K. Advani’s Rath Yatra of 1991, Murli Manohar Joshi’s Ekta Yatra of late 1991, and the demolition of the Babri Masjid in 1992 all contributed to the growth of militancy in Kashmir. “When the band of fellow travelers and fanatics reached Delhi,” Joshi writes of the BJP cadres, “it became clear that instead of uniting the country, the Ekta Yatra had succeeded in uniting the militants in the valley”[10]. The strengthened resolve of the militants provided the ISI with a vast opening for its infiltrators. The shenanigans of the Sangh Parivar and the ruthlessness of the ISI came together to foment the present fierce crisis.

In this conflict, over 20,000 people have died and a vast number has been affected in myriad ways. “Kashmiris are paying the highest price in this conflict, caught between the grindstones of the Pakistani Mujahideen and the Indian security forces”[11] As with conflicts in Punjab and elsewhere, the gun became the arbiter of political differences. Kashmiri militants wielded the gun to kill their opponents and become the sole political agency in the region; the marginal Jamaat, for instance, emerged as a player in Kashmir “courtesy of the gunmen of the Hizbul Mujahideen”[12]. The Border Security Force (BSF), the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) and the Army took charge of operations as the civilians found negotiations faltering. “Excessive force” became the normal principle of the men with the guns. In this scenario, those politicians eager for a solution without weapons fled (with the exception of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) leader Yusuf Tarigiami and Mohammed Shaffi Bhat[13]. The militarization of the conflict provides no avenue for a solution.

Only plausible solution to the imbroglio is for the Indian Government to win “back the hearts and minds of the Kashmiri Muslims in the valley”[14]. The current caretaker government seems to be unprepared ideologically and institutionally for such an endeavor. Unable to engage a “swadeshi” foreign policy, the BJP looks toward the United States for salvation from a dilemma that neither of them can fathom.

The kidnapping of Dr. Rubaiya Sayeed (daughter of Mufti Mohammed Sayeed), the Hazratbal stand-off of 1993, the destruction of Charar-e-Sharief, the Doda fracas, and the beheading of tourists are important events of the recent past. The ISI encouraged the creation of many groups rather than one united front principally because it wished to make counter-insurgency all the more difficult to handle for the Indian security forces. If one group was destroyed, this did not mean that the entire panoply of pro-Pakistan militants would be put into danger. A detailed account of the Lashkar-e-Taiba would have been useful, given Ahmed Rashid’s revelations that the group has infiltrated the highest echelons of the Pakistani Army. The Dukhtaran-e-Millat, the women’s wing of the Jamaat, which was formed in 1987 and which emerged in force after the Chhanpora rape of March 1990[15].

Just as Pakistan cannot be trusted, India has to take with a pinch of salt the superficial American concern about Pakistan’s responsibility in creating the latest crisis. The slight tilt towards India is more tactical and expedient; in case India is compelled to cross the LoC to wipe out the intruders, there is every possibility of USA changing its stand all on a sudden. We have on record that countries like Israel and USA have developed their own code of taking on the enemy and they would do anything to destroy the enemy at a place of their choice. Several years ago Israel chose to destroy Iraq’s nuclear reactor to prevent an Arab nation from becoming nuclear. For long Israel has been calling the shots in Lebanon. Likewise, USA stormed a Sudanese chemical factory and the hideout of Bin Laden in Afghanistan-Pakistan sector when American embassies in two African countries were razed to the ground by alleged Arab terrorists. But what is good for USA and Israel my not be considered appropriate for India. Here is Pakistan that has not only violated the LoC, but threatens nuclear strike against India if India refuses to resolve the Kashmir issue. And the American army chief discusses a proposal to provide a “safe corridor” for the intruders. And what on earth is the compensation that can never be paid for the immense sacrifices made by our soldiers to defend our nation.

“The recent military action should be seen as part of a continuing pattern of Pakistani involvement in J & K since 1989. One phase of involvement reached its peak in the early part of 1990, but this was contained soon after. The second phase started in 1992, when Pakistan began to push in different terrorist groups such as the Lashkar-e-Toiba or the Harkat-uI-Ansar”.

The Prime Minister said this phase reached its peak in the period 1993-95 and was focused in the valley and once India succeeded in containing this, the action moved to other parts of J & K, particularly in selected districts of Jammu and in the regions adjoining the Line of Control.

The Prime Minister described the current infiltration as qualitatively new as their numbers were higher. Further, this time they were holding territory rather than seeking to infiltrate into the valley or other parts of Kashmir.

He said this was also the first time that Pakistan was holding out a military change to the Shimla agreement by seeking to alter the Line of Control.

Talking about the constraints faced by India, Mr. Vajpayee said the terrain gave them significant military advantage, since they were entrenched along the ridges in a 140 km stretch, from Mushkoh valley and Dras in the west to Batalik and Turtak in the east. The initial ground action, therefore, was slow and costly in casualties. This is why we decided to bring in air power to pound the armed intruders. We are satisfied with the progress made so far. I am sure all of you will join me in applauding the performance of our armed forces that have already brought us significant success, he told the leaders of different political parties. The Tribune, June 29, 199

After three elections in two years the Kashmir Valley today bears all the attributes of normalcy. Schools opened in the middle of March after the long winter recess. Towns and cities witness the hustle and bustle of daily routine. Rural areas today are largely free of 'cordon and search'. Electricity is available throughout the Valley after the Uri Hydel-project went on stream. The Charar-e- Sharief shrine of the Sufi patron saint of the Valley, destroyed by the militants in 1995, is under reconstruction and is likely to be completed by autumn. Cricket is played vigorously in village greens on a clear day. The winter has been comparatively mild and spring has set in early. [16]

This USA brokered temporary peace helped Pakistani troops to retrieve safely. However this never deterred Pakistan from keeping its ISI active and terrorists striking at will. The pure Pakistan outfit LeT has been even more active and so is the ISI backed Hizzub who have since continued at endless killings, without caring for human values.

There are discordant notes as well. Srinagar and some of the major towns still shut off when the Hurriyat calls for a bandh. This is not very unusual among peace loving Kashmiris, ever keen to avoid giving an excuse for unnecessary violence. Anti-militant operations are still pursued, though less frequently, in the main by the special teams of the local police and the para-military.

The peace moves by Prime Minister of India and the declaration of cease-fire and its extension from time to time has actually relieved the Kashmiri population of tensions and has started showing its active interest in genuine peace. The Indian Kashmiri insurgents have nearly stopped their activities to give the peace a chance. The insurgency is now centred on the Pakistani intruders primarily Lashkar-e-Toiba, Harkat-ul-Ansar and Jaish-e-Mohammad. Popular support to the movement has abated to a point where spontaneous acts of violence by terrorists are no longer possible. The people are both wary and full of mistrust. The militants' propaganda does not carry conviction. Press in the Valley now attempts to provide both sides of the story rather than routinely issue statements on behalf of the militants. But, acts of terrorism will not come to a sudden end, unlike in the Punjab. The local police are yet to establish themselves, although they have come a long way. The terrain allows militants a degree of freedom, as in the hills of Northeast India, which will permit them to carry on their desperate acts for some time. There is still no shortage of volunteers from the Islamic world or from Pakistan. It is true their costs have doubled. From an amount of two lakhs of Rupees for a two-year contract in the Valley, the sum is now four lakhs. Increasingly the persons are hard core serving or ex-soldiers of the armed forces from across the LOC, such as those involved in the Wandhama massacre near Ganderbal on the eve of the Republic Day. The ISI handlers today monitor their activities even more closely than before.

The Security Forces job, then, is far from over. This summer will witness a desperate attempt by Pakistan to escalate violence. Border infiltration has been substantially curbed. Foreign terrorists now enter the State through neighbouring countries and not across the LOC. Their tactics will increasingly rely on use of improvised explosive devices, acts of violence against minorities and selective and random killings of key persons. To prevent such acts will require all the skill and commitment that the security forces can muster. There can be no question of a reduction of forces for the time being. Equally, this should be a priority for the coming winter to provide them rest and respite.

It is time then to think of the next stage in Kashmir. The real solution lies in the ability of the State to provide "good governance". A phrase much overused today, but which in reality encapsulates the responsibility of the State to its citizens. It is a sad commentary that this continues to be largely absent in the Valley. There are many excuses perhaps. Most important is that the Administration has become used to non-performance and non-accountability during the long period of President's rule. Yet, the utter lack of commitment of local politicians is a cause for concern. Corruption has again reached the levels that prevailed earlier. Faith in politicians, not politics, is very low. This was reflected both in the people's generally spontaneous participation in the elections, this time with no state coercion and their strong warning to the National Conference.

There are signs of the possible emergence of a new political force in the Valley. One that is independent of the National Conference, but by no means extremist in its orientation. This was reflected in Mufti Mohammed Sayeed's success at Anantnag. Credit goes to his daughter Mehbooba, herself a state assembly member, and her dynamic mobilization of the people. This was further reflected in the near success of Muzaffar Beg, an independent candidate in Baramula and an emerging political personality in the State, against Saifulla Soz. If elections in the future continue to be genuine and the people's desires are truly reflected in the poll results, there is no cause for undue concern.

The courage and determination of the Indian soldier and the honour given to them by their countrymen have been unparalleled in the world history. On the other hand the treachery of Pakistan too is unparalleled as only a short period before the two Prime Ministers signed the peace accord known as Lahore declaration. The meticulous tactical planning and conduct of the infiltration with complete and total surprise by the Pakistan Army are as laudable as extreme bravery of Indian troops and diplomatic effectiveness of the Indian Government. However certain very important questions remained to be answered. These are:-​
  1. Knowing fully well that time and again Pakistan is resorting to proxy war causing immense damage to Indian men, money, materials, morale, peace and cohesion, why not a concrete or permanent solution ever planned?​
  2. Why did not India learn the lessons from previous proxy wars?​
  3. Why is proxy war not made the part of regular study at military training institutions and regular training?​
  4. Why could not a cap put to proxy war once for all?​
  5. Why could not the Kargil War be put to a logical end?​
  6. Why were the Indian’s caught napping in Kargil?​
  7. Who were to be actually blamed for Kargil fiasco and why are they not punished?​
This requires an honest post-mortem. Any post mortem must have the specific objective of preventing any future Kargil: “A post mortem must be in terms of a national perspective and not a party perspective and not a party perspective. Any political party which indulges in a motivated, partisan post mortem will reduce its credibility in the eyes of Indian citizen.”[17]

The Indian Government constituted an enquiry committee to find answer to only a few of the questions at the tactical level. The national strategy in the event of a proxy war was not brought under the preview. The Kargil Review Committee, headed by Mr. Subramaniam gave a 228-page report, which was tabled in Lok Sabha on 24 Feb 2000 by the then Defence Minister Mr. George Fernandez. The committee had overwhelming evidence that the Pakistani armed intrusion came as a surprise to all. “The committee did not come across any agency or individual who was able to clearly assess before the event the possibility of a large-scale Pakistani military intrusion across the Kargil heights.” What was conceived was the limited possibility of infiltration and enhanced artillery exchanges in this sector.

The Subramaniam committee came out with 25 glaring deficiencies in the country’s security set-up, aptly titled, “From Surprise to Reckoning”, recommended that such a review should be taken by an independent body of credible experts and done expeditiously.

The committee came heavily on the three Service Chiefs for not being in close touch with the Government and said, “The Chiefs of Staff have assumed the role of operational commanders of their respective forces rather than that of the Chiefs of Staff to the Prime Minister and Defence Minister.” The Premier Minister and the Defence Minister do not have the benefit of the views and expertise of the Army Commanders and their equiValleynt in the Navy and the Air Force. So that higher level defence management decisions are more consensual and broad-based.

The committee also held all intelligence agencies, including the Director General of Military Intelligence (DGMI), responsible for not being able to detect the intrusion or even the excessive movement of troops on the other side of the border. It also said that the Joint Intelligence committee (JIC) was neither informed about the possibility of intrusion nor was it accorded the importance it deserved either by the intelligence agencies or the Government.

The committee was of the view that a Kargil-type situation could perhaps have been avoided had the Indian Army followed a policy of Siachenisation to plug upheld gaps along the 168-km stretch from Kaobal Gali to Chorbat La.

No study has been carried out about our strategic failure in the Proxy War. The commission has neither considered proxy war in its broader perspective nor the role of strategists therein, even though nothing moves without the prior sanction of these top administrators i.e., the Prime Minister, Defence Minister or Defence Secretary. The Service Chiefs are reduced to mere figureheads and a very remote place in the hierarchy of the nation in a gradually decline of their positions. The simple paradigm that,” Defence Forces be kept as far away as possible from the doors of power, to avoid any military take over” has gradually allowed the political bosses and bureaucracy to belittle the Army Chiefs where they have to obtain the permission of secretaries to speak to the Defence Minister or Prime Minister and wait for hours to meet them, even though they are supposed to be the Chiefs of Staff to these authorities.

There is no denying the fact that the Kargil was a great political and strategic failure. Operation ‘Surprised’ was cleverly named Operation Vijay and media managed to befool the public. It is the second time that India had to fight the entire battle on its own land to recapture it from the enemy who captured it with simple ease, because we under estimated the enemy and strategically paid lesser attention to proxy war and Kargil despite the fact that there were reports as far back as October 1998 that such an infiltration is likely. Not even the minimum essential troops or weapons, equipments and clothing were provided to the troops. We lowered the guard and relaxed after Lahore Declaration as we did after signing of Panchsheel with China. We learnt no lessons from our failures and this resulted into humiliating surprise.

As is well known, the commissions are generally detailed to cover up the faults of those who detail them and to buy time and assuage the feelings of upsurge in general public. For these commissions the terms of references are so framed that they do not touch the real guilty. By the time the findings are made public, the public generally forgets the past. They are always eager to know the facts immediately after the event.

As the Lahore declaration was being prepared Gen. Musharraf was busy preparing for Kargil offensive. This large scale infiltration by 5 Pak Battalions occupying strategic Kargil Heights was a blatant summersault on all agreements. India gave a befitting answer by evacuation the intruders from all the occupied heights and killing most of them. As per Smt. Benazir Bhutto Pakistan had more than 1000 causalities. India’s losses too were large in terms of causalities (over 400 dead) finances and prestige damage as India was found sleeping (or intoxicated in the spirit of agreement).

American brokered peace did not last long as Pak again stepped up its proxy war, aiming at Indian Armed Forces through Pakistan’s terrorist organizations Lashkar-e-Tayyiba (LeT) and Hizab-ul-Mujah-I-Deen the two terrorists outfits directly controlled by Pakistan Government through its ISI, a Defence Services Intelligence organization.

Pakistan Government’s involvement is direct in the proxy war; but one fails to understand as to why India has failed to project Pakistan as an aggressor state involved in prolonged war with India. It has also failed to suitably retaliate even when it was absolutely necessary. Fully knowing well that Pakistani troops had crossed Indian borders, India did not go across the border even to destroy the terrorist training centers which was a minimum requirement to stop further influx. By remaining passive and too defensive, India has not only fallen in the eyes of the world but has kept itself involved with a very small country; neglecting the most serious threats from bigger countries like China. Its development too has relatively suffered due to heavy financial commitments and political attention towards continuing proxy war.

On the other hand Pakistan is happy achieving its aim; keeping a country many more times its size and strength bogged down in a muddle; bleeding India not through 1000 but millions of cuts; causing attrition on Indian Security Forces and keeping the Kashmir cauldron burning projecting the fire and smoke internationally through its media.

Musharraf’s sticking on Kashmir and India on Cross Border Terrorism failed the talks. The Vajpayee-Musharraf summit on 14-15 July 2001 also failed even to sign a joint declaration. This failure of talks is likely to encourage ISI, terrorists and other hardliners resulting in stepped up violence and more heat in proxy war. Had India been vocal in declaring Pakistan’s Proxy War with India as the key issue the impact would have been different. The world Cross Border Terrorism has been linked by Pakistan with ‘war for freedom’ of Kashmiris. Had India insisted on discussing Proxy War by Pakistan on India and would have properly propagated the case at the world screen, the word War would have gained more footage than the word ‘terrorism’.

It is in this direction that the Pakistan’s proxy wars in addition to Operation Kargil are studied here. The analysis is strictly from the point of a defence analyst meant to highlight the importance of ending proxy wars of Pakistan for the citizens of India and the world at large.

The background covers geography, history, economy, socio-culture and strategic importance of Kashmir. Pakistan’s information and proxy war are touched briefly deliberating upon the terrorist groups causing unrest. The aims, objectives, forces levels, the infiltration plan and execution by Pak Army regulars and the operations to evict these Army intruders by the valiant Indian Army are studied in detail. Events are listed out sequentially. and the valour of the soldiers are briefly touched upon.

The post-mortem of the role of various key players, strategists, intelligence agents, Generals, Officers and soldiers, different arms and the services, equipment and weapons Indian vis-à-vis Pakistani are studied in detail. Also covered are post-Kargil situation in Kashmir, likelihood of future wars between the two and the nuclear and missile threats.​

References


[1] Sarwan Singh Shaktiman, Kashmir te Sikh, 1995, p. 1-14.
[2] Kashmir Through The Ages, p. 58
[3] The Tribune, Saturday, June 26,1999
[4] Encyclopedia Britannica, Vol.2. Ed.15th, 1997,P. 753
[5] The Indian Express, Date: October 15, 1998.
[6] The Tribune, Monday, Sept.13, 1999, p.9
[7] July 3,1998 p.12-13, The roots of the conflict
[8] p. 17
[9] p. 178
[10] p.100
[11] P. 448.
[12] P. 51.
[13] P. 215.
[14] P. 448.
[15] Frontline, July 30,1999 pp. 72-73,
[16] Maj. Gen. Dipankar Banerjee (Retd.), Kashmir Today
[17] Outlook, July 26, 1999 p.28-30
 
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Dalvinder Singh Grewal

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Jan 3, 2010
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CHAPTER II
LINE OF CONTROL

1.Line of Control
2. AGPL
3. Siachin


The J & K territory has an area of 85,806 square miles (222,236 square kilometers; it is divided by a “line of control,” agreed upon in 1972, that leaves an area of 46,976 square miles in the north and west with Pakistan known as Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (PoK); the remainder, 38,829square miles, is with India and is known as state of Jammu & Kashmir. The dispute of occupied territories of J & K by Pakistan and China have remained a thaw in the affairs between India and its neighbours Pakistan and China.

All through these 52 years Pakistan never ceased to play mischief in Kashmir. The nasty suggestion that the Line of Control has not been properly delineated shows the ugly fangs behind the mask and Pakistan’s lip service to both the Shimla Accord and the Lahore Declaration. India has all along taken the stand that the stand that the so-called insurgency in Kashmir is purely the creation of Pakistan establishment, its army and the ISI.​
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But in the spillover of the cold war, USA refused to pay any heed to the wailing and complaints from India about Pakistan as the hub of international terrorism until USA had it in its neck when the notorious Bin Laden, operating from the sanctuary of the Pakistan- Taliban nexus, remote controlled the bombings of the American embassies in Nairobi.

Pakistani incursions across the Kargil sector in Ladakh came to light and New Delhi’s Herculean efforts to push the intruders back mounted. Pakistan intruded its troops with an aim to alter the LoC with an aim to gain an upper hand in any future negotiations. This intrusion across Line of Control in Jammu and Kashmir has drawn a lot of media attention. Among others, the Pakistan Foreign Minister in the course of his one-day visit to New Delhi (June 12) referred to “some confusion” about the “actual line of control” in that though there was “demarcation in the maps”’ it had “not been delineated on the ground”. This was “especially” so in the hilly areas leading to lack of clarity in the melting of snow. There was also the charge that “thrice” over in the past, New Delhi had “violated” the LoC in the Siachen area. Stoutly repudiating all suggestions about its vagueness, India has maintained that both countries had agreed “on the map” where the LoC runs and that Islamabad was not unaware of its alignment.

The continuous day and night surveillance of the LoC has become more important because of the war like situation on the border and our glaring intelligence failure during Kargil war. The Chief of Army Staff Gen. Malik refused to comment on the much-reported failure of intelligence agencies prior to detecting the intruders last month in the Kargil sector and Dras and Batalik sub-sectors. “We are all working together. We are alright,” the general said about getting adequate support of civilian intelligence. “But we need to improve our surveillance along the LoC. Physical surveillance is not possible. We have to make use of more technical equipment.” Earlier, in his opening remarks, he said, “operations in Dras, Kargil and Batalik are progressing satisfactorily. Slow, on account of terrain and climatic conditions, but steady. I believe that we have been able to foil Pakistan’s military designs to sever the road between Zojila and Leh and turn our defences in Kargil, Batalik and Turtuk sectors. We are now fully balanced on the ground in Jammu and Kashmir and elsewhere.”

He described Pakistan’s contention about the “ambiguous delineation” of the LoC as “full of mischief, wrong, dangerous and unacceptable.” He pointed out: “If it was so, then India and Pakistan would have been in a state of war all along the 740 km of LoC and would remain so in future.”

Mentioning about the intrusion the Gen. said that irrespective of what the prime minister of Pakistan, their other leaders and military commanders have said, there is no doubt that the infiltration was conceived, planned and executed by Pakistani army regulars. “Their involvement has not been denied by Pakistan at the military to military level.” He said the intrusions had taken place across 110 to 120 km of the LoC and, initially, up to nine km inside the Indian Territory. Now, after almost one month of Operation Vijay, the maximum distance of Operation Vijay, the maximum distance of intrusion is about five to six km, he said.

Drawing a difference between the infiltration across the LoC in Jammu and Kashmir over the past 10 years and in the Kargil Sector this time, Gen. Malik said that in the earlier case, militants, mostly foreign mercenaries, were being sent into Indian Territory with support from the Pakistan army. However, in the Kargil situation, the “Pakistani army itself has infiltrated across the LoC with a view to changing the delineated LoC alignment.”[1]

If Indian troops ever have to cross the Line of Control (LoC) to pull curtains on the Kargil conflict, they will do so only after the Union Cabinet takes a decision in this regard, Army Chief Gen. V.P. Malik announced. In the same breath, and answering another question, Gen. Malik added: “There is a need for us to look beyond Kargil.”

Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee categorically stated that India, under no condition, would permit any alteration in the status quo along the Line of Control (LoC), which was inviolable under the Shimla agreement.

At an all-party meeting on the current situation in the Kargil sector, attended by leaders of all leading political parties, the Defence Minister George Fernandes and the three service chiefs who briefed the meeting to discuss the Kargil crisis, the Prime Minister said, “His government was making no secret deals and there were no proposals for mediation by third countries on the Conflict.

Lambasting Pakistan for the crisis, Mr. Vajpayee said “We wanted to hear from them their willingness to withdraw the intruders without condition and in a specified time-frame. This we did not hear”. He made it clear that the military action would not be stopped until the intruders were driven away.

The Prime Minister said: “Nothing but complete and unconditional withdrawal of the intruders will satisfy our requirement”. He expressed satisfaction over the response of the international community on the Kargil issue saying: “The world has recognised the restraint shown by us. They have also recognised India’s responsible approach which consists of localising operations while pushing back the intruders and expressing our readiness to resume the Lahore process if Pakistan withdrew the intruders”.

Mr. Vajpayee said: “We shall seek formal reaffirmation of the Line of Control as has emerged after the Shimla agreement and which both countries have formally delineated on the map.

“Our position is to continue the dialogue but under no condition will we permit any alteration in the status quo along the Line of Control”, he said.

The LoC was the end product of the Simla Agreement of July 1972, which brought to a close the third bout of hostilities between two neighbours. It may be recalled that the war itself, which led to the birth of Bangladesh as a separate political entity, had drawn to a close in December, 1971, and the India-Pakistan agreement at Simla had, inter alias, stipulated that insofar as the Cease Fire Line in Kashmir, agreed to in 1949, did no longer exist, after the hostilities of 1971, a new line had to be drawn.(See Appendix E1)

It may be of interest to note that in 1949, as later in 1971, the new alignment took time to be in place. Actually, this long-drawn out exercise engaged the United Nations Commission for India and Pakistan (UNCIP) for almost seven months, January-July 1949, before the military advisor to the Commission prepared the map, which delineated the Cease Fire Line (CFL), later accepted by both the parties.

The CFL was disturbed in August 1965 when a large number of Pakistani infiltrators entered Kashmir. In the ensuring hostilities, New Delhi was able to register sizeable territorial gains. Sadly for it, these were undone by the Tashkent declaration in January, 1966, which practically restored the status quo ante as far as the frontier in Kashmir was concerned.

In sharp contrast to the CFL, which was drawn by a UN Commission and agreed to by both India and Pakistan, the LoC was the handiwork of a bilateral arrangement. India and Pakistan very carefully selected senior military commanders to shoulder this historic responsibility. On the Indian side the team captain was the well known, highly respected, gallant soldier scholar, Lt Gen PS Bhagat, PVSM, Victoria Cross and on Pakistan side the highly respected veteran and a man of sterling character Lt. Gen Hameed Khan, S PK, SQA. It was a fortunate coincidence that Bhagat and Hameed knew each other since their days in the Indian Military Academy, Dehradun. Consequently they worked on the difficult, time consuming and laborious mission with trust, utter frankness and mutual regard and respect.

The composition of the two delegations was as under:
Indian Delegation
Pakistan Delegation
Lt Gen P S Bhagat​
Lt Gen Abdul Hameed Khan​
Maj Gen M R Rajwade​
Brig. S M Abbasi​
Maj Gen I S Gill​
Col Mahmud Shaukat​
Col C M Sahni​
Col Syed Refaqat​
Lt Col M S Chahal​
Lt Col M M Afzal Khan​
Lt Col B M Tewari​
Lt Col Ahmad Saeed​


General Bhagat’s team included the then Director Military Operations, Maj Gen. IS Gill, PVSM, MC, known in the Indian Army as a man of 24-carat-gold for his sterling qualities.​
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Similarly on the Pakistani side was the then Director Military Operations, Brig SM Abbasi, scion of the princely family of Bahawalpur. Included in the teams were also Deputy Directors of Survey of India and Pakistan with adequate Number of trained survey personnel and survey equipment. This author then a young Captain too had the luck of watching the functioning of these teams. The senior military commanders of the two sides were assisted by three sector commanders along the entire length of 740 Km of Line of Control which was divided in three segments namely the Southern Sector, the Central Sector and the Northern Sector.

In turn, sector commanders were assisted by sub sector commanders to do the groundwork on the entire Line of Control. For example, in the Northern Sector were included the four Sub Sector Commanders of Partapur Sub Sector, Kargil Sub Sector (including Batalik), Shingo (Kaksar) Sub Sector and Drass Sub Sector which are the areas of current conflict. Sector and Sub Sector Commanders of the two countries worked in close co-operation. The Simla Agreement stipulated that in Jammu & Kashmir, the Line of Control separating the two Armies on the day of ceasefire would be delineated.

The delineation of the LoC was effected during nine meetings as follows:
Dates
Venue
(a) First meeting​
Aug, 10-12 1972​
Suchetgarh​
(b) Second meeting​
Aug, 21-22 1972​
Wagah​
(c) Third meeting​
Aug, 28-29 1972​
Suchetgarh​
(d) Fourth meeting​
Sept, 3-15 1972​
Wagah​
(e) Fifth meeting​
Sept, 18 - Oct 1, 1972​
Suchetgarh​
(f) Sixth meeting​
Oct, 7-8 1972​
Wagah​
(g) Seventh meeting​
Oct, 14-22 1972​
Suchetgarh​
(h) Eighth meeting​
Nov, 7-9 1972​
Wagah​
(i) Ninth & final meeting​
December 11, 1972​
Suchetgarh​


At each meeting the inputs of sub sectors were discussed, the sticky points resolved and where necessary, a joint survey was ordered to ensure that nothing was left vague or uncertain. In the whole exercise two sets of maps each comprising of 27 maps were prepared. These marked maps were joined and 19 mosaics were prepared, thus clearly delineating the entire stretch of Line of Control running through 740 Km starting from Sangam and ending at Pt NJ-9842. Besides the maps, there were 19 Appendix consisting of 40 pages, giving the details of every feature, landmark and coordinates of the Line of Control. Each map containing the inscription: “Delineation of the Line of Control in Jammu and Kashmir resulting from the ceasefire of December 17,1971, in accordance with paragraph 4(II) of the Simla Agreement of July 2, 1972.

Immediately after signing of the delineation maps and documents at the final meeting of senior military commanders, the DMO flew to New Delhi and reported to the COAS along with copies of the signed delineation proceedings and one copy of the signed maps at 1500 hours 11 Dec 72. The COAS presented these at a meeting of the Political Affairs Committee of the Cabinet at 1600 hours the same day. At 1620 hours a message was received from Mr. Aziz Ahmed, Special Assistant to the President of Pakistan for Mr. PN Haksar, Principal Secretary to the Prime Minister, informing him that the Government of Pakistan had accorded its approval to the Joint Recommendations submitted by the senior military commanders of Pakistan and India on that day in regard to delineation of the Line of Control in J & K.

At 0700 hours on 17 Dec 72 the mutually agreed statement was released in New Delhi and Islamabad. At 2100 hours on 20 Dec 72, a joint statement by the Indian and Pakistan Governments was released to the media regarding withdrawal of troops to other International Border and delineation in conformity with the Line of Control in Jammu and Kashmir.

In view of the facts explained above, there should be absolutely no reason for any reservation in anyone’s mind in India or Pakistan that there is anything vague or uncertain about the Line of Control in Jammu and Kashmir. It is pertinent to add that for a period of over 27 years, the Line of Control in Jammu and Kashmir has stood the test of time. There have been frequent clashes as well as exchange of fire, which were invariably discussed and resolved in flag meetings of the two sides, authenticity of the Line of Control was never questioned. It is worthwhile adding that each flag meeting invariably developed into a competition in hospitality.

It is also appropriate to take a close look on the wording of Paragraph dealing with the sanctity of the Line of Control of the Shimla Agreement which reads as under: -

“In order to initiate the process of the establishment of durable peace, both the Governments agree that: In Jammu and Kashmir the Line of Control resulting from cease fire on 17th December, 1971 shall be respected by both sides without prejudice to the recognized position of either side. Neither side shall seek to alter it unilaterally, irrespective of mutual differences and legal interpretations. Both sides undertake to refrain from threat or use of force in violation of this Line.” [2]

Para 4(II) of the Simla Agreement clearly laid down that the LoC “shall be respected by both sides” and that “neither shall seek to alter it unilaterally.” Moreover, both sides undertook “to refrain from the threat of the use of force in violation” of the Line.

In a statement to the Lok Sabha on December 12,1972, the then Minister of External Affairs, Sardar Swaran Singh, tabled a separate document describing the LoC in four short paragraphs, A to D; Para C: “From Richmar Gali, the line of control runs north-wards passing west of Tithwal… and north of Chet in the Kargil sector, up to Chorbatla in Turtok sector.” Para D: “From there (viz. Chorbatla in Turtok sector) the line of control runs north-eastwards to Thang (inclusive to India), thence eastwards joining the glaciers.” Para C refers to the Kargil sector.

The Siachen Glacier was left unmarked due to its unapproachability. It should follow that the LoC does not extend to the Siachen glacier; in the event, the charge of violating it there does not pass muster.

It is clear that LoC is legally accepted by both the countries; but Pakistan never reconciled to the fact of separation of Bangladesh and held India responsible for it. It has been regularly violating this LoC to create troubles for India either by sending militants or attacking Indian posts along the Loc.

Pakistan’s game plan is to sit on the LoC and to make the occupation of each feature contentious. However, since the LoC runs along a watershed and Indian positions tower over Pakistan’s, Indian observation posts have the vantage point.

The Pakistan army had breached the Line of Control (LoC) in the Kargil sector over 15 years ago and established military posts on at least five features in the Batalik and Kaksar sub-sectors, it is now learnt. Most of these encroachments are only a few hundred meters inside Indian territory; but are nevertheless of considerable tactical importance.

Several attempts by the Indian Army (minus air power) to forcibly regain these positions were repulsed, informed sources said. In addition, the Indian Army lodged futile protests at several flag meetings between the two sides. These areas have not been regained since; though the Indian Army went on to establish posts around the occupied stretches.

One such encroachment was in Shangruti in the Batalik sub-sector. After encroaching into Indian territory, Pakistani soldiers occupied a dominating 16,000 ft high feature giving them a tactical advantage in the area. Since then, the Indian Army has established three posts at lower altitudes around this feature.

A second area is near Chorbat La. A third feature is near Dhalulang, along the Shingo River in the Kaksar sub-sector. This was despite the partial mining of the area around Dhalulang by the Indian Army. In the late eighties, the Army had tried to retake the feature but in vain. “In due course, the situation came to be accepted,” said a senior officer.[3]

Point 5353 is another point along LoC forcibly occupied by Pakistanis. The Pakistanis agreed to vacate Point 5353 in one of the flag meetings it still remains in the hands of Pakistanis. “Although the peak is on the LoC, a Pakistani observation post at the top can look into Drass, ” said Maj.-Gen. Mohinder Puri of 8 Mountain Division Pakistan has now occupied another feature ahead of Point 5353.

The cat-and-mouse game, described as “jostling for advantage” by XV Corps Commander Lt.-Gen. Krishan Pal, will continue till the territorial identity and possession of each feature along the LoC are decided. Finally, 27 years after the Shimla agreement, “what was delineated on the map is being demarcated on the ground”.

However, it is a Herculean task to maintain supply lines in winter. The army has started building permanent bunkers and in the Mushkoh valley hectic road-building activity is on. “Advance winter stocking of posts will be done once the rough tracks from the depth areas to the LoC are declared operational,” said Brig. Ashok Duggal of 3 Mountain Division. In a bid to prevent Indian forces from permanently manning these posts, Pakistan has been resorting to artillery shelling. On an average three casualties are reported a day.

Although a number of posts remain cut off in winter, each is now manned by 40 soldiers, including combat troops, sparrows (soldiers from the Signals Corps) and nursing assistants. Cheetah helicopters fly in mail and extra supplies in fair weather. In this glacial, forbidding terrain, Indian and Pakistan are in for another eyeball-to-eyeball confrontation. A second Siachen is in the making. [4]

After Kargil War, the situation on LoC improved temporarily. But it became quite volatile again and it appeared to be a war like situation all along the Loc though termed as a localised border war. Infantry, Artillery and Air Force, all were committed in this conflict. Regular attacks on forward posts and planned infiltration with the active assistance of Pakistani regulars by heavy artillery and mortar shelling became the regular feature of each day. But replying to another question, the PM said: “If war is thrust upon us, we will fight with whatever we have.” In the meantime, the government started taking steps to see that important equipment reached our soldiers and deficiencies made up.” Answering a supplementary about threats to India’s nuclear installations, he added: “We are prepared for any contingency.” But on whether the ongoing conflict in Kargil is “already a war”, he said, “I don’t want to get into semantics. For the soldier who is fighting (to evict the intruders), it is war.”

It is in actuality not an infiltration; it is an invasion, termed as proxy war. It is obvious for Pakistan to say that the Mujahideen or Afghans are involved in this conflict. The truth is that Pak Army regulars assist them to infiltrate. By invading our territory, Pakistan is trying to re-establish itself in Kashmir. Clearly, the aim is to alter the LoC and threaten our strategic interests in the area.

Chief of Army Staff Gen V.K. Malik, the Army Chief during the Kargil conflict wanted to cross over the LoC to punish the infiltrators. This would have been an effective step as has been amply proved in the West Asia where Israelis contained the infiltrators by attacking on to their camps. However the permission was never granted by the political bosses, as they strictly wanted to stick to LoC to maintain peace.

AGPL

The Actual Ground Position Line (AGPL) is the line of occupation by opposite forces in Siachen Glacier-Saltoro Ridge beyond NJ 9842 up to the Chinese border. It is a glacial stretch beyond grid reference point NJ-9842 till the Chinese border in Xinjiang that is not demarcated. This is the core of the Siachen dispute that has pit soldiers on both sides in combat in the highest, coldest and costliest battlefield in the world.

The 1949 Karachi Agreement spoke of the line beyond this point as going ``northwards to the glaciers.'' The 1972 Shimla Agreement's Line of Control (LoC) simply stopped at NJ-9842, leaving a 70-km stretch along the Saltoro Ridge un-delineated.

siachen1
siachen6


Indian Army on Patrol in Siachen Indian Artillery Siachen Medal

In 1949, after the first of three wars, the nations agreed to a cease-fire line that unfortunately stopped short of the remote massifs of north-central Kashmir -- a disputed area on the map where India, Pakistan and China rub shoulders. The wording in the agreement merely said the line was to continue "north to the glaciers." For two decades, this vague phrasing was of more concern to map makers than soldiers, but then in the 1970s and early eighties Pakistan permitted several mountaineering expeditions to climb high peaks on this glacier. This was to reinforce their claim on the area as these expeditions arrived on the glacier with a permit obtained from the Government of Pakistan. In many cases an liaison officer from the Pakistan army accompanied the team.

Pakistan gave permission to a Japanese expedition to attempt Rimo peak in 1984. This peak is located in the side valley, east of Siachen. It overlooks the eastern areas of the Aksai Chin. Such an expedition would have firmly linked the western routes with the eastern routes, -- the trade route leading to Karakoram Pass and China. The Indian army decided to take action and to prevent such an expedition from proceeding. In April 13, 1984, the Indian Army made a "pre-emptive" move into the glacier to defend the territory and the peaks and passes around it when it launched "Operation Meghdoot". Within weeks, Pakistani forces swept in to oppose them, but the Indians have been able to hold on to the tactical advantage of the high ground. The last major gunbattle in the region was reported September 4, 1999, when India said Pakistani artillery and mortar fire killed nine Indian soldiers on the craggy slopes of Turtuk, near the 47-mile-long Siachen Glacier.

siachen2
siachen3

Supplies packed Mi-17 dropping supplies Indian igloos
As of date, some 10,000 troops are deployed by Pakistan and a befitting number faces them on the Indian side of the Line of Actual Control. To cater to such a large number of troops, about 6000 tonnes of load is flown into the Siachen Glacier every year. An almost equal amount is para-dropped there. This is achieved by the IAF's AN-32 aircraft and helicopters which serve as a 'lifeline' for the Northern Sector. The Kargil fighting showed India that the most uninhabitable, frozen land was not a sufficient barrier to intrusion. The Indian air force, trying to show that it is on the alert in a region even harder to defend than the sheer Kargil cliffs, has arranged a series of trips for photojournalists to see the Siachen operation. "Particularly since the Kargil war, the load of responsibility of the air force has increased," Air Vice Marshal S.K. Jain told journalists during the tour. "The forces are on alert, ready to meet any threat." The sound of incoming gunfire could be heard as the air force transports loaded up at Leh, on the approach to the Siachen Glacier.

Despite five layers of clothing, paratroopers shiver as they wait to board an air force transport at the world's highest air base at Leh. The AN-32A planes approach the stark runway at Leh in snowy mist, pushed by tail winds. The pilots navigate the steep mountains by sight. Higher on the icy Himalayan peaks, helicopter pilots battle downdrafts as they land on helipads to deliver precious supplies or rescue injured soldiers. The pilots stay on the ground no more than 30 seconds for fear of being shot. But cold kills more troops than bullets. Soldiers brought down to base camp often suffer hearing, eyesight and memory loss because of prolonged use of oxygen masks. Many lose eyes, hands or feet to frostbite. At the glacial heights, where even drinking water is from melting the ice on stoves, bathing is a rarity. Washing of clothing, too, is not possible. Hence, 14 pairs of thermal socks per individual are given for a 90-day stay so that the problem of washing at the posts is eliminated. But soldiers have to wash their clothing before depositing it back and leaving the glacier. Clothing used in the glacier is washed at the hot water sulphur springs on the banks of the Nubra at Panamik, a village near the base camp. Such is the rotation schedule that the washing goes on round the year. A serving Captain, just back from his glacier tenure, describes Panamik as the "world's biggest and highest dhobi ghat".

Some army posts on the peaks are only 1,000 feet from Pakistani entrenchments. Cheetah helicopters fly in to retrieve wounded or sick soldiers and drop supplies to their comrades, who remain behind on the lonely promontories. The enemy is hard to see in the crags and craters in the vast whiteness -- and harder to hit. Rifles must be thawed repeatedly over kerosene stoves, and machine guns need to be primed with boiling water. At altitudes of 18,000 feet, mortar shells fly unpredictable and extraordinary distances, swerving erratically when met by sledgehammer gusts. While some troops fall to hostile fire, far more perish from avalanches and missteps into crevasses that nature has camouflaged with snow. This is especially so now in springtime, as the sun licks away several feet of ice and opens new underground cracks and seams.

But for all these logistical peculiarities, the Siachen conflict might be thought of as just another low-intensity border war -- were it not being fought between the world's two newest nuclear powers. Their combat over a barren, uninhabited nether world of questionable strategic value is a forbidding symbol of their lingering irreconcilability. "This is like a struggle of two bald men over a comb," said Stephen P. Cohen, an authority on the Indian subcontinent at the Brookings Institution. "Siachen is the epitome of the worst aspects of the relationship. These are two countries that are paired on a road to Oslo or Hiroshima, and at this point they could go either way."

Most of India's many outposts are west of the glacier along the Saltoro Range of the Karakoram Mountains. These pickets are reachable to an enemy only after a strenuous climb and then a frontal assault, a near-hopeless task in such thin air. After 50 strides, even a well-conditioned man is gasping for breath with his muscles in a tremble. Fifteen years of refrigerated combat have brought only 15 years of hardened stalemate. The Pakistanis cannot get up to the glacier; the Indians cannot come down. "Nobody can win, no matter how long we fight," said Maj. Gen. V. S. Budhwar, the Indian commander in Leh, whose region includes Siachen. "But this is our land. It is a portion of our nation-state, and we will not cede it." Occasionally, some vital strategic importance is assigned to the Siachen area, with hypothetical aggressors flooding across mountain highways. More often, the conflict is described as a simple matter of principle. Imagine, people say, how America would respond if the Russians overran even a small, barren chunk of Alaska.

"Siachen is an awful place where you can step on a thin layer of snow and, poof, down you go 200 feet," said Gen. Khalid Mehmood Arif, the retired former vice chief of Pakistan's military. "But no nation ever wants to lose a single inch of territory, so Siachen has psychological and political importance. Its value is in ego and prestige." Arduous to live in, the Siachen area is beautiful to look at. Some of the world's tallest mountains fill the landscape, their snowy tops giving way to rivulets of white that glitter against the black and purple rock. It is a moonscape of mesmerizing pinnacles and ridges and drops. Ice formations rise a mile high. Clouds seem at arm's reach. The Indian base camp is at the very start of the glacier, which gently curves upward like a giant white tongue. Barracks, helipads, supply sheds, satellite dishes, a hospital and Hindu shrines are spread across several acres. It is clear the Indians have been here awhile and are ready to stay. The command post is carpeted. Curtains hang along the windows. "We have the heights," said Brig. P. C. Katoch, who runs the operation. In contrast with the superior vista those heights afford, he said, the Pakistani soldier sees nothing: "He hears a helicopter and shoots. He hears artillery and shoots. It's stupid. He doesn't know where he's shooting."

But being king of the hill is costly. The Pakistanis can resupply most of their posts by road and pack mule. At their forward positions, some as high as 21,000 feet, the Indians must rely on helicopters. The whirlybirds strain against the altitude like oversized bumblebees. Many an airdrop is swallowed by the snow. Both sides deploy about 3,000 soldiers. While the Pakistanis refuse to divulge how much they spend in Siachen, the Indians estimate the cost at about $350,000 to $500,000 a day, said Lieut. Gen. R. K. Sawhney, the army's director general of military intelligence. Transporting kerosene is one major expense. Some Indian soldiers live in igloos made of fiberglass panels. Six soldiers can sleep in jigsaw configurations, crowded into a room the size of a king-size bed. Others live in ice tunnels gouged out with a pickax. Either way, small kerosene stoves are the hearths they huddle around. The hissing competes with the howling of the wind. Black smoke seems to color everything, including a man's spit. The highest perches are occupied by only a handful of soldiers, and sleeping is rarely done at night, for this is the most likely time for the enemy to sneak up. Sentry duty is bleak work. Hot water bottles do not stay hot for long. A relay must be set up to exchange frozen rifles for defrosted ones.

During storms, the heavy snowfall seems as thick as long, white drapery. The wind does pinwheels, and the basics of a hard life gets that much harder. "At my post, you have to use a crawl trench to get to the toilet," said Cpl. Joginder Singh. "When it snows, the trench fills up and you have to stand. The enemy can see you and that's how you die." It is difficult to know how many men have been killed. Some local news reports put casualty totals for both sides in the thousands, but this seems based on conjecture. The Pakistanis do not release such details, and the Indians say they have lost only the 616 soldiers whose names appear on a stone memorial at the base camp. The inscription reads: "Quartered in snow, silent to remain. When the bugle calls, they shall rise and march again."

To this day, Kashmir is the issue that most heats the blood of Indians and Pakistanis. "The roots of the Kashmir problem are very tangled, but as far as the glacier goes, this is simply a matter of Pakistanis sneaking their way into a place that doesn't belong to them," said India's Lieut. Gen. M. L. Chibber, retired, who is central to the Siachen saga. In 1978, however, he was a commander with responsibility for Siachen. He was alarmed to learn that the Pakistanis were accompanying mountaineers to the glacier. Just as troubling were maps printed in the West. They showed Siachen as part of Pakistan. By the early 80's, both armies were sending expeditions into the area, and suspicions accumulated like fresh snow. In late 1983, the Indians became convinced the Pakistanis were about to seize the glacier, General Chibber said. This was inferred from intercepted communiqués. If further evidence was needed, he said, it came when India sent procurers to Europe to buy cold-weather gear. They ran into Pakistanis doing the same shopping.​

India's "pre-emptive" takeover of Siachen was called


[1] ”The Indian Express, June 24,1999

[2] Lt Gen (Dr) ML Chibber -The Writer Lt Gen (Dr) ML Chibber, was Deputy Director of Military Operations after 1971 War and later C-in-C Northern Command when Pakistan was prevented from occupying Saltoro North Plus, Sunday, August 15,1999
[3] The Times of India, June 30, 1999.
[4] The week, August 15,1999, P.46
 

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Dalvinder Singh Grewal

Writer
Historian
SPNer
Jan 3, 2010
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Chapter III
PROXY WAR PARADIGM
  1. Definition
  2. Characteristics
  3. Causes
  4. Effects
  5. Methodology
  6. Countermeasures
Webster Dictionary (P.1155) gives the meaning of the word proxy as “the agency for another who acts through the agent; authority to act for another.” Proxy war is taken to mean ‘the war through another agency and can be defined as “an indirect war, imposed by one nation, community, or group against another, by engaging a third agency.”

A simple example can be of the younger brother, who has been deprived of his property rights by his elder brother. He wants to regain his share but is too weak for a fight and too poor for a court case. He wins over his nephews by showing extreme love and affection and speaks to them in very sweet words, gradually filling their ears against their father for not giving enough to them for their betterment. A brawl of the sons with their father leads to a fight, and in one such fight the incited sons kill their father in anger and in turn are hanged for murder on the evidence given by the younger brother. Being the only heir left thereafter, the younger brother not only gets his own property back but also that of his brother. Here he has employed sons of his brother as agents to win the war against his brother.

In actuality, this situation may not depict a war. Another example is cited here to clarify further. In the Cold War period, the USA and the USSR were the two superpowers trying to lower each other. The USSR used Vietnam to lower America’s influence, while the USA used Afghanistan to lower the hold and prestige of the USSR. In Afghanistan, the USA used Pakistan as a conduit of funds and weapons to train, maintain, equip, and direct Afghan rebels against the USSR. Later, desirous of maintaining domination over Afghanistan, Pakistan on its own trained the Taliban to take control over Afghanistan in its own hands. It sheltered Afghan refugees, trained the younger lot in war and weaponry, officered them and led them against the regime, and gradually swept over most of Afghanistan. Similarly, Yasser Arafat used the ‘Intifada’ of Palestinians against Israelis to gain his lost territories.

Characteristics:​
  1. There are three agencies minimum involved in the proxy war: the engaging agency, on whose behalf it is initiated and fought; an engaged agency, who is engaged to fight on behalf of the engaging agency; and the attacked agency, on whom the proxy war is waged.​
  2. An engaged agency fights at the battlefront for the other.​
  3. The engaging agency does not physically involve itself at the battlefront.​
  4. The real interest for the fight is of the engaging agency.​
  5. The aims and objectives of the engaged agency are meant to achieve the aims and objectives of the engaging agency.​
  6. The planning, organizing, directing, or controlling may lie invisibly at the hands of the engaging agency, but visibly these are in the hands of the engaged agency.​
  7. Visible or invisible benefits are ensured to the engaged agency by the engaging agency.​
Causes: Some of the causes of resorting to proxy war are as under:

Proxy war is very useful for those who cannot fight a war directly. Hence, the weaker of the two may resort to proxy war without having risked itself.

Where physical war is not possible or is more destructive, as in chemical, biological, or nuclear war, proxy war is the best solution.

When the two enemies are located wide apart and are not in direct contact, proxy war is the only answer.

When a country has a priority of the safety of its men and resources and is financially sound, it prefers proxy war.

Effects

Advantages of the proxy war to the engaging agency
:
A proxy war helps attain the aims and objects of the engaging agency without having it physically & directly engaged in the war.​
  1. It helps in maintaining secrecy about the real intentions and type of operations.​
  2. It helps in creating confusion in the enemy for quite a long time, as the real enemy is not visible and easily ascertainable initially.​
  3. It helps to preserve its own resources for any direct war, including soldiers, weapons, and equipment, the need for which may accrue later on.​
  4. It provides a platform for propaganda/maligning campaigns against the nation/community against whom the war is waged without getting directly & physically involved.hysical risk and the risk to prestige and the manpower and resources of the engaging agency is minimal.​
  5. In nuclear, biological, or chemical environments, proxy war is most suited.​
  6. The risks to manpower, resources, territory, and the prestige of the engaging agency is lesser.​
  7. Overall financial costs to the engaging agency are much lower.​
  8. Engaging agency is not visibly accountable to the international community on human rights violations and use of resources and finances for military purposes, as the proxy war expenditure is not budgeted.​
  9. The engaging enemy has no fear of losing in a proxy war.​
  10. Direct operations later against the exhausted enemy on ground of own choosing are easier, less costly, and have less fear of losing.​
  11. Sufficient intelligence about the enemy and time for preparation for a direct war can be gained through the proxy war.​
  12. International pressure against the engaging agency to stop war may not be that effective, as is the case of a direct war.​
Disadvantages of the proxy war to the engaging agency:

The proxy war seldom produces the final results; a war may be needed to achieve the final aim. Proxy war is thus more or less a preparation for a final war, where the engaging country prepares to fight the weakened enemy or waits for an opportune moment.

The war may not proceed exactly as per the requirement of the engaging agency.

The engaged agency may go out of control or sometimes work against the interests of the engaging agency, or the interests of the two may collide. Sometimes the engaged agency may be bought by the country against whom the proxy war is waged, or alternatively, the engaged agency may find the engaging agency is not a sincere actor.

The duration of the war may be much longer than could be otherwise.

The chance of achieving the desired result of the proxy war may be lesser if the forces are not well trained, prepared, or oriented.

Effects on the third party against whom the proxy war is waged:

The initial phase may be quite confusing and damaging.
The troops and resources may get tied down at a not very important objective.
Losses may mount without results in the initial stages.
Fighting against an invisible enemy may affect the morale of the troops adversely.
The prolonged war may weigh heavily on the troops and the resources.
The safety and security of the civilians in the area may be endangered, causing panic button or unrest at sudden provocation.
The cooperation to the defence forces from the civilians may die over a period of time.
The internal unrest may help the enemy achieve the results earlier than expected.
The political fallout may be adverse.
Methodology:
  1. Detailed planning of the proxy war is done by the engaging agency.​
  2. The engaging agency decides the aim on which the engaged agency is to work.​
  3. Creating an environment through propaganda: disinformation campaigns through media, diplomacy, etc., and buying off political leadership in the affected area.​
  4. Preparing own teams and intelligence agencies​
  5. Survey of the area and the population to find out which suits the best for fulfillment of the aim.​
  6. As the guerrilla tactics/hit-and-run tactics are generally adopted, the remote areas, jungle areas, mountainous areas, area with sufficient broken ground or having good hiding places are selected​
  7. The population selection is the most careful job. The people who have some disenchantment or have some grudges against the regime are chosen. Among them, those who can be motivated and molded in the name of religion, language, caste, creed, or the like to stand and fight against the establishment are chosen. Further segregation is done of those who can be affiliated with the aim successfully. Too-smart, overactive, fickle-minded, weak, and egoistic people are avoided. Preference is given to the fundamentalists with a different religion than the religion of the majority of the establishment and the persons who can be easily incited.​
  8. The recruitment is a well-thought-out and planned process.​
  9. The orientation and indoctrination must precede the training.​
  10. Training​
  11. Organization​
  12. Selection​
  13. Arming​
  14. Detailing​
  15. Communications​
  16. Direction and Control​
  17. Administration​
  18. Finances/funding​
  19. Supplies​
  20. Re-evaluation​
Countermeasures:
The country that is affected by the proxy war must take the following precautions:

A. Contact
1. Gain Information
2. Approach
3. Maintain proper records
B. Control:
Liaise: must have continuous liaison with the local population. A liaisoning cell must be created for this purpose. Own agents must work in this direction
Assist the parents/guardians to control their wards
Isolate
Demotivat
e: Hold demotivation camps.
Rechannelize: Provide them alternative jobs or send them to places away from the affected area.
C. Contain:
D. Counter:​
 
Last edited:

Dalvinder Singh Grewal

Writer
Historian
SPNer
Jan 3, 2010
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CHAPTER IV
PAKISTAN’S PROXY WAR
  1. Background
  2. Present state of Proxy War in Kashmir
  3. OP Gulmarg
  4. OP Gibralter
  5. OP Tupac
Background

Pakistan has been cut half after Bangladesh war. Strategically, militarily and economically too it is not in a state to wage direct war against India. It has nuclear weapons but does not have that much capcity with which it can destroy India. On the other hand if it initiates nuclear war its own annihiliation is near certain. It has adopted proxy war under these circumstances, by inciting the youth of Kahmir valley and also by sending its own terrorists who create panic and mayhem in the general public and attack Indian troops whenever or wherever they get chance. Since 1947 It has achieved wide experience in proxy war and has been successful in keeping the Kashmir couldren burning.

This fact has been widely accepted by Indian leaders. At Nagpur Home Minister of India L K Advani said India would emerge victorious in the proxy war launched by Pakistan. India was fighting the fifth war, a proxy war, against Pakistan in the last 20 years, he said addressing a public meeting on the sidelines of National Council session of the Bharathia Janata Party. India had won all the previous wars in 1948, 1965, 1971 and in Kargil operation in 1999, Advani added. Launching a scathing attack on Pakistani intelligence agency ISI, he blamed it for disturbing communal harmony. Advani said Deendar-Anjuman outfit was found to be indulging in terrorist activities in the country by carrying out bomb blasts in churches in Indian states of Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Goa. During the last few months, 15 religious places and prayer halls of Christians were made targets by the ISI, he said[1].

Defence Minister George Fernandes termed Pakistan’s proxy war against India as the “biggest stumbling block” to peace and declared that as long as Islamabad continues to send armed intruders into India, talks between the two countries cannot take place.

In his address to the armed forces on the eve of Independence Day, the Defence Minister said that Pakistan was well aware that its troops could not match the Indian forces in any war and so Islamabad had resorted to proxy war to destabilise India.

“Even these designs are being foiled by our alert jawans. A large number of mercenaries, mostly foreign nationals, have been killed in Jammu and Kashmir creating demoralisation among the Pakistani terrorists”.

The Defence Minister said India had always extended a hand of friendship to Pakistan, but Islamabad continued to nurse hostility “towards us”, adding that the Kargil intrusion was the latest example of betrayal by Islamabad. [2]

Mr Fernandes said keeping in view the prevailing security environment in the region, the government was taking urgent steps to ensure that the armed forces were equipped with state-of-the-art armaments and weapon systems, declaring that the problem of funds would not be allowed to come in the way of this process.
The Army Chief, Gen. V. P. Malik, said on 17 July 2000 at Bhopal that, “there is vidence of a proxy war in Jammu and Kashmir with increased militant activity and greater effort to send more trained militants from the Pakistan side in recent months”.

Addressing a press conference, he said that after a lull in the post-Kargil phase there was evidence of a proxy war in Jammu and Kashmir with more Pak-trained militants trying to cross the border. Since May 2000, there had been a larger number of clashes with militants, he said adding that the casualties were high along the line of control and inside. There was no let up from the other side, he said while asserting that the Army, para-military forces and Jammu and Kashmir police were doing a good job meeting the challenge.

Asked whether the Army was now better equipped to face the border situation than what it was at the time of the Kargil crisis, the Army Chief said: ``we are better equipped''. While referring to the supply of arms, ammunition and equipment to the Army, he said procedural delays notwithstanding, a lot of work had been done. He added: ``equipping takes time and every thing is not available off the shelf.''

The victory in Kargil had brought the whole nation together, Gen. Malik said adding that the Army could complete its mission by throwing out the Pak Army intruders from Kargil with total support of the people. There was no evidence of militants but only the involvement of the Pakistan Army in Kargil, he asserted.

To a pointed query, he said, “There were lessons from Kargil for every body, including the Army and these had been covered by the Kargil Review Committee. The lessons are both strategic and operational, he said adding that the Army has to learn more from the operational lessons.”

Asked to spell out the solution for the Kashmir issue, Gen. Malik said: ``This is a serious political question that has to be resolved politically rather than militarily.''

Answering another query, he said that minimum deployment of Army in the internal security matters would be good for the Army as well as the country. The State Governments should be better prepared. Asked to comment on the casualty of young Army officers engaged in anti-insurgency operations in Jammu and Kashmir, The gave credit to the junior Army leadership for its performance. He said that the Armymen are there to fight the challenges but pointed towards the number of those killed on the other side as well [1]

These statements of three key Government functionaries not only accept the existence of proxy war by Pakistan against India, but also why it is being fought by Pakistan, the possible impact on India and how India is countering it.

History of Pakistan’s Proxy War in Jammu & Kashmir

For Islamabad, the liberation of Kashmir is a sacred mission, the only task unfulfilled since Muhammad Ali Jinnah's days. Moreover, a crisis in Kashmir constitutes an excellent outlet for the frustration at home, an instrument for the mobilisation of the masses, as well as gaining the support of the Islamist parties and primarily their loyalists in the military and the ISI[4].

Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) was one of the 565 princely states of India on which the British paramountcy lapsed at the stroke of midnight on 15 August 1947. By the terms agreed upon for the partition of the Indian subcontinent between India and Pakistan, the rulers of princely states were given the right to opt for either Pakistan or India or- with certain reservations- to remain independent. The ruler of J & K, Maharaja Hari Singh did not exercise the option to join either of the two dominions, and instead, wanted a Standstill Agreement pending final decision on his state's accession.

OP Gulmarg
Having failed to annexe J & K, Pakistan planned proxy war against the state through Qabailies and Pathans along with Army Personnel in mufti, into the state. The proxy war was planned by Pakistan’s Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan and Major-General Akbar Khan, with Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s authorization under code name Operation Gulmarg. Major General Akbar Khan known as Tariq was made the incharge of the operation. Major General Khursheed Anwar ex INA incited the Qabailies as per the plan. According to Sir Hush Brook Williams ex-Foreign Minister Patiala State, the control was in the hands of Major General Akbar Khan. General Qiani and General Haji Akhtiar assisted by 3000 Pakistani regulars. An American, Sergeant Hat Russel was promoted Brigadier and made incharge of one of the contingenets[5]. With the aim of intimidating the population, Pakistan tribesmen were pushed into Kashmir in October 1947.

On 20 October 1947, under the direction and control of Pakistan Army Regulars, thousands of Qabaili Pathans that included Waziris of areas Banu and beyond, Khatak from Kohat, Afridi and Am-Darband of areas around Peshawar, and Gakhar and Kagani of areas of Agror and Tehsir Mansera; were armed, brought from Peshawar to Garhi Habib-Ula, Balakot, Kohala etc.and left like wild dogs on hapless and armless Kashmiris. Khan Abdul Qayyum Khan, Sultan of Boi, who was later made Prime Minister of Azad Kashmir was made incharge of all the administrative arrangements.

The J & K government had No. 4 J & K Infantry to guard against general area Mozaffarbad and No. 6 J & K Infantry in general area Gilgit. The deployment of 4 J & K Infantry was as follows:
SrTroopsDeploymentCommander
1Bn HqsDak Banglow DomelLt Col. Narain Singh Dogra
2A Coy DograDak Banglow Barsala & Ghala BridgeLt. Labh Singh Dogra
3B Coy DograKaren & TithwalCapt. Prithi Singh Dogra
4C Coy MuslimDak Banglow Lohar Gali & 2 Pl RamkotLt. Mohammed Azam Khan
5D Coy MuslimGhori. One Pl at Dub-GaliLt. Mozzaffar Ali Shah
6One Pl DograVillage KotliOne Jemandar
7One PlVillage Bhatika-do-
8One Pl MuslimBridge on Kishan Ganga-do-

The deployment of 6 J & K Infantry was as follows:

SrTroopsDeploymentCommander
1Bn HqsBoonji Cantt.Col Abdul Majid Khan
2A Coy SikhSkardu FortMaj Sher Jang Thapa
3B Coy SikhBoonji Cantt.Captain Baldev Singh
4C Coy MuslimSakardu FortCaptain Ganga Singh
5D Coy MuslimGilgitMaj Mohammad Hassan Khan

The information regarding Qabaili build up came to Gilgit, Gilgit Scouts who were Muslims revolted. The Governor of Gilgit, Ghansara Singh asked CO 6 J & K Col Abdul Majid Khan on phone to send one company to Gilgit for protection. Maj Mohammed Khan was ordered to move on 20 Oct to Gilgit along with D Company. Col Abdul Majid Khan also joined the Company. En route, Major Mohammad Khan revolted along with his troops and arrested CO.

On the night of 21-22 Oct the invaders attacked Jaglot and Partap Bridge the two piquets established by A Company of Sikhs and killed almost all the Sikh soldiers. A few stragglers reached Bn Hqs. and reported the matter to Captain Baldev Singh and the Subedar Major. Captain Baldev Singh Bajwa took B Company for rescue of Partap Ghat. Subedar Major Bostan Khan took advantage of the situation and captured the kot and handed over all the weapons to Muslim soldiers.

The heavy contingents of Qabailies assisted by Subedar Major Bostan Khan and Muslim troops overpowered Capt Baldev singh and the B Company, and Killed or arrested most of the Sikh soldiers.

Meanwhile C Company located at Skardu consisting of Muslim troops also revolted. Pakistan Army joined them. A fight with A Company started in which the Company was overwhelmed and captured. Thus entire Gilgit including Skardu fell to invaders.

On Mozaffarbad front, the report of a large - scale preparation in front of Muzzafarabad was given by the Army Post Commander of 4 J & K Infantry on 21 Oct 1947 to their CO Col Narayan Singh. He sent one Muslim Havildar Qudrat-Ula-Khan for further information. This Havildar deserted and joined Qabailies. He passed information about the deployment of J & K troops to Akbar Khan. Soon after, the ‘C’ Company of 4 J & K Infantry that consisted of Muslim troops too revolted and joined the attackers.

On 22 October, the Qabailies entered Muzaffarabad and created mayhem. They killed the able, captured the disabled and women, looted the houses and shops and put the city on fire. After capturing and destroying Mozaffarbad they advanced towards Domel. The Muslim troops of Hqs at Domel, took control of all arms and ammunition, killed all Sikhs and Dogra troops and helped advancing Qabailies to capture Domel. Same day they captured Kishen Ganga Bridge piquet and on 24 October Bhatika post fell. On 26 October they reached Dub Gali. Only opposition to the advancing Qabilies was from local Sikhs who were settled along Kishen Ganga. They gave good fights at Kotli, Seri, Abhial, Lohar Gali, Radu, Bhatika, Maira Parsacha, Naloochhee, Gali Seri, Tanda, Botha, Khanda, Bandi Jamadaran di, Rada Basnada, Chhattar, Garhi Hattian, Qaumi K, Chakaar, Chakothee, Dardkot and Janki Maira. Fed up of the opposition from these Sikhs they ordered the mass massacre of the Sikh families. At Domel, over 1000 Sikhs were collected and shot. Very heart tearing accounts of the mayhem and the fight by the Sikhs are given in the book ‘Kashmir te Sikh’ by Sarwan Singh Shaktiman[6]. Domel having fallen and both C & D Companies of Muslim troops having joined the raiders, there was no obstruction left for the advancing raiders; thereafter they advanced speedily towards Srinagar.

On the other fronts, the Qabailies attacked, captured, looted, created mayhem and put on fire Baramula on 26 October 1947. Singhpura and Ichhohama were also attacked where local people gave a good fight. Finding the situation out of his control Maharaja Hari Singh reqested a battalion from Maharaja Patiala, but later thinking that this force too may not hold the advancing marauders who by then had closed on to Srinagar airport, Mahraja Hari Singh requested foor Indian Support. India agreed to take on only if the Maharaja signed an instrument of accession which he did on 27 october 1947.
Meanwhile one battalion of Patiala followed by a Brigade from Indian forces arrived at Srnagar airport. Threat to Srinagar and Srinagar airport was immediately removed as the Sikhs from Patiala and Indian forces strarted pushing back Qabailies. They gradually cleared most area upto Baramula and Punchh. The Pakistani forces too reacted resulting into the first Indo Pak war which ended only in 1948 through a UNO brokered ceasefire. As per Part II of the resolution signed on August 13, 1948 by Pakistan and India in the presence of UNO representatives,the {akistan Government agreed to withdraw its troops from J & K as it cinstituted a material change in the situation. Pakistan was also asked to withdraw tribals and Pakistan Nationals. Indian Government was to withdraw bulk of the forces only after withdrawal of Pakistani Forces, tribesmen and other nationals. Pakistan however never met this commitment and kept its forces in Pakistan Occupied Kashmir till date. On the other hand it kept on claiming Indian part of Kashmir as well. For this it not only sent terrorists from time to time but also continued firing weapons and having broder skirmishes till date, the latest being 80 casualities on the day of summit between Vajpayee and Musharaf.

Operation Gibraltar, In 1965, Pakistan again planned a proxy war, through the operation codenamed ‘Gibralter’.[7] At that time the then Pakistan Foreign Minister, Z.A. Bhutto, had, after prolonged consultations with Army commanders, formulated the plan for "Operatian Gibralter" the dreams of Pakistan[8].

Field Marshal Ayub Khan’s effort to achieve what remained undone in 1947 saw five major task forces of specially trained Pakistanis moving into Kashmir in the summer of 1965, under the command of Major-General Akhtar Husain Malik’s headquarters at Murree.

As per the "Operation Gibralter" Pakistan attempted at infiltrating thousands of infiltrators from the so-called Azad Kashmir routes into the Indian border villages. Its aim was that at the time of Pak invasion these infiltrators would terrorise the local people and guide the Pakistani troops.

Pakistan had to face defeat in "Operation Gibralter" because of the courage, bravery and wisdom of the Indian soldiers. The background of this new war strategy was Pakistan's 44 years' of experience and especially its rejection of the advice the Chinese Premier, Chou-En-Lai, had given during the 1965 war against India.

At that time the seeds of separatism had been sown in Kashmir but they had not sprouted yet. The inclination and the mind that were needed for making the "Operation Gibralter" a success was missing among the Kashmiri youth. The base on which the "Operation Gibralter" had been started was not strong. The Indian Army officers shattered Pakistan hopes and Gibraltar too was beaten back, and after Pakistan’s plans to use its troops to initiate a civil uprising failed, After Pakistan’s plans to use its troops to initiate a civil uprising failed, the U.N. brokered a ceasefire. But that too did not last long and the continuing Proxy War again turned into a War known as Indo-Pak War 1965.

In January 1966, under international pressure, Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri and President Ayub Khan signed the Tashkent Agreement, which dealt specifically with the Kashmir issue. Both countries reaffirmed their commitment to “settle their disputes through peaceful means.” They noted, “The interests of the peoples of India and Pakistan were not served by the continuance of tension between the two countries.” “It was against this background,” the Tashkent Agreement reads, “that Jammu and Kashmir was discussed, and each of the sides set forth its respective position.”

In 1966, under international pressure, Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri and President Ayub Khan signed the Tashkent Agreement, which dealt specifically with the Kashmir issue. Both countries reaffirmed their commitment to “settle their disputes through peaceful means.” They noted, “The interests of the peoples of India and Pakistan were not served by the continuance of tension between the two countries.” “It was against this background,” the Tashkent Agreement reads, “that Jammu and Kashmir was discussed, and each of the sides set forth its respective position.”

OP Tupac

The final major bilateral agreement on the future of Kashmir came after Pakistan’s humiliating defeat in the war of 1971. This agreement, signed by Prime Ministers Indira Gandhi and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto on July 3,1972, committed both countries to work for “a final settlement of Jammu and Kashmir.” (See Appendix E). The agreement did not see any specific discussion of how this might come about, but it was mandated that meanwhile “neither side shall unilaterally alter the situation and both shall prevent the organisation, assistance or encouragement of any acts detrimental to the maintenance of peaceful and harmonious relations.”

By some accounts, Indira Gandhi and Zulfikar Ali Bhutoo arrived at an unwritten agreement that the Line of Control in Jammu and Kashmir would be accepted as the border. Bhutto pleaded that he be not compelled to commit this in print, which would have undermined his political standing in Pakistan. Evidence of such a deal is purely circumstantial. Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Farooq Abdullah, for instance, recently revealed in a television interview that Bhutto’s personal secretary informed him of it during his 1974 visit to Pakistan.

The humiliation and defeat suffered by Pakistan in 1971 war was a major setback to the national pride of the common man in Pakistan, who up to now had always taken pride in the invincibility of the Pak soldier - a hoax fed to them by several military regimes of Pak to hide administrative lapses on account of their misrule. Against a backdrop of such military disillusionment, political misrule, economic and social cataclysm, and a beleaguered national pride, Gen. Zia Ul Haq charged with vendetta planned another proxy war with Operation Topac Operation Topac was to be conducted over a period of 20 years and in four parts. In part one he had planned to send terrorists to Jammu and Kashmir, create unrest among the general public and fail the civil administration.[9]

Gen. Zia launched a full fledged campaign to destabilize the existing political set up in J & K and foment militancy through active and persistent support to the anti national elements in J & K, morally, materially, politically and even by physical use of its regular troops, though covertly using his Inter Services Intelligence Wing (ISI).

A friendly intelligence agency gave a copy of Zia’s speech delivered at the April conclave to the Indian Intelligence Agencies, a few months after Zia presented Operation Topac before his top Generals, This speech was reproduced in the April-June 1999 issue of the “Indian Defence Review” (IDR) as given below:

“Gentlemen, I have spoken on this subject before, therefore, I will leave out the details. As you know due to our preoccupation in Afghanistan, in the service of Islam, I have not been able to put these before you earlier. Let there be no mistake, however, that our aim remains quite clear and firm – the liberation of the Kashmir Valley - our Muslim Kashmiri brothers cannot be allowed to stay with India for any length of time, now. In the past we had opted for ham handed military options and therefore, failed. So, as I have mentioned before, we will now keep our military option for the last moment as a coup de grace, if and when necessary. Our Kashmiri brethren in the valley, though with us in their hearts and minds, are simple-minded folk and do not easily take to the type of warfare to which, say, a Punjab or an Afghan takes to naturally, against foreign domination. The Kahmiris, however, have a few qualities which we can exploit. First, his shrewdness and intelligence; second, his power to persevere under pressure; and the third, if I may so say, he is a master of political intrigue. If we provide him means through which he can best utilitises these qualities- he will deliver the goods. Sheer brute force is in any case not needed in every type of warfare, especially so in the situation obtaining in the Kashmir Valley, as I have explained earlier.

Here we must adopt these methods of combat which the Kashmiri mind can grasp and cope with – in other words, a coordinated use of moral and physical means, other than military operations, which will destroy the will of the enemy, damage his political capacity and expose him to the world as an aggressor. This aim, Gentlemen, shall be achieved in the initial phases.

In the first phase, which may, if necessary, last a couple of years. We will assist our Kahmiri brethren in getting hold of the power apparatus of the State by political subversion and intrigue. I would like to mention here that as no Government can survive in Occupied Kashmir unless it has the tacit approval of Delhi, it would be unrealistic to believe that the MUF or any such organization can seize power through democratic or other means. In view of this, power must “apparently” remain with those whom New Delhi favours. We must therefore ensure that certain “favoured politicians” from the ruling elite be selected who would collaborate with us in subverting all effective organs of the State. In brief, our plan for Kashmir, which will be codenamed as “Op Topac” will be as follows:

Phase 1: A low-level insurgency against the regime so that it is under siege, but does not collapse as we would not yet want central rule imposed by Delhi.

We plant our chosen men in all the key positions; they will subvert the police forces, financial institutions, the communication network and other important organizations.

We whip up anti-Indian feelings amongst the students and peasants, preferably on some religious issue, so that we can enlist their active support for rioting and anti-government demonstrations.

Organize and train subersive elements and armed groups with capabilities, initially, to deal with para-millitary forces located in the valley.

Adopt and develop means to cut off lines of communication between Jammu and Kahmir and within Kashmir and Ladakh by stealth, without recourse to force. The road over Zojila upto Kargil and the road over Khardungla should receive our special attention.

In collaboration with Sikh extremists, create chaos and terror in Jammu to deliver attention from the valley at a critical juncture and discerdit the regime even in the Hindu mind.

Establish virtual control in those parts of the Kashmir valley where the Indian Army is not located or deployed. The southern Kahmir Valley may be one such region.

Phase 2: Exert maximum pressure on the Siachen, Kargil and Rajauri-Punchh sectors to force the Indian army to deploy reserve formations outside the main Kashmir Valley.

Attack and destroy base depots and HQs located at Srinagar, Pattan, Kupwara, Baramulla, Bandipur and Chowkiwala by covert action at a given time

Some of Afghan Mujahideen by then settled in Azad Kashmir, will then infiltrate in selected pockets with a view to extending areas of our influence. This aspect will require detailed and ingenious planning. The fiasco of Op Gibraltar (1965) holds many lessons for us here.

At a Certain stage of the operations, Punjab and adjacent areas of Jammu and Kashmir will be put under maximum pressure internally by our offensive posture.

Phase 3: Detailed plans for the liberation of Kashmir Valley and establishment of independent Islamic state in the third phase will follow.

We do not have much time. Maximum pressure must be exerted before the general elections in India and before Indian Army reserves, which are still bogged down in Sri Lanka, become available. By the Grace of God, we have managed to accumulate large stocks of modern arms and ammunition from US consignments intended for Afghan Mujahideen. This will help our Kahmiri brethren achieve their goals. Even if we create a kind of “Azad Kashmir” in some remote parts of Occupied Kashmir as a beginning, the next step may not be as difficult as it appears today. On the other hand, it should also be noted that a part of the Indian Army, particularly the Infantry, will be well trained by now for such a situation due to their experience in the Northern-Eastern region and more recently in Sri Lanka. But the situation in Kashmir will be somewhat different; more like the “Intefada” of Palestinians in towns, and on the pattern of the Mujehideen in the countryside to attack hard target. A period of chaos in the State is essential in the circumstances.

And what of our Chinese friends? They can do no more than ensure that Indian forces deployed against them are not moved out: but this may be required only at the last or the third stage of our operations. Of course, if we are in serious trouble, the Chinese and our other powerful friends shall come to our rescue one way or the other. They will ensure if we do not win, at least we don’t lose.

Finally, I wish to caution you once more that it will be disastrous to believe that we can take on India in a straight contest. We must, therefore, be careful and maintain a low military profile so that the Indians do not find an excuse to pre-empt us, by attacking at a time and at appoint their own choosing, at least before phase 1 and 2 of the Operation are over. We must pause and assess the course of operations after each phase, as our strategy and plans may require drastic changes in certain circumstances. I need not emphasize any further than a deliberate and objective assessment of the situation must be ensured at each stage, otherwise a stalemate will follow with no good for Pakistan. Pakistan Paindabad.”

Gen Zia’s death, the eventual political turmoil and Pakistan’s continued involvement in Afghanistan were some of the factors that delayed the implementation of Op Tupac. The Operation started with full steam from 1989 onwards. Around this time, Pakistan military strategists had also prepared blue-print of two more operations: Op Mushtary (Jupiter) and Plan X.

Maj Gen Afsiir Karim (Retd), a much-decorated Indian solider who is also a member of the National Security Council Advisory Board, wrote in IDR that Op Mushtary will commence at a certain stage of ‘Zarb-e-Kamil’ and is likely to take the following form:​
  • Extensive and continued firing including artillery and mortar fire all along the Line of Control.​
  • Attack on Isolated posts on the LoC particularly in remote and difficult areas​
  • Capture of important but less defensible tactical features on the Shamsabari Range, Kargil, Shyok Valley - Saltoro Range and in the Punch-Rajauri sector​
Plan X was prepared to pre-empt a possible Indian military offensive in Pakistan Occupied Kashmir and force an Indian retreat from the Saltoro Crest Line and Siachen Glacier. Plan X also envisaged launching a surprise attack to seize and hold logistics support bases vital for maintenance of troops deployed on the Saltro Crest Line, Siachen and Southern Glaciers.

The IDR (April-June 1999) published as follows the main features of Plan X made available to India by an intelligence agency of a third country:​
  • To achieve surprise, Plan X was to be executed in deep winter, preferably at a time when flights between Thoise (a forward air base of IAF in Ladakh) and the rest of India are unable to operate when the strategic Khardungla is blocked due to heavy snowfall.
  • Capture of forward positions of Partapur garrison astride Siari-Tutuk axis and logistics support bases for Southern Glaciers by infiltration across the LoC
  • Heli-dropping of specially equipped and trained troops east of Partapur Thoise Airfield complex and Siachen Base simultaneously.
  • Interdiction of Khardungla by SSG commandos after blowing up sections of road and important culverts on either side of the pass.
  • Actual concentration of troops and simulation of major attacks at an appropriate time in Dras, Kargil, Gurz, Tangdhar and Punch sectors to tie down Indian reserve formations.
  • Raids and destruction of staging camps and gun position located on the Siachen Glacier. Exert maximum pressure on Indian posts on the crest line from both sides of the LoC,, Capture Sia La on the crest line in the northern Glacier area, if possible.
  • Step up guerilla and terrorist activity, raid airfields and radar facilities in the valley on given code words.
  • Activate major disturbances and widespread rioting in all major towns of Kashmir Valley and Jammu Division.
  • All forces to be prepared and trained to operate for a period of eight days without re-supply or land link-up.
  • Plans for exfiltration of troops in unfavorable circumstances will be prepared but divulged only to a selected few.
ISI

Number of movements were planned by Pakistani ISI and put into operation with an aim to merge Kashmir with Pakistan, independence for Jammu and Kashmir from both India and Pakistan, or the granting of union territory status to Buddhist Ladakh. To contend with these movements, to confront Pakistani forces along the cease-fire line, and to support the administrative structure of the state, the union government of India has maintained a strong military presence in the Indian sector, especially since the end of the 1980s.

India acquired the lion’s share of both territory and population and with them substantial linguistic, ethnic, and religious problems. Pakistan exploited these problems to fomant trouble in the state and with an aim to create general unrest trained Kashmiri youth for creating terror. Pakistani Forces outfit Inter-Service Intelligence has remained very active in training, equipping and directing the youth. As the Kashmiri youth realised the Pakistani game plan, they gradually withdrew and surrendered before Indian authorities in large numbers. ISI made up the shortcoming initially by recruiting youth from PoK and then from rest of Pakistan. Over a period it also recruited number of Muslim mercenaries from all over the world. The latest have been the Talibans and the Saudi militants trained and funded by Osama Ben Laden.

Pakistan has been waging a proxy war against this country for over six decades. This war was initiated in Kashmir in 1947. Later it was extended to Punjab in the 1980s and then gradually to north-east and the rest of India. Pakistan's game plan was to deter India's conventional and nuclear superiority through its own nuclear capability and by tying down two corps of the Indian army in Kashmir. It launched the Kargil aggression in the hope that nuclear deterrence - and the fatigue of the Indian army engaged in prolonged counter-militancy operations - would enable in prolonged counter-militancy operations - would enable Pakistan to seize the Kargil heights before the Zojila pass opened, as happens normally in June. A quirk in the weather and the opening of the pass a month earlier than expected frustrated Pakistan's designs. .[10]

By 1984, Pakistan had gained considerable expertise in launching covert operations due to her role in the civil war in Afghanistan. Training of Kashmiris and supply of suitable weapons to start a proxy war in J&K was planned. Initially, psychological warfare was launched with the aim of creating a climate for sponsoring terrorism preceded by a virulent anti India campaign. Fundamentalism was injected in lethal doses over a period of time. Indoctrination and training of selected leaders was organised in Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (POK), to create militant cadres, while political Pakistani agents within the valley fomented unrest. Loyalties of local police and government servants were subverted systematically, and specially trained groups organised anti-government and anti Indian agitation. They also engineered incidents to provoke the authorities to take strong action against the local population, as bringing about alienation of the local population was their main aim.

Sponsered Terrorism

The next phase was 'sponsored terrorism'- planned, supported and inspired from across the border by Pakistan. This phase opened with bomb blasts, kidnappings, assassinations, arson and violent demonstrations. This Pak sponsored insurgency was a low cost, long-term option to internationalise the J&K issue and this could create a no-win situation for the Indian armed forces, while Pakistan watched from a safe distance. Thus, Gen. Zia had launched a 'proxy war' against India, with far reaching political and strategic aims.

By 1988, the secessionists with a clear-cut pro Pakistan bias had emerged in the Valley. A violent movement took roots as a result of which the state administration was totally subverted by fundamentalist organisations. Pakistan was able to organise training camps for Kashmiri youth to impart training in terrorist activities, and continued to pour weapons and ammunition along with militants into J&K to sustain the proxy war.

The end of 1989 saw militancy in its full flow in Kashmir valley. Various fundamentalist Islamic organisations with fancy Arabic names had proliferated and the political process atrophied in Kashmir. An organised phase of assassinations, kidnappings, murders and looting had started in J & K. At the pinnacle of militancy and to signify the virtual collapse of government machinery, Dr Rubaiya Sayeed, the daughter of the Union Home Minister of India was kidnapped and the release of some dreaded militants demanded in return, as a bargain. Selective killing of Hindus was carried out, to drive out the minority community from Kashmir. Crisis situations like that of Hazratbal shrine and the tragedy of Chrar-e-Sharif were precipitated by the militants with a view to challenge the authority of the Government of India and to further alienate the Muslim population from the rest of the country. To draw international attention and seek third party intervention on the J&K issue, even foreign tourists were not spared. In July 1995, ten foreign tourists were abducted from Pahalgam by the militant outfit, Al Faran. Only four, including three women, were released by them, one managed to escape later, a Norwegian tourist was beheaded and four disappeared forever.

In an environment of near cataclysm, the Indian Government invoked 'The J&K Disturbed Areas Act 1990' and 'The Armed Forces (J&K) Special Powers Ordinance Act 1990'. With additional powers bestowed upon them, the security forces, which were thus far operating with their hands tied to their backs, became effective and soon had the militants on the run.

Kargil War
With relentless effort and sacrifices the security forces considerably improved the situation in the Valley. However, Pak trained militants along with weapons continue to pour from Pakistan. Militants hold a sophisticated inventory of weapons to include sniper rifles, rocket launchers, Pika guns (which can also be used as anti-aircraft guns), mortars, and the latest model of AK series rifles, machine guns and revolvers/pistols.

Unlike in the past, militant groups later began to avoid engaging security forces directly. However, they carried out selective killing of innocent civilians; those who were moderates and did not support their nefarious designs. Notwithstanding this, the situation returned to near normal. Elections to the parliament and state assembly were held peacefully in 1996 and again in 1998. In order to divest centralised control and to encourage mass participation of people in self-government, elections to the Village Development Councils (Panchayati Raj) were held relatively peacefully. With improvement in the situation, touristsh once again begun to throng the Kashmir Valley (popularly referred to as the queen of hill stations) in large numbers. In 1998, 1,50,000 tourists from all over the world had visited Kashmir, With the onset of 1999, a surge in tourist activity begun and beholding a promise of economic prosperity and development to the common man in Kashmir.

Following these developments came the proposal of voluntary cease-fire announced by India which was later extended four times. The terrorists primarily Pakistani outfits LeT and Hizzub considered it as India’s weakness and stepped up their activities. India’s effort to involve Hurriyat, a group of parties claiming to be political wings of the terrorists, did not materialize, as Hurriyat was more keen to make Pakistan a party than to solve its problem. Despite Mr. Pant having been appointed as chief negotiator by the Indian Government, Hurriyat never tried to or wanted to enter into direct dialogue. Facing a roadblock from the Hurriyat side, India thought it better to have direct talks with Pakistan. Accordingly, the Cheif Executive Gen Musharraf was invited by India for talks on 14-15 July 2001. This gave Gen. Musharraf a direct advantage. His position was not only secured and accepted but further eleveated as he managed to take over as the President of Pakistan himself. [11] The results of the dialogue between Shri Atal Bihari Vajpayee, the Prime Minister of India and President Musharraf too were the same as were of earlier dialogues.

India and Pakistan agreed after each war to mutually settle the Kashmir problem through dialogue but the dialogue has never succeeded to achieve the desired results due to the political compulsions on both the sides. India acquired the lion’s share of both territory and population and with them substantial linguistic, ethnic, and religious problems. Pakistan exploited these problems to formant trouble in the state and with an aim to create general unrest trained Kashmiri youth for creating terror. Pakistani Forces outfit Inter-Service Intelligence has remained very active in training, equipping and directing the youth. As the Kashmiri youth realised the Pakistani game plan, they gradually withdrew and surrendered before Indian authorities in large numbers. ISI made up the shortcoming initially by recruiting youth from PoK and then from rest of Pakistan. Over a period it also recruited number of Muslim mercenaries from all over the world. The latest have been the Talibans and the Saudi militants trained and funded by Assam Ben Laden.
Despite the timely intelligence provided by a friendly country, there was no political will from the successive governments to take Pakistan head on and try to nip the problem in the bud. The Pakistani audacity and resolve was apparent from the fact that Op Topac was prepared a year after India had flexed its military muscle in the famous Operation Brass Tacks of 1987.

The architect of that defeat, General Pervez Musharraf is still not willing to learn the lessons of the setbacks Pakistan suffered in 1948, 1965, 1971 and 1999. Indeed, since General Pervez Musharraf is unlikely to succeed in setting things right domestically in Pakistan, his hope is to demonstrate some spectacular achievement in the proxy war in Kashmir. Unfortunately, successive Indian governments have tended to treat this proxy war as a law and order problem in which the army merely extends `aid to civil power'. The unified command in Kashmir is not a truly integrated command appropriate to fight the Pakistani plan. Upgrading and equipping the paramilitary forces take on the responsibility of fighting the proxy war - with the army providing back up support - has not so far been tried.

Only in the high-level government conference on Kashmir on January 17 has a move in this direction been made. In spite of all the fanfare, however, Monday's decisions do not meet the requirements of the situation. What is needed in Kashmir is a totally unified command, under an army general, with all forces totally integrated and intelligence performing an operational role as part of the counter-proxy war campaign under that command. The Indian political and administrative culture appears to inhibit efficient team-work and coordination. Punjab proved what works in India is single line structure. There has been too much of turf fighting and oneupmanship in Kashmir among the different agencies. The Central Government has tended to pass the buck on to the army, without giving it the necessary capability to fight effectively The January 17 decisions are merely improvisations and fall far short of a total rethinking on the most effective command structure and force composition needed to fight the proxy war. Necessary though these changes in the military approach to the problem are, the government must also accompany them with some fresh thinking on the political front. The present upsurge in militancy may be directed by Pakistan but the myopic approach of the Abdullah government in Kashmir is not helping matters either. If it is interested in a permanent solution, the Centre must take the lead in liberating Kashmir from the clutches of dynastic politics. It should also assume the responsibility of reviving a normal political process, not excluding the release of some of the imprisoned dissident leaders.[12]

Continuity of Proxy War After Kargil

Since Pakistan-sponsored militancy first erupted in the Kashmir Valley in 1989-90 and cries of azadi (independence) rent the air, the pendulum of public opinion in Kashmir has swung away from thoughts of jehad to more mundane 'bread and butter' issues. While the security situation in Kashmir Valley has improved considerably, Pakistan is now endeavouring to spread the cult of militancy and terrorism to new areas south of the Pir Panjal range in the Jammu region, so as to create an ethnic and sectarian divide and trigger a communal backlash. Pakistan's increasing frustration and desperation can be gauged from the number of incidents of terrorism that its mercenary agents have been perpetrating since the situation in Kashmir Valley began to slip out of control in 1997-98. Pakistan's aim is clearly to de-stabilise India by all possible means. A protracted 'proxy war' and sustained political and diplomatic offensives, are part of a well-crafted strategy to keep India engaged in internal squabbles and impose a heavy burden on the Indian economy. Pakistan has achieved considerable success in projecting the Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) issue as an international 'flashpoint'.

Pakistan also aims to ensure that the Indian Army and Central Para-Military Forces (CPMFs) remain increasingly engaged in counter-insurgency/internal security operations in J&K and the north-eastern states, so as to degrade India's superiority in conventional combat through a process of strategic fatigue. While ensuring that violence in the ongoing low intensity conflict is maintained at a low level so that it does not lead to a conventional war (that is, it does not cross India's perceived threshold of tolerance), Pakistan can be expected to continue to develop its nuclear and missile capabilities to match Indian capabilities in these fields. Pakistan hopes that such capabilities would further deter India from resorting to conventional conflict to resolve the Kashmir issue.

The Indian Government, on the other hand, has exhibited remarkable restraint in the face of grave provocation. It is now engaged in taking stock of the emerging developments to evolve a co-ordinated civil and military 'action plan' to ensure that the initiative does not remain with Pakistan and that India is able to safeguard its national security and territorial integrity, as well as, eventually root out militancy from J&K and other parts of India. Though military operations against the Pakistan-sponsored militants and terrorists have been extremely successful, the nation has paid a heavy price in terms of civilian and military casualties. The economic costs have also been staggering and obviously cannot be sustained indefinitely. It is imperative that the impact of the various complexities and nuances of the J&K issue is carefully evaluated so that pragmatic decisions can be made to resolve it expeditiously.

These plans can be outlined as under:-
Part I
1 Send Terrorists to Kashmir Valley
2. Create general unrest in the Valley
3. Fail Civil Administration
Part II
Commit Indian troops away from Kashmir Valley
Part III
Large scale infiltration into Kashmir Valley, cut off Kashmir Valley from rest of India and then merge with India.
Part IV
If needed Military action as a coup de grace.

This proxy war to separate Kashmir from India was to be carried out in four stages:-

Alienation of the Kashmiri Muslims from India and to wean them away towards Pakistan, through negative propaganda war and internationalising Kashmir problem to create world opinion in Pakistan’s favour.

Wearing away India through continuous unrest through militancy and terrorism, employing Indian troops for a prolonged period of time in guerrilla warfare and clandestine operations in Kashmir and throughout India through ISI to weaken Indian economy and causing general unrest all over India.

Infiltration of Pakistani troops to actively aid and assist the Militants in the physical separation of Kashmir.

Drawing India into a limited war in case all efforts fail making use the offices of long term allies U.S.A., China and Saudi Arabia to tilt the balance in his favour.
Steps planned by Pakistan to meet these objectives can be covered under the following headings:
Information Compaign
ISI activities
Militancy
Infiltration
War


These developments are discussed in succeeding chapters


[1] PTI,
[2] The Tribune, 14 August 2000
[3] The Tribune, July 22, 2000.
[4] Yossef Bodansky (Director of the US Congress Task Force on Terrorism and Unconventional Warfare), "Pakistan's Kashmir Strategy", from the monograph entitled "Pakistan, Kashmir & the Trans-Asian Axis" (Houston, Texas: Freeman Centre for Strategic Studies, Summer 1995).
[5] Political Conspiracies in Pakistan, P.39-43.
[6] Sarwan Singh Shaktiman, Kashmir te Sikh, Punjabi, Patiala, 1995.
[7] As the saboteurs in the first instance had not produced the desired results, our Government decided to set in motion the second option -- to launch guerrillas into Indian-held Kashmir. This decision was taken in May 1965 soon after the Kutch skirmish. The guerrilla operation was named Gibralter and another operation supplementary to it was called Grandslam..."-- Lt. General Gul Hassan Khan, former Commander-in-Chief of the Pakistan Army in his Memoirs.
[8] Navbharat Times Jan 17, 1970.
[9] The Tribune, Saturday, June 26,1999
[10] The Times of India, Clarity on Kashmir, 19 January 2000.
[11] India Today, July 16, 2001, Cover Story: Indo-Pak Special : One-Sided Encounter
[12] The Times of India, Clarity on Kashmir, 19 January 2000.
 

Dalvinder Singh Grewal

Writer
Historian
SPNer
Jan 3, 2010
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Chapter V
INFORMATION COMPAIGN

  1. Disinformation compaign
  2. Diplomatic compaign
Disinformation Compaign

Operation Topac was a very well conceived, planned and systematic operation against India in which the proxy war was an all our war in all front except in the front. The most vicious compaign was lauched through propaganda against India in every form.. This propaganda was needed not only to belittle India in the world eye but also to project India as a country committing atrocities against Kashmiris to retain them by force. Pakistan also needed diversion of world attention from its overt or covert activities in Kashmir and for concealing them at the very outset. Many organisations were set up for launching this propaganda and the strings of the entire propaganda machinery have been kept in the hands of the ISI. According to the data collected by Ram Bahadur Rai, these organisations, inspired by Pakistan, organised 29 demonstrations in America, Britain and in front of the UN headquarters. As many as 2237 Kashmiri Muslims and Pakistanis participated in these demonstrations. In order to rake up the Kashmir issue the Government engineered 75 demonstrations in Pakistan. One such demonstration was held in Rawalpindi in which the JKLF Chief, Amanullah Khan, delivered a speech. In the Lahore demonstration Newaz Sharief incited people.

Organisations active in foreign countries are actually a top in the hands of the ISI which dance at the tune of this intelligence agency. There are seven such organisations active in America and nine organisations are being run in Britain with the help of Pakistan High Commission in London. The Government of India has received proof of it. These organisations have staged demonstrations in front of the UN headquarters, India House in London and in front of the office of the American President. In a way Pakistan has accepted its interference in Kashmir by launching anti-India propaganda in foreign countries with Kashmir policy as the base. Whatever issues are used for this propaganda, the desire of the people of Kashmir for liberation is being given emphasis. The Foreign Ministry in Pakistan keeps on playing up the theme of anarchy in Kashmir where it is said militants hold the sway. The Ministry keeps on repeating that Jammu and Kashmir was never a part of India, the Indian Army is committing atrocities on the militants, India's charge that Pakistan is interfering in Kashmir is false and India is hatching a conspiracy in Kashmir.

In this context the Amir of Jamait-e-Islami of Pakistan Qazi Hussain, tried to give Islamic tinge to the Kashmir problem by writing letters to the Government of Muslim countries, two years ago. A delegation under the leadership of the same leader toured Saudi Arab, Turkey, Egypt, Sudan, Qatar, Kuwait and the UAE where it supported independence for Kashmir. During a meeting with the Secretary General Muslim League in Saudi Arabia and with other Ulemas the delegation members presented false details about the alleged excesses of the Indian Army on Kashmiris. Pakistan had borne all the expenses of this delegation for Islamisation of Kashmir on the basis of self-determination of Kashmiris.

Pakistan took support for its anti-India propaganda from the writings and statements of the so-called secular intellectuals who had carried out their mental exercise in investigating into the "Army's excesses in Kashmir". A book published by the Human Rights body has carried articles from V.M. Tarkunde, M. Masani and Nikhil Chakravarti. All the three have contributed to the disinformation campaign launched by Pakistan by their "valuable" opinions. The Foreign Affairs Office of Pakistan has made this book as a strong base for its propaganda. The UN Human Rights, Commission organised its 47th convention in Geneva in which Pakistani representative, M.M. Jaffar, delivered a speech on the alleged atrocities of India in Kashmir.

In 1990 the then Pakistan Prime Minister, Ms Benazir Bhutto, toured the eight member states of Organisation of Islamic Conference including Damascus, Ankara, Oman, Tunisia and Cairo where she pleaded for help from Muslim countries to Pakistan regarding Kashmir in the name of Islam. On April 26, 1990 Pakistan Foreign Minister, Sahibzada Yaqub Khan submitted a letter to the President UN Security Council in which he had accused India and the Indian Army of violation of human rights in Kashmir. Pakistan had sought support from the reports of five organisations in order to give credence to the allegations. These organisations are the Committee for Initiative on Kashmir, Peoples' Union for Civil Liberties, Citizens for Democracy, Radical Humanist Association and Human Unity Campaign.

The above facts reveal that Pakistan not only indulged in direct interference but also launched its poisonous anti-India campaign in a systematic way on the international level. Some organisations of the so called secular intellectuals and lovers of humanity in India too supplemented the disinformation campaign launched by Pakistan. The then Governor, Jagmohan, has given an account of the partisan role of one among such much talked about organisations, the Committee for initiative on Kashrnir.

According to Mr. Jagmohan, the Committee deliberately did not condemn the killing of innocent people by the terrorists. On the contrary, it holds the paramilitary forces guilty who had only two options, either to get killed or fire in self-defence and chase the criminals for nabbing them. There can be no other harmful way for demoralising the security forces than adopt a partisan role and test them on the touchstone of concocted details of the agents of terrorists. The Committee listened to the one-sided and exaggerated details of an incident of an Assistant Engineer but it has no time to listen to the wails and woes of the relations of that BSF young doctor whose body had been ridden with bullets when he was going to treat the injured on both the sides. Out of anger the Committee concealed all the human facts on the basis of which Jagmohan had formulated his policies. And this was done only to denigrate the Governor's rule and give it a demonic shape. It totally ignored the statements of Jagmohan connected with his humane approach and policies and his Radio and Television broadcasts and telecasts, letters and statements in which stress had been given for unity and co-operation. But history, according to Jagmohan, does not sit in the lap of these manipulators for long. The truth exposed the falsehood and the guilty either gets lost in nothingness or gets buried under the heap of falsehood. The Committee thought it proper to prepare a base for Pakistan's disinformation campaign in order to simply oppose Jagmohan by twisting the facts and by giving a bad name to the Army. Pakistan repeated the report of the Committee in all world fora.

Operation Topac was put into effect during Gen Zia’s time itself. The internationalising of Kashmir through diplomatic channels and the U.N.O. did not succeed. The Muslim Nations supported the Kashmiri cause but not with that force that they could enforce the U.N.O resolution as the Simla Agreement always acted as hurdle for them. Even U.S.A. and China, eager to dismember India further, could not come out openly to support Pakistan. On the other hand, Pakistan ISI was heavily funded to carry out clandestine operations in Kashmir. It initially started with a mass scale propaganda and spread of hatred between religious compaign and partially succeeded in alienation of Kashmiri Muslims. However, Kashmiris never came out openly in favour of Pakistan. Instead the Kashmiri Muslim leaders started demanding united Independent Kashmir which was not in favour of Pakistan. Pakistan feared that PoK may also be affected in this milieu hence did not press harder in this direction.

Massive scale clandestine operations by Pakistan Intelligence agency ISI have born fruit in some respect. The insurgency in Punjab, North-East and Tamil-Nadu created hard core militants had a heavy toll both in national economy and unity of Indians, causing alienation among minorities and at times the Defence Services too earned a bad name affecting the morale of the troops. A small band of ISI operatives have been able to tie up large number of defence forces for over 20 years now. This “low-cost-option” of Pakistan has cost India very dear. In Kashmir they have been more successful. The turning of shy Kashmiris to hard core militants is a great achievement on the part of India. Pakistan's ISI-sponsored Foreign Mercenaries remained very active throughout. A list of foreign mercenaries on the payroll of Pak ISI, killed in Kashmir between 01 Apr 99 and 30 Jun 99 is given at appendix…… These unfortunate individuals were treading the path of violence at the behest of an unscrupulous Pak ISI and the Pak Army with vested interests. It is indeed tragic that these victims, indoctrinated by their mentors on far-fetched and misplaced realities and lured by monetary incentives, met their inevitable doom.

Further unlike Punjab, militancy has survived effectively in Kashmir. Militant outfits like Harkat-ul-Ansar and Lashkar-e-Toiba were so effectively co-ordinated and conducted by ISI with Pakistan Army that India could not realise that their marrying up with Pakistan Army would be so disastrous.

“The intrusion into Kargil was palanned 12 years ago but was dropped twice before Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif permitted its execution in Jan-February 1999.” Writes Mr. Altaf Gauhar, the once powerful Information Seecretary to then President Ayub Khan in the 1960s in The Nation.[1] He further wrote: “All Pakistani operations against India are conceived and launched on the basis of one assumption that the Indians are too cowardly and ill-organised to offer any effective military response which could pose a threat to Pakistan.”

According to him, the 1947-48, 1965 and the 1971 wars started on this assumption and so was the Kargil intrusion which he says was authorised by Gen. Zia-ul Haq in 1987. However at the final War Committee meeting at which Gen Zia was to approve it, the then Foreign Minister Gen Sahibzada Yaqoob Khan (retd) opposed it on the plea that as a former General he knew that the posts were totally covered with snow almost throughout the year and it would be extremely difficult to have communication with them and meet their day-to-day needs. He said some soldiers had died their bodies remained untraced so far.

Secondly, he said, as the Foreign Minister he would find it exteremely difficult to justify Pak military action. According to Mr. Altaf Gauhar, Gen Zia was impressed by this assessment and therefore he decided to shelve this plan. But last year this plan was revived and put up before Mr. Nawaz Sharif, but the then Army Chief Gen. Jehangir Karamat was not willing to bite it and it was for this reason that he was asked to resign in October last year.

Mr. Gauhar further writes that the same plan was put up before Mr. Sharif this year assuring him that Indians were totally unaware of the strategy and they would not be able to offer any response to Pakistan’s offensive. Through this operation, he was told that he would have a military victory to his credit after his courageous decision to go in for a nuclear bomb despite international pressure, Mr. Gauhar wrote.

Pakistan Press: Zamir Niazi’s books: 'The Press in Chains,' 'The Press Under Siege,' and 'The Web of Censorship’ provides a good insight into state of press in Pakistan. Pakistan has been in the grip of military commanders since 50s. The first casualty of military regimes was the press. The generals never wanted a word against them to appear in the press. The frequent and prolonged military created a pattern of controlled press. It now is so tightly controlled that press cannot say anything against the wishes of the government. Any diversion is strictly curbed. This produced a group of true military loyalists among the press who assisted the military to keep the tilt.

To emphasize their super-loyalty to their masters they adopted stereotype measures such as the nationalization of newspapers, promulgation of oppressive ordinances, imposition of black laws, planting of informers in press offices, retaining columnists and letters-to-the-editor-writers (the count today is 80), purchasing journalists (commonly known as 'lifafas'), purchasing editors and thus control of a publication. The unpurchasables are harassed and persecuted in various ways, one favourite being the filing of false cases against them. In Punjab the current saying is 'Kharido nahi te kaso' (if you cannot buy, beat)..' What he has recorded has never been contradicted.

A corps maximum harm done by our weavers of lies is the bolstering of our leaders' euphoria by convincing them that they are the be-all and end-all, the state embodied. They encourage these megalomaniacs to destroy, to rob, even to maim and murder.

Gradually a ‘his master’s voice’ press corps grew which not only helped control of the press but also created euophorias as per the requirements of their bosses. In an article in Dawn of Karachi, Ardeshir Cowasjee gave the names of some them as Altaf Gauhar (Ayub), Maulana Kausar Niazi and Nasim Ahmed (Bhutto), Lieutenant-General Mujibur Rahman (Zia), Husain Haqqani (Nawaz I and Benazir II), and now Mushahid Hussain. He called them as weaver of lies.

Altaf, a civil servant, in the service of Ayub Khan, dealt with his master's challenger, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, so nastily that one of the first things that Bhutto did when he managed to grab power was to arrest Altaf on the charge of possessing an old copy of 'Playboy,' a forged passport, and half a bottle of whisky. He was unduly harassed for months on end.

The Maulana was used by Bhutto to appease and pacify his brethren, the maulanas and maulvis. He bought and sold. He was most useful when the Arab Sheikhs visited. He made their stays comfortable, provided them with the recreation they sought, and conversed with them in their own language. Maulana Sahib was a relatively poor man when he joined Zulfikar, but when he left office he had managed to amass a small fortune.

Nasim Ahmed was a proficient flatterer, good at buttering up those that needed verbal buttering. He also constantly sought approbation. On one of my Islamabad visits, he invited me to a party he hosted in honour of local, foreign, and visiting journalists. Taking me aside, he asked how I thought he was doing, how I rated his performance. Keeping a straight face, I told him he was doing brilliantly. Happy to hear it, he beckoned some of those around us to join us. Come and listen to this, he told them. This man is no flatterer, hear what he has to say about me. And he handed the floor to me.

Brilliant, yes, I said to Nasim. You have welded the nation into one. No one, just no one, believes one word uttered on PTV or on Radio Pakistan, or printed in one of the government newspapers, or uttered in public by Bhutto. Infuriated, he addressed me in Urdu. I had no business to say what I had said in the presence of foreign journalists. It was traitorous. I had ridiculed the state. Soon after this incident I was arrested without any charge, sent to jail for 72 days, and released still not knowing why I had been arrested. There was some speculation by men who had been at Nasim's party that I had to be taught a lesson for my 'traitorous' utterances.

Mujibur Rahman was a good harasser of publications that displeased his master Zia. 'Musawat,' the PPP mouthpiece, was his particular target. He had 140 newspaper men arrested and jailed, including Nisar Osmani and Mazhar Ali Khan. He also encouraged Zia to change the penal code, making the writing of truth an offence.

After Zia's heavenly flight, democracy was reborn in Pakistan and we had Tweedledum and Tweedledee, Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif alternating at the top, both adding to our woes. During Nawaz I and Benazir II the most prominent weaver and damage-doer was Husain Haqqani. From 1988 to 1990, Hussain was Punjab Chief Minister Nawaz Sharif's special assistant, becoming his press assistant when Nawaz became prime minister in 1990, until in 1992 he was sent off to Sri Lanka as high commissioner. As soon as Nawaz was forced to step down, Husain joined Benazir's camp and from 1993 to 1994 was Secretary to the ministry of information and broadcasting, until Benazir also shunted him out to head the House Building Finance Corporation.

Husain was born and schooled in Karachi, went to Karachi University where he was a Jamaat student leader. He then became a professional journalist and for some years was with the 'Far Eastern Economic Review,' both in Hong Kong and here in Pakistan, until he was picked up by Nawaz. After his experiences with both 'leaders' he claims he is a chastened man, who has learnt a lot and who now recognizes both as being marginally as bad as each other. He writes columns for various newspapers, both in English and in Urdu and all largely critical of this government. He has formed his own political party, the Urban Democratic Front. He considers himself capable, with the necessary help, of climbing up the greasy pole and leading the 140 millions to glory.

Brittle and paranoiad as it is, this government for some mad reason considers Haqqani to be a threat, possibly because it thinks he has armed himself with copies of compromising documents picked up during his days of officialdom. He is now tied to the rack. The government has not denied that its dirty-tricks brigade kidnapped him in the middle of the night, had him beaten up, kept in solitary confinement, initially incommunicado, but now under judicial custody in a safe house near the Rawal Lake. His cuts and bruises have been brought on record, his bail applications have been rejected. Ostensibly he has been charged with corruption, embezzlement, and the squandering of government wealth. Could he even remotely have squandered one-hundreth of what has been squandered by Benazir or Nawaz?

Governments in our country are known to be vicious and Husain can expect little help from our 'independent judiciary,' many members of which are ignorant of the value and importance of liberty, of the fact that a writ of habeas corpus cannot be rejected, and that every man is due his rights. If there is an understanding judge around, who has suo motu powers, he should help, give him bail and get him out. Mushahid Hussain claims to be a profoundly educated man, but his association with Nawaz Sharif seems to have washed away all his qualifications. He is responsible for Haqqani's predicament and for all the troubles faced by Najam Sethi. The government has also not denied that Sethi was abducted in the middle of the night by its dirty-tricks men, beaten up and kept in solitary confinement. He at least has been released, without any charges having been made against him as none could be proved. Now free, he has been banned from leaving the country and is facing 28 income tax cases. The systematic income-tax-cases harassment is a hangover from the Bhutto days. Sethi would do well to refer to the White Papers compiled by Burney, 'Misuse of the Instruments of State Power' and 'Misuse of the Media.' With this vicious government, Najam may suffer. All we can do is to stand by him and help as much as we can.

One of the worst mistakes {censored}y Mushahid has made is to have sought to stand trial in the BBC televized court of 'Hard Talk'. He cut a sorry figure in front of his griller, Tim Sebastian, and managed to successfully disgrace our nation. We have him on tape, and this is one tape he will never be able to claim is doctored.

In the service of his master, he makes a pretence of believing what the world does not believe about the present Kashmir situation. His performance may have made us lose whatever residual sympathy we had from a few quarters in the world. Mushahid further disgraced our judiciary with the lies he told about the storming of the Supreme Court. He told the world that the Chief Justice of Pakistan, Sajjad Ali Shah, was not sacked by his government but by his fellow judges. He omitted to say what the government's role was in this affair.

Having done such a tremendous job on 'Hard Talk,' we can only hope and expect that in appreciation of his service to the nation, his tool, the valiant PTV, will show to the people how well its wielder performed. .[2]
If we see the results of disinformation compaign and the covert operations planned, it is obvious that Pakistan has succeeded in many fronts though it failed in some.
Pakistan has been effective in keeping Kashmir in international focus for over 50 years now. India who once refused to accept Kashmir in the bilateral agenda for talks, accepted Kashmir as an issue for talks between India and Pakistan during the Vajpayee-Musharraf summit in July 2001.
  1. Pakistan has also been successful in highlighting the so called atricities of Indian troops and India’s bad intentions against Kashmir, while hiding its own terrorist activities and actively organizing and abating terrorism against India.​
  2. Its ISI activities have successfully spread all over India and a demon has been created which has caused some fears in indian’s mind.​
  3. Indian troops have been kept heavily engaged in Kashmir, thereby tiring them up, and diverting their attention from training and preparations for any future operations.​
  4. The loss of these operations have been extensive on all fronts; political, strategic, military, financial and human.​










[1] The Tribune, Monday, Sept 13, 1999, p.20
[2] www.dawn.com/weekly/cowas/cowas.htm
 

Dalvinder Singh Grewal

Writer
Historian
SPNer
Jan 3, 2010
1,389
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80
CHAPTER VI

ISI
  1. Organisation
  2. Aims & Objectives
  3. Modus Operandi
  4. Funding System
  5. Role in India
  6. Role in Kashmir
  7. Analysis
Organisation

Inter-Services Intelligence of Pakistan known as ISI is the most active covert as well overt agency of the world. ISI is an intelligence agency of the Defence Forces of Pakistan. The Directorate for Inter-Services Intelligence [ISI] was founded in 1948 by a British army officer, Maj Gen R Cawthome, then Deputy Chief of Staff in Pakistan Army. Field Marshal Ayub Khan, the president of Pakistan in the 1950s, expanded the role of ISI in safeguarding Pakistan's interests, monitoring opposition politicians and sustaining military rule in Pakistan.

The Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee deals with all problems bearing on the military aspects of state security and is charged with integrating and coordinating the three services. Affiliated with the committee are the offices of the engineer in chief, the director general of medical service, the Director of Inter-Services Public Relations, and the Director of Inter-Services Intelligence who is incharge of ISI.

Staffed by hundreds of civilian and military officers and thousands of other workers, the agency's headquarters is located in Islamabad. The ISI reportedly has a total of about 10,000 officers and staff members, a number which does not include informants and assets. It is reportedly organized into between six and eight divisions:​
  • Joint Intelligence X (JIX) serves as the secretariat which co-ordinates and provides administrative support to the other ISI wings and field organisations. It also prepares intelligence estimates and threat assessments.​
  • The Joint Intelligence Bureau (JIB), responsible for political intelligence, was the most powerful component of the organisation during the late 1980s. The JIB consists of three subsections, with one subsection devoted to operations against India.​
  • The Joint Counter Intelligence Bureau (JCIB) is responsible for field surveillance of Pakistani diplomats stationed abroad, as well as for conducting intelligence operations in the Middle East, South Asia, China, Afghanistan and the Muslim republics of the former Soviet Union.​
  • Joint Intelligence / North (JIN) is responsible for Jammu and Kashmir operations, including infiltration, exfilteration, propaganda and other clandestine operations.​
  • Joint Intelligence Miscellaneous (JIM) conducts espionage in foreign countries, including offensive intelligence operations.​
  • The Joint Signal Intelligence Bureau (JSIB), which includes Deputy Directors for Wireless, Monitoring and Photos, operates a chain of signals intelligence collection stations along the border with India, and provide communication support to militants operating in Kashmir.​
  • Joint Intelligence Technical [1]
In addition to these main elements, ISI also includes a separate explosives section and a chemical warfare section. Published reports provide contradictory indications as to the relative size of these organizational elements, suggesting that either JIX is the largest, or that the Joint Intelligence Bureau is the lrgest with some sixty percent of the total staff. The Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI) is the ISI's main international financial vehicle.

Aims & Objectives

The ISI is tasked with collection of foreign and domestic intelligence; co-ordination of intelligence functions of the three military services; surveillance over its cadre, foreigners, the media, politically active segments of Pakistani society, diplomats of other countries accredited to Pakistan and Pakistani diplomats serving outside the country; the interception and monitoring of communications; and the conduct of covert offensive operations.

The Directorate for Inter-Services Intelligence is of particular importance at the joint services level. The directorate's importance derives from the fact that the agency is charged with managing covert operations outside of Pakistan -- whether in Afghanistan, Kashmir, or farther afield. The ISI supplies weapons, training, advice and planning assistance to terrorists in Punjab and Kashmir, as well as the separatist movements in the Northeast frontier areas of India.

Modes Operandi:[2]

In the early 1990s, when local recruits were not hard to motivate, the ISI relied on Pakistan trained militants (PTMs) for organising ambushes of security forces convoys and patrols (using AK-47s and machine guns). PTMs were also employed for executing hit-and-run raids on the Central Police Organisations (CPOs) bunkers and pickets inside urban areas (for which hand grenades and rocket propelled grenades were used). For low-risk tasks such as the planting of anti-personnel land mines and improvised explosive devices (IEDs) and to act as couriers of arms, ammunition and messages, locally trained militants (LTMs) wre generally employed. The ISI had declared 1994 as the year of 'barood' (explosives). Though a fairly large measure of autonomy was given to the area and district commanders of militant outfits such as Hizbul Mujahideen (HM), the Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) and Harkat ul Ansar (HUM—banned as a terrorist organisation by the US State Department) to conduct operations, overall control was retained by the ISI as it held the purse strings and was the single largest source of supplies of arms and ammunition. Orders to the various outfits used to be relayed over a clandestine radio station located in POK. However, the Kalashnikov culture that swept Kashmir Valley soon extracted a predictable toll. The power of the gun gradually corrupted the PTMs and they soon began to indulge in extortion, loot, rape and murder for petty jealousies.

Operations Conducted

After its steller role in creating, training, motivating, inducting, guiding and assisting Taliban in recapture of Afghanistan successfully, the top agenda of this agency remains dismemberment of India to revenge creation of Bangladesh.. Separation of Kashmir from India is its commitment. Pak Army remains its base, Islamic fundamentalism its strength, Islamic fanatics and terrorists its tools, madrasas and military firing ranges its training centers, narcotics money and foreign Islamic funding agencies its source of funds proxy war through terrorists and mis-information its main tactics and Afghanistan achievement its encouragement. It has been very active in Afghanistan and India. Recently it has spread its wings in Nepal and Bangladesh as well.

The ISI has been deeply involved in domestic politics and, has kept track of the incumbent regime's opponents. Prior to the imposition of Martial Law in 1958, ISI reported to the Commander-in-Chief of the Army (C-in-C). When martial Law was promulgated in 1958 all the intelligence agencies fell under the direct control of the President and Chief Martial Law Administrator, and the three intelligence agencies began competing to demonstrate their loyalty to Ayub Khan and his government. The ISI and the MI became extremely active during the l964 presidential election keeping politicians, particularly the East Pakistanis, under surveillance.

The ISI became even more deeply involved in domestic politics under General Yahya Khan, notably in East Pakistan, where operations were mounted to ensure that no political party should get an overall majority in the general election. An amount of Rs 29 lac was expended for this purpose, and attempts were made to infiltrate the inner circles of the Awami League. The operation was a complete disaster.

Mr. Bhutto promoted General Zia-Ul-Haq in part because the Director of ISI, General Gulam Jilani Khan, was actively promoting him. General Zia, in return, retained General Jilani as head of ISI after his scheduled retirement. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto established the Federal Security Force and gave it wide-ranging powers to counter the influence of ISI, but the force was abolished when the military regime of Zia ul-Haq seized power in 1977. When the regime was unpopular with the military and the president (as was Benazir Bhutto's first government), the agency helped topple it by working with opposition political parties.

The ISI became much more effective under the leadership of Hameed Gul. The 1990 elections are widely believed to be rigged. The Islami Jamhoori Ittehad [IJI] party was a conglomerate formed of nine mainly rightist parties by the ISI under Lt General Hameed Gul to ensure the defeat of Bhutto's Pakistan People's Party (PPP) in the polls. Gul denies this, claiming that the ISI's political cell created by Z.A. Bhutto only 'monitored' the elections.

The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan made Pakistan a country of paramount geostrategic importance. In a matter of days, the United States declared Pakistan a "frontline state" against Soviet aggression and offered to reopen aid and military assistance deliveries. For the remainder of Zia's tenure, the United States generally ignored Pakistan's developing nuclear program. Pakistan's top national security agency, the Army's Directorate for Inter-Services Intelligence, monitored the activities of and provided advice and support to the mujahidin, and commandos from the Army's Special Services Group helped guide the operations inside Afghanistan. The ISI trained about 83,000 Afghan Mujahideen between 1983 to 1997 and dispatched them to Afghanistan. Pakistan paid a price for its activities. Afghan and Soviet forces conducted raids against mujahidin bases inside Pakistan, and a campaign of terror bombings and sabotage in Pakistan's cities, guided by Afghan intelligence agents, caused hundreds of casualties. In 1987 some 90 percent of the 777 terrorist incidents recorded worldwide took place in Pakistan.

The ISI continues to actively participate in Afghan Civil War, supporting the Talibaan in their fight against the Rabbani government.

The 1965 war in Kashmir provoked a major crisis in intelligence. When the war started there was a complete collapse of the operations of all the intellience agencies, which had been largely devoted to domestic investigative work such as tapping telephone conversations and chasing political suspects. The ISI after the commencement of the 1965 Indo-Pakistan war was apparently unable to locate an Indian armoured division due to its preoccupation with political affairs. Ayub Khan set up a committee headed by General Yahya Khan to examine the working of the agencies.

Role in Jammu & Kashmir:

In J&K, the ISI provides comprehensive support to five major militant groups. These include Hizbul Mujahideen (approximate strength 1,000 militants), Harkat ul Ansar (350), Lashkar-e-Toiba (300), Al Barq (200) and Al Jehad (150). In all, about 2,500 militants, mostly foreign mercenaries, belonging to these and other smaller militant groups are operating in J&K at present. The ISI spends about Rs. 60 to 80 crores every year for prosecuting Pakistan's proxy war against India in J&K alone, that is Rs. 5 to 6.5 crores per month.22 It is quite obvious that Pakistan's doddering economy can ill afford such expenditure. As the ISI's links with the narcotics trade in Afghanistan and the agency's active participation in the illegal arms trade flourishing in Pakistan's North West Frontier Province are well known, it can only be assumed that funding for its nefarious activities in India is being generated by the ISI itself, with the active connivance of the Pakistan government and the Army.

ISI is currently engaged in covertly supporting the Kashmiri Mujahideen in their fight against the Indian authorities in Kashmir. Reportedly "Operation Tupac" is the designation of the three part action plan for the liberation of Kashmir, initiated by President Zia Ul Haq in 1988 after the failure of "Operation Gibraltar." The designation is derived from Tupac Amru, the 18th century prince who led the war of liberation in Uruguay against the Spanish rule. According to a report compiled by the Joint Intelligence Committee (JIC) of India in 1995, ISI spent about Rs 2.4 crore per month to sponsor its activities in Jammu and Kashmir. Although all groups reportedly receive arms and training from Pakistan, the pro-Pakistani groups are reputed to be favored by the Directorate of Inter-Services Intelligence. As of May 1996, at least six major militant organizations, and several smaller ones, operate in Kashmir. Their forces are variously estimated at between 5,000 and 10,000 armed men. They are roughly divided between those who support independence and those who support accession to Pakistan. The oldest and most widely known militant organization, the Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF), has spearheaded the movement for an independent Kashmir. Its student wing is the Jammu and Kashmir Students Liberation Front (JKSLF). A large number of other militant organizations have emerged since 1989, some of which also support independence, others of which support Kashmir's accession to Pakistan. The most powerful of the pro-Pakistani groups is the Hezb-ul-Mujahedin. The other major groups are Harakat-ul Ansar, a group which reportedly has a large number of non-Kashmiris in it, Al Umar, Al Barq, Muslim Janbaz Force and Lashkar-e Toiba, which is also made up largely of fighters from Afghanistan and Pakistan. According to press reports, several hundred fighters from Afghanistan and other Muslim countries have also joined some of the militant groups or have formed their own. The Harakat ul-Ansar group, a powerful militant organization which first emerged in 1993, is said to be made up largely of non-Kashmiris.

ISI is reported to operate training camps near the border of Bangladesh where members of separatist groups of the northeastern states, known as the "United Liberation Front Of Seven Sisters" [ULFOSS] are trained with military equipment and terrorist activities. These groups include the National Security Council of Nagaland [NSCN], People's Liberation Army [PLA], United Liberation Front of Assam [ULFA], and North East Students Organization [NESO]. ISI is said to have intensified its activities in the southern Indian States of Hyderabad, Bangalore, Cochin, Kojhikode, Bhatkal, and Gulbarga. In Andhra Pradesh the Ittehadul Musalmeen and the Hijbul Mujahideen are claimed to be involved in subversive activities promoted by ISI. And Koyalapattinam, a village in Tamil Nadu, is said to be the common center of operations of ISI and the Liberation Tigers.

The criminal activities of the militants soon alienated the Kashmiris. "Even political leaders aligned with militant groups have acknowledged that the abuses undermined the militants' support in Kashmir."16 At the same time, counter-insurgency operations by the security forces also gained momentum and a large number of militants were killed in action or apprehended. Kashmiri families soon became wary of sending their sons for what they realised was a futile jehad. The result was that, beginning around 1994-95, the ISI's recruitment base in Kashmir Valley gradually dried up, though recruitment by force continued for some more time. The ISI then placed its reliance for further operations in Kashmir predominantly on foreign mercenaries. The ISI's USP (unique selling point) was that Islam was in danger in India, in general, and in Kashmir, in particular. Mercenaries from POK, Pakistan, Afghanistan, several Gulf and West Asian countries including Saudi Arabia and Iraq and many African countries including Egypt, Libya and Algeria, were hired, trained and inducted into the Kashmir Valley. In addition, criminals undergoing long imprisonment sentences in Pakistani jails were also enticed into participating in the so-called jehad. They were told that their sentences would be reprieved if they successfully completed a tenure of ISI ordained duty in J&K. Gradually, the presence of foreign mercenaries among the militants went up from 15 per cent in 1994 to 40 per cent in end-1998.17

The modus operandi was to give the mercenaries some rudimentary military training and knowledge about using explosives, arm them with an AK-47 with four magazines of ammunition and give them a few thousand Rupees in Indian currency. At an opportune moment, they were infiltrated through the porous LoC with the support of the Pakistani Army. The Army provided a safe passage through its own defences, guidance by hired gujjars and bakkarwals (Kashmiri shepherds) and covering fire from small arms, machine guns and even artillery, to draw away the attention of Indian troops on the LoC. The command and control set up was loose and flexible. The mercenaries were usually assigned to operate in specified areas and co-ordinated their operations with each other and the remnants of Kashmiri militants. The mercenaries soon found that the people in Kashmir Valley enjoyed an unfettered right to practice their religion. Namaz was performed by the devout five times a day and the mosques were functioning without any kind of interference. In fact, the mullahs were quite used to and rather fond of spewing venom and inciting the people to rise in revolt. Though the local population tolerated them as 'guest militants' the mercenaries did not get the promised support from the Kashmiri people, contrary to what they had been briefed by their masters in Pakistan. Food and shelter were hard to come by and the constant flight from the security forces was tiresome and most inconvenient. Also, they found that the security forces, particularly the Indian Army, were a tough force to reckon with and discovered that a militant's life span in Kashmir was a maximum of four to six months before he was hounded out and killed or apprehended. In 1998, as many as 320 foreign mercenaries were killed.18

All this disillusioned the mercenaries very quickly. The story of extortion, loot, rape and murder was soon played out aain. Some of them even began to run their own harems. While the people of Kashmir had initially actively participated in a struggle for azadi (independence) and had even encouraged their sons to join the movement, they were not willing to put up with the errant and domineering ways of the foreign mercenaries with whom they did not identify in any manner whatsoever. They soon began to give real-time intelligence— euphemistically called 'actionable' intelligence—about the whereabouts of the mercenaries to the security forces. From then onwards, the days of the foreign mercenary in Kashmir Valley were numbered. The tide finally turned around the summer months of 1996 when the ISI found that it was no longer profitable or even cost effective to persist with the induction of additional mercenaries in the Valley sector. At this stage, the ISI, in conjunction with the Pakistani Army, appears to have decided to shift the focus of its activities to the areas south of the Pir Panjal range. It was also apparently decided at this time to rely more on terror tactics to discredit the Indian administration, incite a communal and sectarian divide among the people and, by simultaneously raising the ante in Siachen glacier and along the LoC, project Kashmir as an international 'flashpoint'.

Role in India

The ISI also enlarged the sphere of its diabolical activities to other areas in India. South India soon became a new front in the covert war against India, as evidenced by the incidents of terrorism in 1997-98. In December 1997, there were three bomb explosions in trains in Tamil Nadu. On February 14, 1998, simultaneous bomb blasts in Coimbatore, at the venue of the Bhartiya Janata Party President's election meeting, the bus stand, the railway station, near a hospital and in a bazaar, mimicked the Mumbai bomb blasts of March 1993. The obvious objectives were India's democratic and secular values, political stability and economic growth. The sea route was followed to smuggle explosives to India's west coast for the serial explosions in Mumbai. A new dimension was added to the ISI's relentless effort to spread terrorism in India when, "On December 17, 1995.... an AN-26 aircraft flew into India from Karachi, refuelled at Varanasi in broad daylight, airdropped about 400 AK-47s and thousands of rounds of ammunition over Purulia in West Bengal, and the flew on to Thailand.... The aircraft was intercepted five days later on December 22, just as it was about to leave Indian airspace near Gujarat."20 Only two months later, an Iranian and a Swiss national drove a truck full of weapons through the Wagah border check post between Lahore and Amritsar to New Delhi and were caught purely fortuitously. On February 11, 1998, a gang of international gun runners was intercepted in the Andaman islands with a consignment of 145 rifles and machine guns and 40,000 rounds of ammunition meant for insurgent groups in the country's north-eastern states. "Thus today we have a situation where land borders, sea coasts and now island territories have become porous and vulnerable to infiltration of weapons and terrorists alike (sic)."21

The Pakistan-sponsored terrorist violence has taken a toll of 9,151 civilians and 5,101security personnel besides inflictingan estimated damage worth Rs 2,000 crore to private property.

According to a detailed presentation made by the Ministry of Home Affairs the role of Pakistani agencies, including Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) and their surrogates at a meeting of chief ministers of seven northern states here, 61,900 weapons were smuggled into India for rise by terrorists.

A total of 4,730 explosions were caused while 2.78 lakh people were rendered homeless. Estimated security related costs including compensation to victims, raising of local counter-terrorist forces has been put at Rs 18,500 crore while expenditure on deployment of army and paramilitary forces on anti-terrorist duties was estimated to be Rs 46,000 crore.

Over 51,810 kgs of high explosives including RDX was sent to India to cause explosions out of which 43,000 kgs was seized. An estimated 7,125 Pakistanis and foreign mercenaries were sent by Pakistan into India for sabotage of whom 1,120 were killed and 140 arrested, while 4115 returned. There were 1,750 foreign mercenaries still active in, India.

About 19,000 Indian nationals were trained in sabotage by ISI in Pakistan, Afghanistan or Pak-occupied Kashmir, the estimates said.

The major incidents involving ISI or other Pakistani agencies this year alone, included foiling of attempts on the life of former Haryana chief minister Bhajan Lal at Karnal (March), arrest of smugglers associated with Pak-based Khalistan Commando Force (KCF) chief Paramjit Singh Panjwar (August) at Ludhiana and the nabbing of a hawala operator and two of his Afghan associates in Delhi (August) who was responsible for transfer of over Rs 1.75 crore to militants.

Security forces also arrested five Lashkar-E-Toiba activities in Delhi in July and thwarted their plans to attack military installations here. A module of Harkat-Ul-Ansar was broken up in Delhi last month with the arrest of three of its activists, while a Hizb ul Mujahedeen leader was caught in July collecting money brought in through hawala channel.[3]

A key Kathmandu-based Babbar Khalsa international militant was caught this February near the Indo-Nepal border while he was escorting a foreign-based militant. Security forces shot six members of ISI-backed Abdul Latif gang in Ahmedabad in March. Just before the Secretary-level talks between India and Pakistan, held at New Delhi in November 1998, Indiaome Minister, Mr. L K Advani called Pakistan a 'terrorist state'. During the talks, the Indian team submitted the following four proposals to the Pakistanis:-23

* Give up state sponsorship of terrorism in India and dismantle the terrorist camps in Pakistan for arming and indoctrinating militants.

* Close down more than 30 training camps functioning in the so-called Azad Kashmir.

* Deny use of Pakistani territory and facilities to fundamentalists and militant organisations to fuel religious violence.

* Hand over to India 32 terrorist and underworld operators of Indian origin currently in Pakistan.

White Paper on ISI Operations24

The ISI wishes to float and sustain an 'overground conglomerate' to project itself as the 'third party' to the dispute representing the 'wishes and aspirations' of the Kashmiri people.

To sustain the Kashmir movement at minimal cost, the ISI plans to cause disaffection and alienation, play the Islam-in-danger card, highlight the non-performance of the elected government and atrocities allegedly committed by the security forces.

Pakistan wants to pursue the 'Qurban Ali Doctrine' or the inevitable balkanisation of India by sending intensively trained and motivated Pakistani agents to carry out acts of sabotage and subversion.

The objectives of Pakistan's covert action plan against India are to:

Sustain the Kashmir movement at minimal cost.

Force a settlement of the Kashmir problem on terms acceptable to Pakistan.

Weaken India's potential strength and national will by hitting at its perceived 'fault lines'.

Prevent India from emerging as a strategically dominant power in the region.

Make Indian borders porous and India's border states vulnerable to exploitation.

Pakistan wishes to embarrass India by internationalising the Kashmir issue, projecting India as a violator of UN resolutions and accusing it of human rights violations.

In pursuance of its objectives, the ISI is engaged in spreading the tentacles of terrorism not only in J&K but also in Punjab, Assam and Nagaland by carrying out subversive propaganda on fundamentalist and communal lines. The ISI has established operational links with drug syndicates and fundamentalist Islamic groups in Pakistan, Afghanistan and India.

In response to demands made by members of the Parliamentary Consultative Committee attached with the Ministry of Home Affairs, the Government of India has proposed to bring out a White Paper on ISI activities in the budget session of Parliament. Details of some of the issues which are likely to be included in the proposed White Paper have appeared in some sections of the Indian press.25

The growing ISI presence along the Indo-Nepal border is another cause for concern. India has taken up the issue of ISI's anti-India activities, which include the infiltration of militants and agents and the smuggling of arms, explosives and narcotics through Nepal into India, with the Nepalese Government at the highest level.26 The increasing influx of Bangladesh nationals in the strategically sensitive Siliguri Corridor in north Bengal has changed the demographic pattern in the area. The population of Muslims has increased from 15 per cent in 1971 to 70 per cent at present. The ISI is using the Siliguri Corridor for smuggling arms and narcotics from Bangladesh into the north-eastern states of India. Along the Rajasthan border also, the ISI is actively involved in setting up madrassas (Islamic schools) inside Indian territory and in smuggling arms, explosives and narcotics.28 These developments are pointers to the larger Pakistani gameplan to further extend the areas in India in which internal security is not fully under the control of the civil government and, consequently, to dissipate efforts to fight the menace of militancy and terrorism

Over a period the ISI has become a state within a state, answerable neither to the leadership of the army, nor to the President or the Prime Minister. The result is there has been no real supervision of the ISI, and corruption, narcotics, and big money have all come into play, further complicating the political scenario. Drug money is used by ISI to finance not only the Afghanistan war, but also the proxy war against India in Punjab and Kashmir.

Even though it is part of the Defence Forces and its operations are directed and controlled by a regular army officer of the rank of Lt. General, the Chiefs of Defence Staff or Chief or Army Staff or civil administration have no direct control over it. It is answerable only to the Prime Minister and the Defence Minister but at times it appeared to be Independent of these masters as well. Its no denying the fact that its operations are a part of the national strategy and any action of ISI in India needs to be dealt with as an operation by one country against the other, yet the Indian Government has failed to project all ISI Operations as Pakistan Government operations. ISI operations in India are the key to Pakistan’s proxy war which have caused immense damage to Indians, their property and morale. India should have declared any operation by ISI as a war crime by Pakistan against India and should have projected and retaliated suitably for every action but the slackness of Indian Government in this regard has cost the Indians and the Indian Forces very dear. Passing blame on ISI and sparing Pakistan’s government of the terrorist actions assisted , guided and directed by ISI is the biggest blunder the Indian Government has done so far. It has also failed to bring pressure of foreign forces and media on Pakistan to control ISI. As a result, ISI is ever expanding its operations and has virtually taken over the role of proxy war against India from Pakistan Government.

Funding System of ISI:

The Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) Directorate of Pakistan has been pumping in crores of rupees to sustain the proxy war unleashed on India is a well-known fact. But how is the huge fund generated? How does it reach the militants fighting the undeclared war in the Kashmir valley? The following report discloses all.

According to information collected from various agencies and individuals, the ISI is working in collaboration with the All-Party Hurriyat Conference and its component Jamaat-e-Islami of Jammu and Kashmir, the United Jehad Council and the Markaz al-Dawah al-Irshad for raising funds to keep up militancy in the valley. Even the money received as "zakat" — a kind of religious tax which Islam enjoins upon a certain category of the believers for the welfare of the needy — is used to fund this nefarious scheme.

If the ISI has its own funds earmarked for the dirty game, the militant outfits operating from both sides of the border have set up their front organisations for collecting money to pay the "mujahideen" engaged in "jehad". The most dependable — from the ISI's point of view — network is being run by the Hurriyat. The Jamaat has set up a memorial trust to attract donations mainly from abroad. The Markaz al-Dawah has its headquarters at Lahore and collects huge sums to fight the so-called "holy war" in Kashmir.

Surprisingly, militants are not the only people to benefit from these funds received mainly as donations. Certain politicians too have had their share. However, donations are not enough to lubricate the proxy war. There are certain other ways also to ensure an uninterrupted supply of money. These include: (1) sale of narcotics on a large scale (the United Nations Drug Control Programme has it that the ISI annually makes around $ 2.5 billion through this source and it must be spending anything between Rs 537.5 crore and Rs 1,075 crore on fuelling militancy every year); (2) printing of fake currency notes by the National Jehad Council at its printing press at Muzaffarabad in occupied Kashmir; (3) collections made in West Asia and European countries for the Jehad Fund; and (4) extortions from traders, contractors and other moneyed people.

Money from foreign sources is received through the hawala route. There is also a system of indirect funding — providing arms, ammunition, food and clothing to militants before pushing them on to this side of the India-Pakistan divide. It is ensured that before entering the valley the militants carry with them large amounts of cash (both Indian and Pakistani currency).

In fact, militancy has become a flourishing business. The recruits get either a fixed salary or work on a contract basis. According to information available, a local militant's monthly salary varies between Rs 2,500 and Rs 5,000 depending on various factors. A foreign mercenary gets between Rs 5,000 and Rs 8,000. The financial support given to the family of a deceased militant ranges from Rs 1500 to Rs 3000 a month. A fresh recruit can secure anything between Rs 5,000 and Rs 20,000 as a one-time payment, depending on his capacity to bargain. A guide gets between Rs 30,000 and Rs 50,000, a porter between Rs 7,500 and Rs 20,000 and a motivator Rs 5,000.

There are other kinds of payments made which show how meticulously the whole operation is carried on. A militant gets Rs 150 for throwing a grenade and Rs 6,000 for winter clothing. For killing an officer of the security forces up to the rank of Major the "reward" is Rs 7,000, for a Lieut-Colonel Rs 50,000 and for a Brigadier and above earns a much bigger amount.

The militants of foreign origin cost the ISI a little more. When they enter into a two-year contract they are paid Rs 2 lakh to move to Kashmir. When they go back home after the contract period they get another Rs 5 lakh as a final payment.

Now the figures about the year-wise expenditure (these do not include all payments made for the execution of the Kashmir plan of the ISI). For carrying out the operation from July to September, 1999, the "Supreme Commander" of the Hizb-ul-Mujahideen received Rs 1,06,50,000. During 1998 the payments made to militants totalled Rs 6,94,31,733, and the payees mainly belonged to the Hizb-ul-Mujahideen and the Lashkar-e-Toiyaba.

In 1997, Rs 70,39,473 was distributed and the money went to certain Shia militant outfits in the valley. In 1996, the total amount received for militant activity was Rs 10,50,738. Of this, Rs 5,00,000 reached the People's Conference and Hurriyat leaders.

In the post-Kargil period militant organisations are getting special treatment to keep their morale high. The ISI funding is now more liberal. According to one source, the monthly aid to the Hizb-ul-Mujahideen is at least Rs 1 crore, to the Harkat-ul-Ansar Rs 40 lakh, to the Al-Barq Rs 12 lakh, to the All-Party Hurriyat Conference Rs 2 crore and other groups (minor ones) about Rs 35,000 each.

There is widespread unemployment and poverty in certain areas of Pakistan, Afghanistan and some Muslim-dominated West Asian countries. This helps in recruiting youngsters for the destructive scheme, specially when the "salary" is so tempting. Religion comes handy in brainwashing the poverty-stricken people to risk their lives for a "cause". This is sheer exploitation of simple souls.

Some details of the ISI's cash transactions: (These do not include the undetected ones, specially hawala deals and donations).
Year Amount paid Major recipients
1996 Rs. 5,00,000 Sent through bank draft for leaders of the People's Conference and APHC.
Rs. 5,50,738 Through a draft drawn on a foreign bank in London.
1997 Rs 70,39,473 Amount sent for Shia military outfits in the valley.
1998 Rs. 3,91,733 Channelling of funds from abroad to militants through a Srinagar-based trust.
Jan Rs. 75,00,000 Paid by the ISI to militant organisations for continuing their operations.
Jan Rs. 20,00,000 Received by unidentified outfits to intensify militant activity.
Feb Rs. 85,00,000 Amt paid by ISI to Cdr of Hizb-ul- Mujahideen for distribution to militants.
March Rs. 25,00,000 Amt paid by Hizb Supreme Cdr in Baramula for militant activity.
May Rs. 60,00,000 Paid by Hizb ChiefSalahuddin, via Delhi-based courier for militant activity.
June Rs. 1,00,00,000 Paid to Hizb functionaries by the ISI for families of killed militants.
June Rs. 50,00,000 Paid to Hizb functionaries by ISI for distribution to families of killed militants.
Aug Rs. 40,00,000 Paid by ISI to the Lashkar-e-Toiyaba to intensify militant activity.
Oct Rs. 1,70,00,000 Paid by ISI to Hizb leaders as arrears and for purchase of winter clothing.
Nov Rs. 15,40,000 Paid by ISI to Div Cdrs of oda, Banihal, Udhampur and Pir Panjal Dec Rs. 50,00,000 Paid by the Hizb Supreme Commander to valley-based militants.
1999 July Rs. 3,50,000 Paid by Hizb supremo to Dy Supreme Cdr as operation money for Aug-Sep.
Sep Rs. 1,03,00,000 -do-​
Payments made to militants and their sympathisers.
Local militant​
Rs. 2500-5000 ($ 58-$ 116) per month​
Foreign militant​
Rs. 5000-8000 ($ 116-$ 186) per month​
Guide​
Rs. 30000-Rs. 50000 ($ 698-$ 1163)​
Motivator​
Rs. 5000 ($ 116) per recruit.​
Recruit​
Rs. 5000 to Rs. 20000 ($ 116 to $ 465) as one-time payment​
Porter​
Rs. 7,500 ($175) for amn box Rs. 20,000 ($ 465) 12-14 kg/trip​
Each deceased militant's family​
Rs. 1,500-3,000 ($ 35-$ 70) per month​
Other payments Rs. 50,000 to Rs. 2,00,000 ($ 1,163 to $ 4,651) to deceased militants' families or militancy-affected families.
Rs. 6,000 ($ 140) for winter clothing.
Rs. 150 ($ 3) for grenade throwing.
Amount payable as a reward for killing Army/security forces' personnel Rs. 7,000 ($ 163) Upto Major rank or equivallent
Rs. 50,000 ($ 1,163) Lieut-Colonel
Larger amount Brigadier and above Foreign militants get Rs. 2,00,000 ($ 4,651) while coming in and another Rs. 5,00,000 ($ 11,628) on going back after a two-year contract.

Fund Allocations:​
Sr
Name of Organisation
Amount Paid
1​
Hizbul Mujzideen​
Rs. 1,00,00,000 ($ 232,558)​
2​
Harkat-ul-Ansar​
Rs. 40,00,000 ($ 93,023)​
3​
Al-Barq​
Rs. 12,00,000 ($ 27,907)​
4​
Hurriyat​
Rs. 20,00,00,000 ($ 4,651,160)​
5​
Minor groups​
Rs. 35,00,000 ($ 81,395)​

Arrest of an ISI gang

There is growing evidence that fundamentalist groups in Pakistan are preparing to set off a new wave of terror across India. The operational strategy seeks to exploit communal fissures: fissures that the Hindu Right has had not a little to do with creating in the first place.

On August 29, the Jammu and Kashmir Police announced the arrest of an 11-member Lashkar-e-Taiba cell, whose operatives were active in Jammu and Kashmir, Andhra Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Haryana and Delhi. Its top operative, Amir Khan, Pakistani national, was tasked to recruit Indians whose immediate family members had been killed in communal violence. At the time of his arrest, Khan was engaged in building a cover identity. Having obtained Indian educational documents and a driving licence from India, he planned to marry into a family living in Bhiwandi in Thane district of Maharashtra.

The Lashkar-e-Taiba cell was busted after the Jammu and Kashmir Police and 5 Grenadiers regiment picked up Islam-ud-Din, a resident of Tirwara Ka Nangal village in Gurgoan district of Haryana, on the Samba border in Jammu while waiting for key a Lashkar-e-Taiba operative, Abu Ilyas. Islam-ud-din was not aware that Ilyas had been killed in an encounter while attempting to cross through Samba on July 31. Codenamed Abu Khalid, Islam-ud-Din told his interrogators that the cll had been ordered to carry out a series of explosions ahead of Independence Day.

Amir Khan’s arrest, based on Islam-ud-Din’s interrogation, rapidly led to the arrest of toehr members of the cell the result of a coordinated operation between the State police and the Intelligence Bureau (I.B.). The most important operatives were based in Mumbai and Bhiwandi, placed hit hard by Shiv Sena terror and anti-Muslim pogroms. Bhiwandi residents Usman Khan and Mohammad Ismail had obtained for Amir Khan educational documents and a driving licence and even loaned him an autorickshaw. Abdul Salam, Ismail’s brother, arranged Khan’s wedding through a local moulvi. Another Bhiwandi resident, Mohammad Mobin, was engaged in finding accommodation for Khan, without knowing his real identity. Funds for this cell were routed through Jamal Ahmad, a resident of Mumbai’s Mazagaon areas.

The rest of Khan’s recruits were scattered across the country. Abdul Adil, a resident of Kurnool in Andhra Pradesh, worked for the cell even as he studied at Jamia Milia Islamia in New Delhi. Muzaffarnagar resident Mohammad Mustafa and Baghpat resident Mohammad Mustafa were roped in too. Wali Mohammad Zahid, originally a resident of Islam-ud-Din. Zahid had been instructed to obtain fake travel documents to faciliate movement out of India when instructed to do so by the Lashkar-e-Taiba leadership. One of Zahid’s recruits, Mohammad Sharif, had been arrested three months earlier.

Jammu and Kashmir Police officials say that Islam-ud-Din was trained at the Lashkar-e-Taiba’s Abu Bashir camp in Bhawalpur, Pakistan. The Abu Bashir camp, one of five major Lashkar training centres, specialises in bomb-making. The Umar Kuka camp puts volunteers through a basic, three-month insurgency course, while the Abdullah bin Masood camp nearby offers more specialised training. The Taiba camp at Muridke engages in basic ideological indoctrination, after which recruits are sent for a rigorous six-month course, the Daura Khasta, in the mountains.

Another Muridke camp, Aksa, focusses on training volunteers from several countries, including Afghanistan, Sudan, Nigeria and Pakistan, for the wr in Jammu and Kashmir.

Islam-ud-Din left Pakistan in early 1999, with cash to help set up the cell. More money came from Ilyas. Both visited several cities to gather recruits, using the infrastructure of the revandhist religious organisation, the Tabligh-I-Jamaat. Islam-ud-Din also arranged for Khan to work at the clinic of a doctor in Punhana, Faqir-e-Alam, by introducing the Lashkar operative as his relative. Faqir-e-Alam, a recent migrant to Haryana from Bihar, did not know Khan’s real identity.
The latest arrests affirm that the Lashkar-e-Taiba’s pan-Indian network is exploiting Muslim insecurities fuelled by the rise of a regime with no commitment to secularism. In the March 26 issue, Frontline had reported on the arrests of several important members of the Lashkar’s Abdul Karim ‘Tunda’ cell, including Pakistani nationals Mohammad Salim Junaid from Hyderabad and Abdul Sattar from Delhi along with Indian nationals Shoaib alam, Mohammad Faisal Hussain and Aamer Hashim Kamran. Saifullah Chitrali, a top operative of the Harkat-ul-Mujahideen, and the Hizbul Mujahideen’s Ali Mohammad Dar had also set networks outside Jammu and Kashmir. Organisations such as the Jammu and Kashmir Islamic Front had even liised with Abdul Razzak Memon, a key accused in the Mumbai serial bomb blasts.​

The BJP’s pro-active policy, an ill-conceived militarist response to growing violence in Jammu and Kashmir, fails to address the changing character of terrorism and the forces that drive it. As long as Hindu revanchism continues to fuel tensions in India, any number of soldiers will not be enough to engage with the Islamic Right[4].


[1] http://www.fas.org/irp/world/pakistan/isi/ created by John Pike, maintained by Webmaster , Updated Thursday, April 20, 2000 12:22:21 PM
[2] Gurmeet Singh Kanwal, Senior Fellow, IDSA Proxy War in Kashmir: Jehad or State-Sponsored Terrorism?
[3] Indian Express October 15,1988
[4] Frontline, Sept.10,1999, p.39.
 

Dalvinder Singh Grewal

Writer
Historian
SPNer
Jan 3, 2010
1,389
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80
CHAPTER VII
MILITANCY

General
  1. Genesis of the Pak sponsored Militancy in India
  2. Aims & Objectives
  3. The operating groups
  4. Stages of Development: Recruitment, Training, Arming
  5. Finances
  6. Organisation
  7. Militant Methodology of Operations
  8. India’s Response
  9. Achievements & Failures
  10. Impact
  11. Analysis
General:

It is well known that one cannot shake hands with a mailed fist; similarly can India have a dialogue with a neighbour who was concealing his lethal weapon while extending the olive branch? In fact, Nawaz Sharif has taken India for a ride even as his army was perfecting its diabolical plans for Kargil. Any truce with Pakistan now or in the near future will not necessarily ensure peace in the subcontinent.

”Not withstanding repeated mutual assurances that there is nothing for others to worry about, the fighting in Kashmir between India and Pakistan becomes steadily more dangerous. The action in the high Himalayas, already more serious than it has been for decades, is relentlessly sharpening the question of whether the two South Asian rivals, both now nuclear-capable, can maintain control.

This time around in often-contested Kashmir, the Pakistanis are plainly to blame for having started the fighting. If it was not the elected government of the country that was responsible, then -- perhaps worse -- it may have been a sort of Pakistani military-fundamentalist axis that the government is not in a position to know fully about, let alone to subordinate.

In an evident act of provocation, hundreds of Islamic guerrillas from Afghanistan and elsewhere and perhaps also some Pakistani soldiers infiltrated across the "line of control" -- the temporary or unofficial border -- separating India- and Pakistan-held Kashmir. The evident military purpose, beyond political challenge to the Indian government, was to put at risk the strategic Kargil highway by which India asserts its military presence in that mountain fastness.

To this Pakistan-inspired initiative, the Indians responded vigorously by sending warplanes with precision-guided weapons against guerrilla positions. The Indians have so far been careful, however -- this to the Clinton administration's praise -- not themselves to cross the line of control. In this high-altitude confrontation, the infiltrators have the higher ground, but powerful India would seem to have the military edge over time.

The danger the confrontation poses arises from the newly achieved nuclear status of the two South Asian countries. In particular, the reaction of Pakistan or its headstrong generals or its struggling civilian leadership to a prospective humiliation at the hands of India makes for a pervasive nervousness.

In the year after India kicked off nuclear tests by itself and Pakistan, the United States launched a diplomatic initiative intended to deepen the two neighbors understanding of the implications of joint nuclear status for peace and stability in their countries and in their region. With the now month-old Kargil crisis, the emphasis of American diplomacy necessarily has shifted to cooling down the military inflammation -- Washington calls on Pakistan to withdraw support for the guerrillas -- and drawing the combatants back into the so-called Lahore process of talks and a few tentative but resonant acts ("bus diplomacy") between the South Asian rivals. From President Clinton on down, the administration has been promoting the Lahore option in order to impart to it a momentum of its own and to help South Asia rise above the deep distrust otherwise drenching the subcontinent.

Divided Muslim Kashmir, already the cause at the center of two wars between India and Pakistan (when they were both much less lethally armed than they are today), remains the hard case. It is the single issue that most stirs strategic anxieties as well as nationalistic passions on both sides. In the past, other countries could, and generally did, regard that hot spot chiefly as disagreeable and dangerous but as a piece of business falling mostly between India and Pakistan. But with the two now having declared themselves nuclear powers, and showing themselves not in full respect for the cautionary rules of the nuclear road, then the circle of the concerned expands.

Fortunately, not all the signs in South Asia point the same way. American officials take heart that both sides are listening to their cautions. The officials hold out some hope for a diplomatic resolution of the Kargil crisis. But that's much the lesser part of it. If the Kargil crisis is calmed there must come a serious address to the Kashmir question.

Pakistan needs to stop blowing on the fires of armed revolt in India-held Kashmir; this is basic. But India has its own responsibilities. The Indians want it both ways: to keep a tight grip on Kashmir and at the same time to deny Pakistan's effort to "internationalize" the issue; the Indians would confine it to exchanges between India and Pakistan. India can sustain this rigid posture, if at all, only by systematically and credibly widening the openings for democratic self-government in the part of Kashmir that, with two-thirds of a million troops, it holds. [1]

Pak Role In Fostering TerrorismiIn Kashmir: Some Facts & Figures

Number of terrorist camps in Pakistan: 37
Number of terrorist camps in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir: 49
Number of Pakistani-run terrorists operating in Jammu & Kashmir: 2300
Total number of foreign mercenaries operating in Jammu & Kashmir: 900
Number of Pakistani terrorists killed by Indian forces: 291
Number of Indian civilians killed by Pakistani terrorists: ov 29,000
Number of firearms recovered from Pakistan-trained terrorists in India: 47,000
Number of explosions carried out by Pakistan-trained terrorists in India: 4,730
Amt of explosives recovered from Pakistan-trained terrorists;60 tons(30,000 kg)

Nationalities of foreign mercenaries operating in Jammu and Kashmir; Pakistan, Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, Afghanistan, Egypt, Sudan, Yemen, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Iran, Iraq.

Major Pakistani Supported Terrorist Groups Active In Jammu & Kashmir:

1.Harkat ul-Ansar (renamed Harkat ul-Mujahiideen) - Hqs: Muzaffarabad (Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir)
2.Lashkar-e-Tayyiba - Hqs: Muridke (Pakistan)

Number of people in Jammu and Kashmir killed in violence waged by Pakistan-supported terrorist over the last decade: over 20,000

Ethnic Cleansing in Kashmir:
Nearly 300,000 Kashmiri Pandits (original Hindu inhabitants of Kashmir valley) driven out of their ancestral homeland by Pakistan-supported terrorists.

Pakistan's response to charges of terrorism support: "It only provides diplomatic and moral support to the terrorists". This is refuted in "credible reports of official Pakistani support of Kashmiri terrorist groups…" in the US Sate Department 1997 report on global terrorism. 70% of Pakistan's budget goes to support the military and debt servicing. A large portion of the military spending goes towards its operations in J&K including underwriting Kashmiri terrorists. (NY Times, Aug. 30, 1998, The Tribune, Oct 10, 1998.

Terrorist Organisations Active In Jammu And Kashmir: Al Faran-(Front organisation of Harkat ul-Ansar) - Al Jihad - LET -Lashkar-e-Tayyiba-(Hqs in Pakistan) - JuM -Jamiat-ul-Mujahideen - HuM -Hizb-ul-Mujahideen (Leadership in Pakistan) - MDA - Markaz-al-Dawa (Hqs in Pakistan) - HuA -Harkat ul-Ansar - IIM - Islami Inqulabi Mahaz - Bul - Bait-ul-Islam - AB - Al Barq - JKLF - Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (Amanullah Khan Faction, Hqs in Pakistan) - Ikhwan ul-Muslimeen - Hizbullha - Jaanbaaz Force - HkuM Harkat ul-Mujahideen - Jamiat-e-Islami - Allah Tigers - Tehrik ul-Mujahideen - Tehrik ul-Jehad-e-Islami - Pasdaran-e-Islam - Ansarullah

SOME OF THE MAJOR RECOVERIES

Weapons

1. 12.7 MM Anti Air Craft Machine Guns - 04
2. Heavy/Utility Machine Guns - 46
3. Rifles (G3/AK/Chinese/M-16/Sniper) - 198
4. Grenade/Rocket Launchers - 19
5. 81/120 MM Mortars - 12
6. 37MM Twin Barrel AD Gun - 01
7. Stinger Missile with launcher - 01
8. 23 MM Gun - 01
9. 14.5 MM KPVT - 01
10. 105 MM Howitzer less barrels - 03
Total 286

AMMUNITION

11.Anti Personnel Mines - 1406
12.Artillery/Mortar Bombs - 1200
13.Chinese Rockets - 32
(Plus large quantity of small arms ammunition, grenades and explosives amounting to approximately 35 tonnes).

Equipment & Clothing

15. Night vision devices - 06
16. Communication sets (All types) - 22
17. Bullet-proof jackets - 17
18. Gas masks - 39
19. Telephone cable - 05 KMs
20. Sleeping bags - 33
21. 3-4 Men/Igloo tents - 25

Note:
Besides above, sizeable quantity of bunker construction material, Pak military literature, Pak currency, marked maps and personal items of Pak soldiers were also recovered.

Genesis of Militancy in Kashmir

Ever since Pakistani raiders and razakars invaded J&K in October 1947 and the state acceded to India, Pakistan has been unable to accept what it perceives as a wrongful oss. The state remains a bone of contention between the two countries even after over 50 years of independence. The Pakistan Government calls it the 'core' issue and says that the eventual merger of J&K with Pakistan is the only acceptable solution to the problem and that it is the 'unfinished agenda of partition'.2 Having failed to annex J&K by force in the several wars initiated by it against India over the last 50 years, and emboldened by its acquisition of nuclear weapons in 1987,3 Pakistan hatched a new conspiracy for the annexation of J&K by waging a covert 'proxy war' against India through a strategy of 'bleeding India by a thousand cuts'.

Operation 'Topac', under which Pakistan launched its proxy war against India, was brilliantly conceived and skilfully executed. Pakistan's President, General Zia ul Haq's concept was to exploit the religious sentiments of the Kashmiri people, whip up passions on communal and sectarian lines, fan the flames of religious fundamentalism and, in the process, gradually create conditions for waging a jehad. Before launching its proxy war in Kashmir, Pakistan also initiated measures to exploit the disgruntled elements among the youth of Punjab to fight for the creation of an independent Sikh state of Khalistan. The intention was to destabilise India by creating conditions of insecurity in two contiguous front-line Indian states and to tie down the Indian security forces, particularly the Indian Army, in internal security duties. It was expected that prolonged employment in internal security duties would weaken the Indian Army and degrade its conventional superiority over the Pakistan Army. All this was to be achieved through a low-cost option, without getting directly involved.

The Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) Directorate of Pakistan was entrusted with the responsibility of executing the plan. The ISI had gained immense experience in organising guerrilla warfare in Afghanistan, with sabotage and terrorism as the weapons of choice, while working together with the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). The ISI had also surreptitiously siphoned off nearly 60 per cent of the small arms, light weapons, ammunition and explosives supplied to it by the CIA for onward despatch to the Afghan mujahideen.4 It has been reported that arms and ammunition worth US $5 billion had been pumped into Afghanistan by the US and its allies. In addition, the erstwhile Soviet Union had supplied arms and ammunition worth US $5.7 billion.5 Large numbers of these weapons became available to the ISI for equipping Kashmiri militants when the Soviet forces withdrew from Afghanistan in 1989. Profits from the clandestine sale of freely available narcotics from Afghanistan, "donations from Muslim zealots in other countries"6 and profits from large-scale smuggling activities across the Indian border, provided adequate funds to finance an uprising in J&K. Massive rigging of elections to the J&K Assembly in March 19877 and the Kashmiri people's disillusionment with Mr. Farooq Abdullah's allegedly corrupt and inefficient administration,8 led to spontaneous protest and a call for azadi (independence). Thus the situation was ripe for exploitation and the ISI, which was ready and waiting, stepped in to fan the flames.

The strategic design of Operation Topac was to launch a proxy war against India in a phased manner.9 The salient aspects of Pakistan's plan were as under :-10

* Initiate a low-level insurgency to interdict communications networks and subvert the police and financial institutions.

* Subsequently, exert direct pressure along the Line of Control (LoC) by large-scale sabotage and infiltrate mercenaries and Special Forces to attack vital targets in rear areas.

* At an appropriate stage, using religion as a motivating and binding factor, give a nudge to the jehad to peak and, if necessary, be prepared to exercise the military option to liberate J&K.

While J & K was to remain the focus of all ISI activities, Operation Topac also envisaged the provision of support and encouragement to insurgent and militant groups in the north-eastern states of India and thespread of terrorism progressively to other parts of India, in keeping with the strategy of bleeding the country through a thousand cuts. It is axiomatic that for the Pakistanis, a continuing crisis in Kashmir and tensions along the LoC with India provide an excellent diversion from frustrations at home. These are time-tested methods for mobilising the masses, for gaining the support of fundamentalist Islamic parties and the mullahs within Pakistan and in other Islamic states. It also enables the civilian rulers and the bureaucracy to keep the Pakistani Army gainfully employed in directing and supporting the slickly packaged 'just cause' of the Muslim brethren of Kashmir and, as a corollary, away from harbouring thoughts of another military coup. Another major aim is to internationalise the Kashmir issue, contrary to the spirit of the 1972 Shimla Agreement, by raising the bogey of the denial of the Kashmiri people's right of self-determination. It is conveniently ignored that Pakistan itself had impeded the process of the holding of a plebiscite in J&K by not vacating its illegal occupation of Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (POK), which is called Azad Kashmir in Pakistan. The playing up and highlighting of trumped up human rights violations in the international media is also part of a well-orchestrated campaign.

Pakistan's proxy war campaign is carefully calibrated to ensure that India's perceived 'threshold of tolerance' is not transgressed. Though Pakistan would prefer to avoid escalation of the present low intensity conflict (LIC) situation to conventional war, it has apparently vectored in the risks involved in pursuing its proxy war strategy into its operational plans. Yossef Bodansky writes that, "Pakistan knows that the active pursuit of the current Kashmir strategy may lead to an escalation of the face off with India. Islamabad is ready to deal with this eventuality while increasing its all out support for the Kashmiris." In mid-February 1995, a Foreign Ministry spokesman warned that 'if India carries out another aggression and war breaks out between Pakistan and India, it would not be a war of a thousand years or even a thousand hours, but only a few minutes and India should not be oblivious to the potential destruction.' Pakistani officials add that "Pakistan is really in a position to strike a heavy blow against India through its nuclear capability."11 Pakistan also believes that its nuclear weapons and missiles provide the cheapest option for peace. Gen Mirza Aslam Beg writes: "The nuclear and missile deterrence have helped maintain peace in the sub-continent for over two decades."12

However, it is self-evident that a foreign power can sow the seeds of insurgency only when discontentment and dissent are already widespread among the people and the situation is ripe for exploitation. Due to decades of poor governance13 and neglect, compounded by rampant corruption, cynical nepotism, alienation from the national mainstream and political mismanagement, the situation in J&K was as bad as it could possibly have been in 1988-89.14 It is only belatedly that true realisation has dawned regarding the various sins of omission and commission with which the post-independence history of J&K is replete. J&K Governor, Mr. Girish Chandra Saxena, recently told Prakash Nanda in an interview that, "We are considering the situation on the political, administrative and democratic fronts. We realise that maladministration, corruption and unemployment have also been responsible for the growth of militancy in the past."15.

Aims & Objectives

Militants Groups:


The militant groups operating and other parts of India are given out as under:

Foreign Militant Groups:[2]

Lashkar-e-Toiba: The biggest centre of Pak trained militants is at Markaz-e Dawat-ul-Irshad. The centre is spread over several acres outside lahore. The top, armed wing of the Markaz happens to be the Lashkar-e-Toiba, whose members in turn receive arms training in terrorist training camps in Afghanistan as well {censored} Pakistan. Lashkar-e-Toiba is a 300- strong force, all of them Pakistanis and Afghanis; the group co-ordinates its militant activity through local groups. Dominant in Kupwara, Baramullah and Badgam. Osama Ben ladn , the saudi billionnairre-turned-terrorist kingpin has visited the Markaz in the past and maintains close links with it. Indeed he is one of the pattern of the markaz.

Lashkar-e-Toiba:- On the sprawling 200-acre complex that is the Markaz-e-Toiba at Muridke near Labore, over 30,000 Muslim militants gathered to reaffirm the waging of a jehad against the wold, parpticularly India and the US. The Taliban delegates from Afghanistan vowed never o hand over Osama bin Laden, the most-wanted FBI figitive. The occasion was the three-day annual congregation- from November 3 to 5-of the Lashkar-e-Toiba, the military wing of its patron religious body, the Dawatul Irshed.

While locals usually go to the Markaz for arbitration of their disputes and sometimes of murders, the tented village that sprung up midway between Lahore and Gujranwala functioned like an Islamic state. Even passing vehicles weren't allowed to play music; TV, smoking and photography were entirely prohibited. The premises were heavily guarded by Lashkar soldiers armed with sophisticated assault rifles, machine-guns and rocket-propelled grenade launchers.

In fact, the high point of every such congregation is the presence of highly trained and motivated Lashkar soldiers and fiery speeches by various Lashkar commanders who narrate their battle experiences in places as far afield as Bosnia, Chechnya, the Philippines, Burma and Kashmir. The congregation concludes with a display of the soldiers' military skills, including field craft, strippling assembling weapons, assault techniques and training.

Founded in '89 by Prof Hafiz Mohammad Saeed, the religious university of Dawatul has 500 offices in Pakistan, 40 teachers and around 800 students, from ages eight to 20, who are educated to propagate Islam and prepare for jehad. The dawatul project was originally initiated by a group of traders; now funds come through small donations from ordinary Pakistanis.

Jehad, in fact, was the leitmotif in the speeches of the Lashkar leaders this time too as also was the fact that more than ever before, it is incumbent upon Muslims today to wage the holy war till all of God's earth is turned into darul Salam (the land of peace). Expalaining the philosophy to

the assembled mujahideen, Adbul Rehman Al-Dakhil, the Lashkar chief in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, said;"Islam permits the killing of {censored} (infidels) while terrorists kill for establishing their own rule. If jehad is terrorism, we're terrorists." Also attending the congregation was the nawab of Junagarh, Mohammad Jahangir Khanji, whoclaims that his grand-father, Sir Nawab Mahabat Khanji, had announced Junagarh's annexation with Pakistan on September 15,'47 but the Indian army forcibly occupied the territory on November 9,'47. The Nawab is reported to have said (during a private meeting with Prof Saeed) that Junagarh was still a part of Pakistan and that Lashkar militants should strive for its independence as well.

The Lashkar high command does not believe in democracy and understands-ironically, better than Pakistan's political parties- that true democracy is underpinned by the twin concepts of secularism and constitutional liberalism in Pakistan. Its leadership had been vocal in its opposition to the Nawaz Sharif government for first inviting the Indian prime minister to Pakistan and later withdrawing the Pakistani troops from Kargil where Lashkar militants were fighing alongside the regulars.

"We reject democracy: the notion of people's sovereignty is anti-Islam," declared Saeed at the Lashkar congregation. "Only Allah is sovereign." Another prominent Lashkar leader, Qazi Abdul Wahid, praised Gen Musharraf's military takeover, saying they had been fearing a major crackdown from the deposed regime.

The second day of the Lashkar congregation was marked by fiery anti-India speeches following three bomb blasts within the span of an hour, close to Muridke on November,4. The Pakistan intelligence agencies held RAW responsible, claiming that two dozen RAW agents including 14 women and 12 men were present at Muridke on the day of the blasts to create disturbance. The blasts (that left one dead, 35 injured) were seen as India's avenging the November 3 killings of eight Indian soldiers during a Lashkar attack on the 15 Corps headquarters in Srinagar.

The explosions in Muridke, the first of their kind under the new regime, took place 33 days after the October 12 military takeover. They were seen as a repeat of the blasts that took place at exactly the same place on the same day last. A powerful bomb had exploded in the Muridke main market on the second day of the Lashkar's '98 gathering, leaving six dead and 22 injured. The agencies also claimed the arrest of four RAW agents involved in these blasts and allegedly recovered sensitive material and documents from their possession.

Prof Saeed called these explosions a cowardly retaliation by the Indian governemtn. "The world should witness that while we targeteda military installation, the coward Indians responded by targeting civilian," he observed. "The blasts were aimed at scarig mujahideen but Indians should know that such cowardly acts would neither bring down their morale nor their spirit of jehad." He hailed as a big success the Lashkar's Srinagar attack, saying:"This ws a very effective strike and a big success in responding to the crackdown by Indian forces on unarmed Kashmiris". He said two of the four fidai attackers from Lashkar were killed nd two others returned to their hideout.

Saeed in fact claimed that theif fighters could even strike the Indian prime minister's office. "Lasten Vajpayee," he said,"if you do not withdraw your forces from Kashmir, if you do not stop atrocities in Kashmir, then we have given you a message by attacking the corps commanders' office in Srinagar. Whenever we want, we will storm your office too. The decision on Kashmir will take place on a battlefield and will be made by the mujahideen."[3]

Hizbul Mujahedin: The largest in terms of numbers, this 4,000- strong outfit is known to operate throughout the Kashmir Valley. An avowedly pro-Pakistan outfit, it has about 1,500 foreigners. Since 80 per cent of its strength is still drawn from the local cadre, it regularly clashes with other outfits in its efforts to gain supremacy. Led by Sayed Salahudin in Pakistan, has been virtually controlled by ISI as was seen in the tapes produced on Zee TV. It offered cease fire in July 2000, but later retracted on the advise of ISI controllers. It depends not only on ISI but also on Jamaat-e-Islami for its supply of funds and weapons. Its claim on 10 May 2001 for having planted bomb near Army HQs and for its capability to strike anywhere in India, cannot be taken lightly, though its teeth are not as sharp as LeT.

Jash-E-Mohammad: Set up in April 2000, by Maulana Azhar who shot into limelight when he was released from prison in the Kandhar hijack deal., this group has made its mark in the urban areas. Known for its contacts, the Maulana has established a strong local network.

Harkat-ul-Mujahideen: The lauch of the Jaish-e-Mohammadhas weekened the position of this group led by Fazlue Rehman Khalil. Most of its members who have close contacts with the Maulana have crossed over to his fold.

Al-Umar-Mujahideen: A small local group led by Mushtaq Zardar- who was also released along with the Maulana in the hijack deal-it backs the Jash-e-Mohammed and LeT

Harkat-ul-Ansar: Of an estimated strength of 1,000, at least 750 are believed to be foreign militants, all fighting for Kashmir’s accession to ‘Islamic Pakistan’. Area of operation: Anantnag and Doda. Harkat-ul-Ansar: Of an estimated strength of 1,000, at least 750 are believed to be foreign militants, all fighting for Kashmir’s accession to ‘Islamic Pakistan’. Area of operation: Anantnag and Doda.

Kashmir Groups

Muslim Mujahedin:
With an estimated strenth of 1,000, the group confines its operations to parts of Baramullah and Anantnag. Muslim Mujahedin: With an estimated strength of 1,000 the groups confines its operations to parts of Baramullah and Anantnag.[4]

Al Umar: With an estimated strength of about 600, it is the military arm of the Qaumi Action Committee, the political party which supports Mirwaiz Umar Farooq, chief of the All Party Hurriyat Conference. Area of operation: Srinagar. Al Umar: With an estimated strength of about 600, it is the ilitary arm of the Qaumi Action committee, the political party which supports Mirwaiz Umar Farooq, chief of the All Party Hurriyat Conference. Area of Operation : Srinagar.[5]

AlBarq: Comprising about 1,000 militants, the group is the military wing of the People’s League headed by Abdul Ghani Lone who is kno part of the Hurriyat Conference. Area of operation: Kupwara, Baramullah and parts of Srinagar. Al Barq: Comprising about 1,000 militants the group is the military wing of the People’s League headed by Abdul Ghani Lone who is now part of the Hurriyat Conference. Area of operation: Kupwara, Baramullah and parts of Srinagar.[6]

Muslim Janbaz Force: Now supporting Shabir Shah, this group of about 300 is in a process of consolidating itself in Doda, Poonch, 0Rajouri and parts of Srinagar. Muslim Janbaz Force : Now supporting Shabir Shah, this group of about 300 is in a process of consolidating itself in Doda, Poonch, Rajouri and parts of Srinagar.[7]

Ikhwan-e-Muslimoon: Headed by Koka Parray and reportedly backed by the Indian Government, the group has ousted the Hizbul Mujahedin from Sonawari and Kangan which are now considered its domain. Ikhwan-e-Musalmeen: Headed by Koka Parray and reportedly backed by the Indian Government, the group has ousted the Hizbul Mujahedin from Sonawari and Kangan which are now considered its domain.[8]
JKLF:Split between Javed Mir and Yasin Malik, it is now an above-ground group and has recently returned to the Hurriyat[9].- JKLF: Split between Javed Mir and Yasin Malik, it is now and above-ground group and has recently returned to the Hurriyat.[10]

Militancy Area of influence:- India Today Nov 30,1995, p. 56

Militants Operatoions in J&K
Inter Group Rivalaries


Militants gunned down 15 persons belonging to three Muslim families at Morha Bachhi village in Poonch district’s sensitive Surankote tehsil on Monday night. The area has seen a renewed spurt in militant activity, coinciding with the stepping up of Pakistani shelling along the district’s border.

Those slain included six women and four children. One woman was wounded. Before receding, the militants set afire two of the houses where they had struck.
Reports said the three targeted families were related to one another.
In another incident in the same district on Monday night, militants gunneddown two persons at Gursai village in Mendhar tehsil. Identified as Mohammad Iqbal and Liaquat Ali, both Gujjars, the victims are believed to have been killed on the suspicion of being informers of the security forces.

Reports said that the Surankote massacre was the result of intergroup differences between Hizbul Mujahideen militants caused by territorial jealously anddisagreement over style of functioning. The Hizb group, dominated by locals, resents the foreign-dominated Harkat assuming a “super-boss” role.

Sources said that the “gang-rivalry” had once again peaked in the wake of fresh brief from Pakistan.

The Surankote massacre is said to have been perpetrated by the Harkat group led by Qaisar Mehmood and the victims belonged to the family of Khalid Mohmmed of the Hizb. The people of Morha Bachhi on Tuesday carried the bodies to the Dudok bridge, laid them along the road andstarted a vociferous dominstration against the massacre, reports said. They even blamed the security forces for the carnage.

UNI adds from Barmula: “At least four Pakistani infiltrators and as many security personnel were killed in a night-long encounter at Hilmatpora in the frontier district of Kupwara. Official sources said the security forces, on a tip-off that some militants from Pakistan occupied Kashmir were hiding in Halmatpora village, sealed the area on Monday evening. In the encounter that ensued four infiltrators and an equal number of security personnel, including a deputy commandant, one inspector and two jawans were killed.[11]

There is hardly a militant group in the Valley or in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir that does not claim that it is their ‘freedom fighters’ inflicting casualties on the Indian army. But highly-placed sources in the civil and military establishment shared their assessment that the mercenaries/militia who have been pushed into Indian territory belong primarily to three extremist groups: the Lashkar-e-Toiba, Harkat-ul-Mujahideen and Al Badr.

Of the three, though, Lashkar-e-Toiba is the most prominent, it is the militant wing of the Lahore-based Markaz-e-Dawat-ul-Irshad (MDI), or the Centre for Religious Studies, started in ’80. Indoctrination plays a large part of the MDI’s recruitment process. Young boys-usually from border villages - are picked up and sent for religious “briefing”. The first task set them is to return to their homes and smash TV sets, as it spreads western and decadent culture. Once convinced of their commitment and ability to fight, they are then sent to training camps in Muzaffarabad in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir PoK, and also to advanced training camps in Afghanistan run by Bin Laden.

These youngesters serve as replenishment forces to the intruders. The core groups of the infiltrators, again mostly drawn from the Lashkar-e-Toiba, are a battle-hardened lot. Most have entered India after a tough tour of duty in Aftghanistan. Official estimates are that while a few of these Afghan “mujahideen” may have been part of the force that took on the Russians, others are thought to have fought with the hardline Taliban militia which now rules Afghanistan. The most effective of these seem to be from Gilgit, Baltistan and the higher regions of Pakistan-occupied Kashmir.

They are acclimatised to the high altitudes, and are also used to actual warfare in those conditions. That’s the reason the ISI has been relying heavily on these men. Bin Laden’s hand was revealed when he told reporters last year that Pakistan should allow the setting up of military camps and open up its borders so that volunteers could launch a “jehad” to liberate Kashmir. Bin Laden was even suspected of having moved to the Pakistan-occupied Kashmir area at about the time the Indian Prime Minister was in Lahore However Taliban version was that Laden was very much in Afghanistan, primarily because of his threatened capture and/or elimination by the US if he ventured out. The Indian estimate is that a significant portion of the finances for the infiltrators are coming in from the ISI and other foreign agencies at the behest of Bin Laden, especially for the Harkat and Lashkar, while military support and training is a “distinct possibility, in some cases a certainty”.

In fact, the money being handed out to the infiltrators for the Kargil intrusions, say sources, “is five to 10 times what they were getting for a tour of duty (lasting three to six months) in the Valley”. The figure being quoted is $20,000 but there is no way to ascertain the exact amount being paid. ; it varies from militant to militant. The incentives for Pakistani Army regulars-primarily from the Northern Light Infantry (NLI)-are obviously different in nature.

It was reported that some intruders were observed performing their prayers even while the IAF was strafing their bunkers. This would indicate that not money alone, it is an almost fanatical degree of religion-inspired commitment. In fact, the “leader elements’ among these organisations are said to have trained for the Kargil operation alongside NLI personnel on the slopes of K2, the world’s second highest mountain. Just how motivated they are can be gauged from the fact that scaling and then occupying bitterly cold, windswept, mountain-tops for an indefinite period only to confront the might of the Indian army has not demoralised all of them. It is, however, clear that the only reason for this is that the Pakistani army is providing them artillery cover and a large presence of Pakistani regulars among them is directing operations and providing the crucial logistical support-supply lines et al.

But even as the army battles it out on the front, there is the threat of a simultaneous increase in pressure from militants within the Valley, most of them from the same groups active in Kargil. In fact, it’s already started. A confidential report points out that since the launch of the air-strikes in Kargil, there have been over 20 IED (imporvised explosive device) explosions across the state in which army and paramilitary personnel have been among those killed.

What is worrying the state administration is that the strikes have not been commensurate with the known strength of the militants; so, they could be planning something big. This apprehension was heightened by the middle of the week when senior officials were tipped off that a Pakistani explosives expert had managed to slip into the Valley. To prove their fears, a policeman was shot dead and another injured by militants in the crowded Batamloo area of Srinagar in the middle of the afternoon on Wednesday.

1999 is the tenth year of militancy in Jammu and Kashmir (J&K). Despite vociferous denials to the contrary, Pakistan continues to finance, train, equip and support Kashmiri militants and actively abet their ttempts at infiltration across the Line of Control (LoC). As the initial recruitment base in the Kashmir Valley has very nearly completely dried up, Pakistan is increasingly resorting to sponsoring Islamic mercenaries to let loose a reign of terror in J&K. A suo motto statement made by the Defence Minister in the Lok Sabha on August 5, 1998, explained Pakistan's frustrations and its desperation to raise the ante in Kashmir. Extracts from the statement are reproduced below.29

"Pakistan has always resorted to firing along the LoC to facilitate infiltration by Pakistani and foreign militants who are organised, trained equipped, financed, armed and finally infiltrated with active covering fire and support from Pakistani Army deployed along the LoC. In recent months, especially since May 1998, our security forces have been able to intercept and reduce the level of infiltration, thereby frustrating Pakistan's designs. As if to give vent to its frustration, Pakistan has started targeting not only our Army posts but also civilian inhabited areas, with Batalik, Kargil, Kanzalwan, Tangdhar, Karen and Uri becoming the main targets.

"These actions by Pakistan are in consonance with its calculated design to obstruct and stall peaceful bilateral dialogue and to create a sense of alarm by orchestrating incidents on the border which will project Jammu and Kashmir as a 'flashpoint'. Pakistan's desperation is becoming acute in view of the fast declining Kashmiri support in the Valley to militancy, control of which has passed into the hands of Pakistani militant organisations, patronised by Pakistani political figures; and foreign mercenaries directed by Pakistan's Inter Services Intelligence."

With the Indian security forces in almost complete control of the security situation in the Kashmir Valley, the centre of gravity of Pakistan's Inter Services Intelligence (ISI)-controlled and directed mercenary activities is gradually shifting to new areas south of the Pir Panjal Range which separates the Jammu region from the Kashmir Valley. These include Doda (Kishtwar and Bhadarwah), Punch and Rajouri. Sporadic acts of wanton terrorism were also perpetrated in and around Jammu City and Udhampur during 1997-98. Serious attempts are also being made to widen the arc of militancy to areas in the states bordering J&K such as in the Dalhousie-Chamba area of Himachal Pradesh.

As most areas south of the Pir Panjal Range in Jammu region are predominantly Hindu majority areas, unlike the Kashmir Valley, which is a Muslim majority area, the aim is clearly to create a communal and sectarian divide. Acts of terrorism targeted primarily against Hindus are designed to engender mass migrations by whipping up a fear psychosis on the pattern of the exodus of Hindus from the Kashmir Valley in 1990-93, with a view to gradually changing the demographic pattern in the Jammu region and adjacent areas. Tables 1 and 2 show the brutal and savage acts of terrorism perpetrated in the Kashmir Valley and the areas south of the Pir Panjal Range in 1996-98, masterminded by the ISI and executed with ruthless precision by foreign mercenaries.30

Since the setting up of the Unified Command in J&K in December 1996 (after elections to the State Assembly in September 1996), with the Chief Minister of the State as the Chairman and the General Officers Commanding 15 and 16 Corps as Security Advisers, there has been much greater co-ordination between the State Government, the Army and the CPOs in the fight against militancy. The re-vamped Jammu and Kashmir Police (JKP) and the better trained, equipped and motivated Jammu and Kashmir Armed Police (JKAP)34 have begun to operate in close co-ordination with the central security forces and greater synergy has been achieved in counter-insurgency operations. The intelligence network has also been strengthened. The Joint Intelligence Committee (JIC) has become more effective in co-ordinating intelligence acquisition, collation, analysis, synthesis and dissemination.

The Army has enhanced its vigil over the LoC to further reduce infiltration through a three-tier, static-cum-mobile deployment plan combined with vigorous patrolling in the rear areas, particularly during the hours of darkness and poor visibility. Equipment and technology deficiencies of the past are now being redressed to improve and further enhance the quality of surveillance. Sophisticated electro-optronic observation and surveillance equipment, including hand-held battlefield surveillance radars (BFSRs), is gradually being inducted to further enhance the quality of surveillance over the LoC. The long-standing requirement of passive night vision devices (PNVDs—based on the principle of thermal imaging), for the troops deployed on the LoC, is also being addressed. Unattended ground sensors (UGS), which can detect the movement of human beings through the generation of acoustic, magnetic or electrical signatures, are also likely to be acquired and emplaced in difficult terrain through which infiltration can take place.

However, no amount of hi-tech gadgetry such as BFSRs, PNVDs and UGS, can completely eliminate infiltration. The rugged mountainous terrain, covered by dense forests in the Punch and Rajouri areas, comprises innumerabe deep ravines, nullahs and re-entrants and is tailor-made for infiltration as the initiative for deciding on a route for infiltration, from among the numerous choices available in a given area, lies with the militants. Even if the number of infantry battalions deployed on the LoC could be doubled, it would not be possible to stop infiltration altogether. Hence, the present emphasis is on making the villagers capable of fending for themselves through the establishment of village defence committees (VDCs). The members of the VDCs are being provided elementary training, light weapons and limited communications equipment. In Doda district alone, 800 VDCs have been established.36

Simultaneously, the number of police posts is being increased to enhance the presence of the civil administration in the affected areas in Punch, Rajouri, Udhampur and Doda districts. The aim is to instil confidence among the people, deter terrorist strikes by denying the militants the capability of unfettered movement in the area, gain intelligence, identify harbourers and sympathisers who provide shelter to the militants, exercise command and control over the VDCs and for quick reaction against the terrorists when they mange to launch strikes. This JKP scheme is called 'Police Security Grid' and involves the setting up of 90 border posts (on the likely routes of infiltration behind Army posts in Punch and Rajouri districts), 385 defence posts (inside selected villages) and 118 operational posts (to launch active counter-insurgency operations against the militants) in the four districts.37 When finally implemented, these measures will help to prevent forced migrations of members of the minority community and enable the JKP and the people of the affected areas to play a more effective part in eliminating militancy in J&K. In Punjab, the tide had turned only when the local people stood up to the militants and the Punjab Police, under the able guidance of the State's outstanding Director General, Mr. K P S Gill, took the lead in rooting out the scourge of militancy and terrorism from the State with the active support of the people.

India's Military Response: Paying a High Price

If the situation in Kashmir Valley has been brought under control despite the viciousness and ruthlessness of the ISI-sponsored campaign to wrest Kashmir from India, the credit must go to the Indian Army and the other central security forces such as the BSF and the CRPF. The Army's relentless effort in conducting counter-insurgency operations under the most trying circumstances, while resolutely adhering to the application of the principle of 'minimum force', is indeed commendable and possibly unparalleled. "In contrast to similar situations elsewhere in the world, where tanks, aircraft, artillery and mortars have been freely used with attendant non-combatant casualties, the Indian Army has conducted no more than a police operation in Kashmir. In keeping with its training and style, it has carried this out in a methodical fashion, ferreting out and arresting individuals rather than punishing a community, seeking combat with the militants, rather than waiting to be attacked in places where civilians could be hit."38

Tables 3 and 439 show the enormity of the task involved in bringing about normalcy in J&K. The large number of militants who have been killed, apprehended or have surrendered and, the huge quantity of weapons, ammunition and explosives recovered, point both to the scale and viciousness of the campaign launched by Pakistan by proxy against India and the magnitude of the immense effort expended in successfully defeating that campaign.

Table 3. Militants Neutralised by the Army
Year​
Killed
Apprehended
Surrendered
1990​
466
3,267
37
1991​
632
2,973
138
1992​
637
4,089
226
1993​
1.042
3,405
73
1994​
1,228
3,197
128
1995​
1,102
3,541
657
1996​
902
1,826
224
1997​
888
1,257
235
1998​
825
475
118
TOTAL​
7,742*
24,030**
1,836
Including foreign mercenaries :-* 888. * * 127.

Weapons such as RPGs (rocket propelled grenade launchers), infantry mortars and anti-aircraft missiles, have been recovered in smaller numbers. In addition, 1,403 radio sets, most of them extremely sophisticated, have also been recovered. The above mentioned figures are in respect of militants neutralised and recoveries made during Army operations. The success achieved by the CPOs and JKP/JKAP would make the tally much higher.

Table 4. Weapons Recovered by the Army up to December 1998
Sr.
Type of Weapon/ Equipment
Quantity
1
Assault Rifle AK-47/56​
13,675​
2
Light/Universal Machine Gun​
779​
3
Sniper Rifles​
498​
4
Sten Guns​
27​
5
Pistols​
4,891​
6
Single/ouble Barrel Guns​
797​
7
Anti-personnel Mines​
5,422​
8
Anti-tank Mines​
354​
9
Hand Grenades​
35,557​
10
Explosives (kgs)​
11,865​
11
Ammunition (rounds)​
2,693,520​

In reply to Dr. Jayanta Rongpi's Unstarred Question No. 205, answered in the Lok Sabha (Lower House of the Indian Parliament) on May 28, 1998, the Defence Minister, Mr. George Fernandes stated the following:-40

"At present, 72,000 defence personnel are directly deployed in counter-insurgency/internal security in J&K, while about 47,000 are deployed in north-eastern states. In addition, there are also personnel of supervisory and other formations who are involved in supervisory roles whose number is not included in the above figures.

"Prolonged employment of Army for such duties, besides adversely affecting the Army's preparation for its main task also imposes an extra burden on the defence budget which, in turn, affects Army's modernisation programmes. In addition, casualties suffered by the Army in peacetime affect the morale of the Army personnel.

"The maintenance of law and order is basically the responsibility of the State Governments and the defence forces are deployed for counter-insurgency/internal security duties only against a specific requisition by the State administration and/or when they are statutorily required to render such duties under the provisions of the relevant laws such as Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958, etc.

"The consistent policy of the Government in this regard has been that the defence forces should be deployed for internal security duties very sparingly and only if the State Government is not in a position to handle the situation and the deployment of defence forces becomes absolutely necessary. The Rashtriya Rifles was sanctioned by the Government to relieve the Army, to the extent possible, form counter-insurgency duties. This has, however, helped only to a limited extent in view of the increased commitment of the Army in counter-insurgency operations."

It emerges from the Defence Minister's statement that a total of 119,000 Army personnel were deployed for counter-insurgency and internal security duties in J&K and the north-eastern states of India in May 1998. Since the number of supervisory and supporting personnel is over and above this figure, it could be concluded that approximately 132 infantry battalions were committed for such duties. (The approximate strength of an infantry battalion may be taken as 900 personnel.) Of these units, 36 battalions are of the Rashtriya Rifles.41 Hence, about 96 infantry battalions were employed for such duties. As the situation has not changed substantially since 1993-94 (except that while militancy has come militarily under control in the Kashmir Valley, the security situation in the areas south of the Pir Panjal range has deteriorated), it could be assumed that about 90 to 95 battalions are being employed continuously for counter-insurgency/internal security duties.

In addition, for the last five years, five to eight infantry battalions of the Territorial Army42 and about 25 battalions of the Assam Rifles, a para-military force funded by the Ministry of Home Affairs but officered by and under the operational control of the Army, have also been employed for active operations within the country. Hence, overall 162 to 165 regular Army and Army-led para-military battalions are actively engaged in counter-insurgency/internal security operations and duties. To this list, details of the units of Central Police Organisations (CPOs) which are being employed for similar tasks, need to be added to get an overview of the enormity of the effort involved in combating militancy which is mainly Pakistan-sponsored, aided and abetted. These details are given in Table 5.

Table 5. Units of CPO Forces Employed for Counter-insurgency/Internal Security Duties
Type of Force​
J&K​
North-Eastern States​
Border Security Force (BSF)
Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF)
Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP)
Jammu and Kashmir Armed Police (JKAP)
70
43
4
11
7
37
-
-
Besides the casualties being suffered almost on a daily basis and their adverse impact on morale, the Army's prolonged involvement in counter-insurgency operations has several other major disadvantages. The financial costs of sustaining a successful counter-insurgency campaign are staggering. It has been estimated that the Army spends approximately Rs. 2,500 crores (US $600 million) out of its annual budget on counter-insurgency operations.45 This is about 13 per cent of the Army's 1997-98 budget of Rs. 19,000 crores approximately (Revised Estimates). The outcome is that the Army spends almost 57 per cent of its budget on pay and allowances, about 40 percent on the maintenance of equipment and the replenishment of ammunition and other essential stores being consumed for counter-insurgency operations, and is left with only three per cent for modernisation, including capital acquisitions. Even the expenditure on the Rashtriya Rifles, amounting to approximately Rs 500 crores annually, is incurred from the Army's budget. It is obvious that the Army can ill afford an expenditure of 13 per cent on counter-insurgency operations from its budget without its operational efficiency for its primary task being significantly impaired. As the Defence Minister informed Parliament (see text of the Minister's statement above), the Army's modernisation programme has been adversely affected by its prolonged and continued involvement in counter-insurgency duties. This situation needs to be redressed as early as possible.

As most of the additional battalions required for counter-insurgency operations have been inducted from peace stations, the peace time tenures of infantry battalions have consequently had to be reduced correspondingly. This affects the Army's preparation for conventional war since intensive training at individual, section, platoon, company, battalion, brigade and divisional levels requires a systematic and methodical approach and stability of tenure is an important pre-requisite. Also, the requirement of serving tenures for counter-insurgency/internal security is over and above the existing requirement of serving in field/high altitude areas along the LoC and the Actual Ground Position Line (AGPL, on Siachen Glacier) with Pakistan and the Line of Actual Control (LAC) with China. This results in peace station tenures not only being shorter but also more spaced out. Once again, training and preparedness for conventional war are bound to be affected.

The wear and tear caused to first line weapons (small arms and light crew-served weapons), equipment, vehicles, extreme cold clothing (ECC) and camp items such as tentage due to excessive usage in counter-insurgency/internal security operations, results in a reduction in their life cycles. As it is not always possible to procure replacements due to the inadequacy of funds, replacements have to be provided from the available war reserves which results in their depletion. Some units are inducted for operations temporarily during the summer months only or to fill emergent operational voids till new units can be brought in. The weapons and equipment that temporarily inducted units leave behind in cantonments, deteriorates due to inadequate maintenance.

Regarding the effect on the morale of the Army, given the fact that approximately 119,000 personnel are involved in exacting and sometimes exasperating and psychologically unsettling counter-insurgency/internal security duties, it can be stated that the Army has borne the rigours of prolonged employment in these operations stoically and resolutely. The nature of LIC is such that it exacts a heavy mental toll due to the absence of a clearly defined uni-directional threat and the assumed omnipresence of armed militants who may suddenly open fire form the least expected direction. The abundance of anti-personnel mines and remotely controlled IEDs and, the lurking fear of a hand grenade being hurled without warning from around a corner on a passing vehicle, also add to the pressures on a soldier's mind. Odd hours of duty and long marches through inhospitable terrain, while braving the vagaries of the weather (which in J&K comprises rain, snow, sleet, fog and blistering winds capable of chilling even a well-clad soldier to the bone marrow), exact a heavy physical toll as well. By all accounts, personnel of the CPOs have also withstood the challenges of internal security operations commendably well. However, the long-term implications of prolonged employment are not yet clear. Maj Gen Arjun Ray writes : "Troops who operate for protracted periods under stressful conditions are bound to suffer from psychological problems as well as disorders." Recently there have been reports that a number of CRPF personnel deployed in J&K have been afflicted by mental disease. These need to be taken note of as the reported incidents may be advance indicators of a larger malaise.48

During an interview with the Times of India on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of Army Day, General V P Malik, PVSM, AVSM, ADC, the Chief of the Army Staff (COAS) stated that, "With increasing involvement in counter-insurgency and internal security operations, the operational preparedness was getting diluted.......Prolonged and large-scale deployment is neither good for the Army nor the country."49 The COAS was only reiterating what he and his predecessors have said on a number of occasions in the past. In the ultimate analysis, it is clear that the prolonged and continued employment of a large number of Army units in counter-insurgency/internal security operations, is likely to result in the reduction of the Army's combat potential and, consequently, in the degradation of India's conventional deterrence, particularly against Pakistan.

The Rashtriya Rifles force was raised to act as the Army's counter-insurgency strike force so that regular infantry battalions would remain available to train and prepare for their primary task even during periods when the Army's employment for counter insurgency/internal security operations is unavoidable. However, under the present circumstances, 36 Rashtriya Rifles battalions have proved to be grossly inadequate for the purpose as the requirement appears to have stabilised at approximately 130 to 135 battalions, including the Rashtriya Rifles battalions. It is imperative that the employment of regular infantry battalions of the Army for counter-insurgency operations be reduced to not more than 30 to 40 at a time so as to overcome the drawbacks of prolonged employment, if it cannot be stopped altogether.

Various options could be considered to find a solution to this problem. Firstly, the number of Rashtriya Rifles attalions could be increased to about 60 and the force given permanency as the counter-insurgency component of the Army, to be funded preferably by the Ministry of Home Affairs to avoid a heavy strain on the Army's budget or through an additionality to be given to the Army budget. Simultaneously, the strength of Assam Rifles could be increased to about 60 battalions (from the present 31). Secondly, a new national level counter-insurgency strike force could be raised with Army leadership and ethos, based on the existing Rashtriya Rifles as a nucleus. Such a force, to be financed by the Ministry of Home Affairs, could comprise about 100 battalions, to be raised gradually in a phased manner over the 9th, the 10th and the 11th plans. Thirdly, the CRPF could be designated as the national counter-insurgency strike force. (The BSF must go back to its border guarding role which is not being performed with optimal efficiency at present as the force is heavily committed in counter-insurgency/internal security operations. Effective border management is a mandatory pre-requisite if the induction of weapons, ammunition and explosives, as well as foreign mercenaries and foreign trained Indian militants is to be checked and reduced.) The CRPF will need to be re-vamped for this new role and its leadership and training standards will need to be immensely enhanced. The lateral induction of volunteer Army officers with experience of counter-insurgency operations and trained Army instructors in the rank and file will go a long way in re-vamping the CRPF. Each of the options discussed above has several merits as well as many disadvantages. These need to be analysed in detail by a specially constituted joint Army and CPOs study group whose findings should be evaluated by the National Security Advisory Board (NSAB) of the National Security Council (NSC). Recommendations made by the NSAB should be examined by the NSC and approved for early implementation.

A Solution Remains Elusive

Clearly, India's patience has been stretched almost to the limit and the strain is now showing. Demands for a more pro-active Kashmir policy are becoming vociferous. "The country has exercised restraint against Pakistan's proxy war and shown enough tolerance. We must make the costs unbearable for Pakistan. Why is the nation shying away from exercising the military option? Is there not provocation enough?50 In a sharply critical article in September 1998, Mr. K Subrahmanyam wrote: "It would appear that the Government of India has no policy about a possible solution to the Kashmir issue but hopes that so long as the issue is kept out of international attention and the insurgency and terrorism are contained through attrition, the problem will go away."51

Mr. Farooq Abdullah, the Chief Minister of J&K, a long-standing advocate for recognising the LoC as the international border between India and Pakistan, is now of the view that the Kashmir issue should be frozen for 25 years and that the two countries should build bridges on other aspects like trade, tourism and cultural exchanges.52 Mr. K.P.S Gill, former Director General of Punjab Police, is critical of the country's reliance on 'the niceties of diplomacy' to resolve the Kashmir problem and says that, "No nation in the world would have displayed the restraint and the patience that we have in the face of the scale and intensity of violence that has been unleashed upon us. It is time, now, to cry halt."53 However, he acknowledges that "the overwhelming reality is that the people of the sub-continent do not want conflict."

It is axiomatic that there can be no military solution to an insurgency. The security forces can only restore functional normalcy so that the law and order situation is under control and the writ of the civil administration runs in the state. The level of violence can be curtailed to a large extent and the number of incidents can be considerably reduced by co-ordinated operations. However, the security forces cannot eliminate the insurgency. To do that, the root causes of the insurgency have to be identified and tackled and the people's perceived grievances redressed. That is a task which only the civil administration and elected political leaderscan undertake. The security forces can assist by carrying out 'civic action' on behalf of the civil administration, 'show the flag' by virtue of their presence in the area, particularly the villages in the interior, and provide security cover to civil officials to enable them to perform their duties without fear. Exemplary state and national level leadership and a resolute and unwavering political will are necessary to root out insurgency.

A lasting solution to the Kashmir issue can only be found if both the external and the internal dimensions of the problem are successfully addressed, as both are inextricably interlinked. Unless Pakistan 'turns off the tap' of infiltration, no amount of effort, both military and civilian, will succeed in eliminating militancy from J&K. By now it should be clear to Pakistan that its proxy war will not succeed under any circumstances and that it would be in its own interest to renounce this path and seek mutually beneficial co-operation with India. However, George Santayana's classic definition of a fanatic is that he is a person who re-doubles his effort on losing sight of his goal. The fanatics in the Pakistani Army and the ISI can only be expected to re-double their efforts.

It is difficult to believe that the Pakistani Government does not understand that its sponsorship of insurgencies and its support to virulently fundamentalist organisations such as the Taliban militia, will eventually boomerang on Pakistan itself. It does not require great prescience to predict that the Taliban backlash is eventually bound to create unmanageable problems for Pakistan. Perhaps, having created a Frankenstein monster, the Pakistanis now find it difficult to regain control; or, they have deluded themselves into believing that they can get away with it lightly. Either way, Pakistan is apparently set on a course of self destruction.

In case the present proxy war leads to conventional or, even the unthinkable, nuclear war, it should be obvious to the Pakistanis that they will suffer much more than India. During an address to the National Defence College, New Delhi, General V P Malik, the COAS, warned that, "Pakistan's proxy war is dangerous not only for India but for the entire region. If militancy grows too big, both the initiator and the affected nation are tempted to use conventional means of war."54 Perhaps, the civilian rulers of Pakistan have already gone too far with the latitude given to the ISI and the Pakistani Army to wage a proxy war against India and are now unable to control the Frankenstein monster. The February 1999 massacre in Rajouri and Udhampur districts, masterminded by the ISI to coincide with Indian Prime Minister Vajpayee's bus ride to Lahore, could not possibly have been timed to send a message to the Indian Government as such incidents often have been in the past. This time, clearly, the message was from the Pakistan Army-ISI-Jamaat e Islami combine to Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, and its essence was: "Shake hands, play cricket and hockey, open up trade and encourage people-to-people contacts if you wish; however, lay off Kashmir—that is our agenda and it is non-negotiable."

Nevertheless, India should continue to strive to achieve normalcy in its relations with Pakistan and must keep all channels of communications open. Mr. K Subrahmanyam recommends that: "India should put forward a whole series of confidence building measures (CBMs) to reduce tension and restore peace in Jammu and Kashmir to enable meaningful negotiations between India and Pakistan. This should include an open skies plan along the border, international observers to check on Pakistani camps of terrorist organisations and agreed mining and fencing of borders." However, as long as Pakistan remains intransigent and believes that holding bilateral talks with India is futile, as advocated by the former Foreign Minister, Mr. Gohar Ayub Khan, prior to the Colombo summit meeting between the two Prime Ministers in July 1998,56 India should remain aware that not much is likely to be achieved by India's continued pursuance of the diplomatic option. Pakistan's efforts to secure third party mediation are irreconcilable with India's approach hat the problems between the two countries be resolved bilaterally in the spirit of the Shimla agreement.

India must project the Kashmir issue as one of international fundamentalist Islamic terrorism with widespread adverse ramifications, including for the western nations. Osama Bin Laden's terrorist training bases in Afghanistan which were hit by US cruise missiles in August 1998, were also training terrorists for operations in J&K. Mr. Naresh Chandra, India's Ambassador to the US, recently highlighted the convergence of Indian and US interests on terrorism : "Both India and the United States have been victims of terrorism perpetrated by individuals trained and equipped in the same schools of crime near India's borders."57 It would be in India's interest to further highlight through diplomatic channels and by launching a concerted public information/awareness campaign that Pakistan is the 'mother nation' of Islamic fundamentalist terrorism. The US State Department has so far been reluctant to list Pakistan as a sponsor of international terrorism "because of warnings by Pakistani Prime Ministers that such action would unravel the country's fledgling democracy and drive it into the hands of the virulently anti-American extremists." The US needs to be convinced that turning a blind eye to Pakistan's sponsorship of terrorism neither augurs well for peace and stability in the Southern Asian region, nor is it in the US' own long-term interest.

Regarding the internal dimension of the Kashmir problem, there is a lot more that can still be done. The first and foremost is the issue of the general consensus within the country to initiate talks with the militants. Mr. Prem Shankar Jha, a noted columnist, is of the opinion that the Muslims in Kashmir are not prepared to go back to the way things were before 1990. He writes: "Needless to say, India cannot offer independence to J&K, but if the Government wants a peaceful settlement in Kashmir, it must drop its insistence that it will hold talks with the militants only under the Constitution. This position......... is a non-starter.........The Government should have the courage to drop its insistence and agree to hold talks with the militants without pre-conditions."59 Mr. Muchkund Dubey, a former Foreign Secretary, recommends "opening a broad-based dialogue embracing all sections of society and evolving an acceptable package containing, among others, a cast iron guarantee that the experience of the recent past will never be repeated."60

While consenting to hold talks with the militant groups is undoubtedly desirable, the issue raises several questions with major practical implications for ongoing counter-insurgency operations. Firstly, who represents the militants? The All Party Hurriyat Conference (APHC) is a fractured coalition of disparate political parties with discredited leaders. Surely, the Indian Government cannot be expected to hold talks with leaders of Pakistan-sponsored and controlled militant outfits like the Hizbul Mujahideen and Harkat ul Ansar. Secondly, is a cease-fire to be declared, as in Nagaland? If so, what is the guarantee that it will be observed faithfully by the militants? Who will ensure that Pakistani-sponsored militant outfits also adhere to the cease-fire agreement, or are they to be left out of the talks process? Will it then make sense to pursue negotiations at all? Thirdly, can the Government of India agree to hold talks with the Kashmiri militants without pre-conditions till the unanimous resolution of Parliament on the Kashmir issue is rescinded? Is it not necessary to first build a national consensus on the issue, given the presence of ultra right wing elements in some political parties who have been vociferously demanding that Article 370 of the Constitution (which confers a special status on the State of J&K), be scrapped? Finally, how is it to be ensured that whatever agreement is reached with the militant groups will be acceptable to the Government of Pakistan?

Obviously, it is difficult to see any light at the end of the tunnel as there are no easy answers to this intractable problem. The most pragmatic way ahead appears to be to further synergise counter-insurgency operation in J&K so as to bring about functional normalcy all over the state as early as possible, while simultaneously stepping up the industrial development of the State and the socio-economic upliftment of the people. The creation of employment opportunities for the youth, including schemes for self-employment, should be a high priority point for action. The Sufi tradition of tolerance and liberalism, for which Kashmir is well known, should be encouraged to bloom unhindered by the diktats of radical Islam.

A sustained political campaign must be immediately launched to win the 'hearts and minds' of the Kashmiri people, assuage their feelings of hurt and neglect and restore their bruised and battered dignity. The people of J&K need to be convinced that their future lies with India. However, J&K will need to be given a large measure of autonomy; indeed, this demand is entirely in keeping with the federal structure of the Indian Constitution and has been recommended strongly for all the states by the Sarkaria Commission. The hands of Mr. Farooq Abdullah's administration should be strengthened so that the Kashmir Government can further enhance the quality of its battle against militancy on all fronts. And, the Government must launch a sustained media campaign, both within the country and abroad, to highlight Pakistan's deep-rooted involvement in fostering terrorism and insurgency in J&K and other parts of India. International pressure must be brought to bear on Pakistan to desist from its nefarious interference in India's internal affairs and to stop sponsoring Islamic fundamentalist terrorism in the Southern Asian region and other parts of the world.

Above all, public opinion must be mobilised to express the nation's solidarity with the Kashmiri people in their long drawn out and courageous struggle against Pakistan-sponsored proxy war.​

Home Ministry in receipt of Intelligence Agency report

Casualities:


As the level of violence has been consistently high throughout the last ten years of militancy in J&K, the casualty rates were bound to be high. Table 6 shows the casualties suffered by Army personnel and innocent civilian citizens in J&K during 1990-98.

Table 6. Casualties in Jammu and Kashmir: 1990-98

Year
Army Pers
Civilians
KilledWoundedKilledWounded
19901889656624
199144161409725
199250201330629
199388405327685
1994139426137702
1995186517148530
1996150359456794
1997153363312648
1998133377471669
Total9612,8783,2376,019
Table 6. Casualties in Jammu and Kashmir: 1990-98

Year
Army Pers
Civilians
KilledWoundedKilledWounded
19901889656624
199144161409725
199250201330629
199388405327685
1994139426137702
1995186517148530
1996150359456794
1997153363312648
1998133377471669
Total9612,8783,2376,019

Till end-June 1998, the Army and CPOs together had lost 1442 men,44 compared with 1103 soldiers killed during the entire 1947-48 conflict with Pakistan in J&K. The nation is indeed paying a high price in combating Pakistan's proxy war in J&K to maintain its territorial integrity.

As per the details reported to be contained in the White Paper proposed to be released by the Government in the budget session of Parliament, Pakistan-sponsored terrorism in India has claimed the lives of 29,151 civilians and 5,101 security forces personnel. 2,78,601 persons have been rendered homeless. The loss to public and private property is estimated at Rs. 2,000 crores. The cost of compensation paid to victims, for border fencing and the amount expended on the raising of local anti-terrorist force, works out to Rs. 18,500 crores. The expenditure on the Army and para-military forces is approximately Rs. 46,000 crores.

The casualties in terrorist affected violence are of Militants themselves, the civilian population and the security forces. The civilian casualities are either the massacres carried out by the militants or the civilians dying in cross firing between militants and security forces.

Most of the massacres have been of the innocent people like the bihari laboureres, Kashmiri Sikhs or Hindus or the pilgrims to Amarnath. In addition there have planned annhiliation of certain civilians who were either offering resisitance to militants, aiding security forces or wre suspected informers, The entire families were massacred mercilessly in these militant attacks in some cases. Some of the massacres in Kashmir valley and south of Pir Panjal range are given in the tables below:

Table 1. Massacres in Kashmir Valley

Date Place District Killed Wounded

May 6, 1996 Lasjan Srinagar 8 1
July 7, 1996 Bakihakar Kupwara 11 5
August 21, 1996 Ranbelpur Anantnag 9 1
October 5, 1996 Sunderkut Baramula 7 -
January 2, 1997 Musmilpur Baramula 7 -
March 27, 1997 Sangrampur Badgam 7 1
Jan 26, 1998 Wandhama Srinagar 23 -


Table 2. Massacres in Areas South of Pir Panjal Range

Date Place District Killed Wounded

Jan 5, 1996 Barshala Doda 1 5 -
April 18, 1996 Parankot Rajouri 2 6 -
July 25, 1996 Hinjan Gali Doda 1 3 -
May 6, 1998 Surankot Punch 4 2
June 10, 1998 Phagla Punch 4 1
June 19, 1998 Chapnari Doda 25 7
July 27, 1998 Horna Doda 16 5
August 3, 1998 Kalaban Chamba 36 -

(Himachal Pradesh)

August 3, 1998 Chandi Udhampur 5 -
August 8, 1998 Sailan Punch 1 9 -


In addition to the massacres enumerated in the accompanying tables, the killing of 20 Hindus on February 20, 1999, in three separate incidents, two in Rajouri district and one in Udhampur district, coincided with Indian Prime Minister Vajpayee's historic bus ride to Lahore in Pakistan to achievea breakthrough in Indo-Pakistan relations.31

In Doda, "the entire operational command has been handed over to foreign mercenaries belonging to Pakistan, Afghanistan, Sudan and Turkey, sidelining Kashmiri militants."32 Doda district comprises rugged mountainous terrain which affords ample opportunity to the militants to operate from well-concealed hideouts. The countryside is ideal for the mercenaries to establish their headquarters and radio communications centres and to stockpile arms, ammunition and explosives. Due to the lack of adequate surface communications, it is difficult for the security forces to respond in a timely manner to prevent incidents of terrorism, or to chase and eliminate militants after they strike. It is even more difficult to establish a viable intelligence network. In particular, the gaining of 'actionable' intelligence for launching surgical strikes against the militants is extremely problematic. As such, the ISI has succeeded in achieving major successes in killing members of the minority community in order to create a communal divide and force migrations from the area. It has also achieved success in blowing up bridges and culverts to further slow down the security forces and in targeting schools, government buildings and property. Even places of worship have not been spared. In a perceptive piece after the Prankot massacre in April 1998, Ved Marwah, former Police Commissioner of Delhi and former adviser to the Governor of J&K, Jagmohan, expressed the following views:-33

"The shift to Jammu is deliberate and is likely to continue. The number of foreign mercenaries is likely to increase in the coming months in the region, with more trained and experienced Afghan mujahideen being available for infiltration into the state. Harkat-ul-Ansar and Lashkar-e-Toiba have been operating there since 1993 and many more such groups have entered the Jammu region since then...... What is called for is concrete action—an immediate strengthening of the security arrangements in the region with the active support of the state police and the civil administration."

The Union Home Ministry has already received reports on several black deeds, inhuman activities and human violations committed by terrorists in Kashmir in the name of Islamic Jehad. The Vice-President of BJP, Mr. Krishan Lal Sharma, President of J&K unit of BJP, Prof. Chaman Lal Gupta and Mr. Vijay Kumar Malhotra, former Chief Executive Councillor, have demanded that the Government should place on the table of Parliament the report, prepared recently by Union Home Ministry, on the victims of terrorism in Jammu and Kashmir so that the world came to know about the inhuman and black deeds of Pakistan and her agencies in Kashmir. This report carries details, submitted by the intelligence agencies and the police which confirm reports of direct involvement of Pakistan in sending foreign mercenaries and terrorists to Kashmir not only for loot and guerrilla warfare but also for mercilessly defiling the prestige and honour of the nationalist families.

Mr. Dinesh Sharma, a journalist, has in his report, given a startling information. According to him activists of all small and big militant outfits, whose number is around 150, have raped girls and some of them have been tortured with weapons and with hot iron rods. This is a slap on the face of those human rightists who cry loud in the international political circles while accusing the security forces for human rights violations. It is worth maintaining here that while the Union Minister of State for Internal Security, Mr. Rajesh Pilot, who keeps on paying frequent visits to the valley, claims improvement in the situation in Kashmir, on the other hand the reports being received by his Ministry reveal that Kashmir is gradually becoming a hell.

Muslim women too victim of repression

The report of the intelligence agencies was presented a detailed account of the killing and rape of Hindu and Muslim girls by the terrorists. The report carries details of the gang rape and killing of one Sajda Hussain Sajda whose body was recovered from river Jehlum in Baramula. On September 17, 1991. Sajda, a Muslim girl, had been abducted by terrorists and after gang raping her, they killed her and threw her body in the river. There is mention, in the report, about a 17-year girl, Shamma Mufti, who had been kidnapped from Doda district. She had been taken to Anantnag by the kidnappers and she was rescued later by the security forces on December 19, 1991. In a similar way terrorists abducted Mohd. Sultan's daughter, Zarifa, and her brother, Bashir Ahmed, because they had pressurised Zarifa's parents to agree to marry their daughter to one of the militants. When Mohd. Sultan refused to marry his daughter to a militant, she and her brother were kidnapped. Her brother, Bashir Ahmed, was killed and later Zarifa was forcibly married to one of the terrorists. Another Sakeena of the same area, was abducted. After raping her for several days the tyrants cut her private parts. Later Sakeena's body was recovered from Pattan in Baramulla. Hasina of Bandipore too suffered the same fate. Her body was recovered by police from Iqbal Park Srinagar, on October 23. One militant belonging to Al-Umar outfit abducted one Muslim woman and her daughter from their house at Saja Kadal in Srinagar. The mother and her daughter had been charged with acting as informers leading to the arrest of Al-Umar chief, Mushtaq Ahmed Zargar alias Latram. Their house was set on fire by the activists of this outfit on May 8, 1992. Similarly Dolly of Baramulla, Gudi of Miskeen Bagh (Srinagar), 18 year old Rafiqa, daughter of Asadullah of Kalashpora, Aisha Ameen, District Education Officer and 400 other women were abducted, many were raped and killed.

This treatment had been earlier meted out to Kashmiri Hindu girls. One Pandit girl, Sarla Bhat, who was kidnapped, is still untraced. She was a nurse in Soura Institute of Medical Sciences. It is said that she was killed and her body was thrown on Srinagar road. But some informed sources say that she is being used to carry out illegal activities. In the same way one 33-year old Prana Ganjoo and her husband, Prof K.L. Ganjoo has been abducted from Sopore on April 19, 1990. Later, both of them were killed and their bodies were seen floating in the river. Not only this, one Babli Raina of Sopore was killed in front of her family members on May 7, 1990. Prior to her killing she was subjected to cruel rape as per the police records. On August 13, 1990, one Asha Koul of Anantnag was kidnapped and later her body was recovered from a deserted house in Srinagar. On March 30, 1992, militants entered into the house of one Mohan Lal in Srinagar where his wife and daughter were first raped and then all the three were shot dead. The abduction of Deepa, belonging to Batala in Punjab and later her sale to several insurgents and their supporters in Kashmir is no longer a secret. In a similar way abduction of a 12-year school girl, Shallu, and Girja of Dadipur in Kupwara is registered in the Home Ministry records. Girja was sawed to pieces.

Militants love for luxury

After the migration of Hindu families from Kashmir, militants started kidnapping girls belonging to Muslim families in order to satisfy their lust. It is learnt that thousands of Hindu-Muslim girls have migrated from Kashmir and have been staying with their relatives in Delhi, Jammu, Udhampur, Calcutta, Lucknow, Bombay, Bangalore. Some of them were pregnant. According to Government figures, while on one hand overone lakh Hindus migrated from Kashmir, on the otherover 40,000 Muslim families too have been forced to leave the valley by those very Pakistani agencies and Kashmiri militants who were proclaiming to liberate Kashmiri Muslims and are engaged in disinformation campaign against India in international circles. The unfortunate part of the situation is that militants have been encouraged by the crocodile tears shed by several world human rights organisations over the action of the security forces in Kashmir. Had these human rights organisations and Muslim fundamentalist leaders opposed activities of the militants, there would have been curbs on such ignominous acts ? The directionless policy of Government of India is also responsible for such despicable acts.

The above mentioned acts of these colourful Muslim terrorists, which are ostensibly against the tenets of Islam, are being Preparated in the name of Islam. These acts have demoralised those foreign guerrillas who had been sent to Kashmir by the ISI. The foreign guerrillas have, after enraged, starting killing such Kashmiri militants. This information has been given by a Jammu-based known journalist, Mr. Harbans Nagokay, of a prominent newspaper, Dainik Jagran, after completing his tour of Kashmir. According to him, when these foreign mercenaries saw the luxurious and vivacious life style of Kashmiri militans they became highly annoyed and enraged. They could not see Islam in danger anywhere. These foreign guerrillas conveyed their impression to the ISI. These foreign mercenaries have sought full command of the operations against the security forces.

These foreign mercenaries have come to know of the love for luxury and expected infirmity of Kashmiri terrorists. The foreign money, latest weapons and Islamic fanaticism have introduced gun culture among the Kashmiri youth, but they have not altered the inherent cowardice in them. That is why these foreign guerrillas are annoyed with Kashmiri militants. Recently these foreign guerrillas framed a plan with Kashmiri militants under which an attack had to be launched against the security forces. As per the plan a lone Kashmiri militant was assigned the task of hurling a grenade on an Army convoy. As the Army Jawans would come out from their trucks in search of the saboteurs, the six foreign mercenaries would open fire to register a big kill. It had been decided that the foreign guerrillas would kill all the Army Jawans. The Army convoy passed that side but the Kashmiri militant did not hurl the grenade. Enraged by this inaction, the Afghan guerrilla killed all the six Kashmiri militants. In a similar way, in village Kalaterbala in Baramulla when militants were challenged by security forces the former took to their heels after handing over their weapons to the Nambardar. And they finally surrendered before the Army.

JK Armed Police

In the context of the above events one thing becomes clear that if the security forces were given orders to act, the conspiracy of the militants can be foiled. But because of lack of solid policy and will this has not been possible. The policy of appeasement and vote is a hurdle in this direction, Kashmir police and administrative officials who usually belong to one community have taken advantage of the weakness of Government of India and support the terrorists. It is because of these officials that the Pakistan intelligence agency remains aware of all the activities in Kashmir. Not only the information but Pakistani Agency also holds the strings of insurgency in the valley. Many employees and officers of JK Armed police are working under the guidance of the ISI.

According to a report published in the Sunday Mail, published from Delhi, about 500 jawans of the 11th battalion of J and K Armed police are working for the ISI which includes over two dozen officers. It is because of police officials, who are acting as ISI sources, Pakistan gets in advance information about all decisions and plans of the Indian administration. After the recent police strike the Union Home Ministry had told the State Government to screen all the men of the 11th battalion and dismiss and arrest pro-Pakistan elements in this battalion. It may be mentioned here that the police strike started on April 22, 1993, after one jawan of the 11th battalion, Riyaz Ahmed, got killed by the Army during cross firing. The Armed police jawans alleged that Riyaz Ahmed was killed by the Army in presence of SSP, Srinagar, Mr. K Rajender, Under the pressure of the striking policemen Rajender has been transferred outside Kaskmir.

According to intelligence sources, some retired police officer's hand in precipitating the strike was evident. Even one former Director General Police is believed to have supported the strike. The Intelligence Department has alerted the State Government over the reports of recruitment of several pro- Pakistan elements and militants belonging to Hizbul Mujahideen outfit. Last year, during Id-ul-Zuha, about 500 police jawans had revolted in Kathua police training centre and later they had shouted pro-Pakistan and anti-India slogans. Recruitment of pro-Pakistan elements in the police had first started in 1971. Then one police offlcer had formed a police union and later engineered police strike for ensuring his promotion. One Police Inspector, Tabasum, and another Sub-Inspector, Drabu, were installed President and General Secretary respectively. This very officer, later, became the police chief and disbanded the same police union which he had formed. During his tenure as police chief many pro-Pakistan elements were recruited in J and K Armed police. The majority of these jawans belonged to Jamait-e-Islami party. The activists of Jamait-e-Islami are, these days, members of pro-Pakistan outfit, Hizbul Mujahidden. Some months ago one truck driver was arrested from the Srinagar police control room when it had been found that he was smuggling AK-47 rifles for militants from Kupwara sector. This driver confessed, during the interrogation that he was working for Pakistani Intelligence agency for which he was getting handsome amount.

Kashmir University, a militant hideout

Almost all the administrative departments, educational institutions, hospitals, religious places belonging to the majority community, have become and are becoming centres for militant activities in Kashmir these days. Kashmir University has become a centre of inspiration and a major hideout for militants. There is majority of separatist forces among teachers, students and employees in Kashmir University. Under a plan pro-Pakistan elements are being employed as teachers and employees. Several anti-India demonstrations and meetings receive full patronage and protection in the University. The Government of India has filll information about it.

In May, 1993, a meeting was organised in Kashmir University, one bold woman journalist, Ms. Aasha Khosa, has captured, in the TRIBUNE, published from Chandigarh, the echo of the separatist slogans.

She writes:

"Srinagar, May 25 - Kashmir University is the latest entrant to the club of secessionist groups and organisations in the valley.

"We want freedom" was the theme slogan at the picturesque Hazratbal Campus, which was addressed by the Vice Chancellor, Prof. Hamidi Kashmiri.

The protest sit-in by around 1500 teachers and employees of Kashmir University against the "atrocities of Indian Security Forces" was preceded by a similar organisation to commemorate the conferring of the status of "prisoner of conscience" on the outlawed secessionist leader Shabir Shah by Amnesty International. The seminar was addressed by a number of heads of departments of the University. In their high-pitched anti-India speeches, the speakers accused India of embezzling IMF funds by diverting the same for suppressing Kashmiris. Prof A.A. Wani, head of the law department, offered a piece of advice to India "India must not waste money to retain Kashmir by force. Instead it should give us our right of freedom and utilise the money for its people".

The campus has played host to scores of anti-India demonstrations by students esrlier.

"It is an extremely serious matter and the Government must not view it with its characteristic indifference," said a senior secretary of the Government. Kashmir having set the dubious precedents of a 72-day strike by government employees in which top-ranking civil servants (like Chief Secretary Sheikh Ghulam Rasool) also participated and an appeal by bureaucrats (like present Advisor to the Governor Ashok Jaitely) against "atrocities" to the United Nations, action against teachers appears unlikely. Both acts went unchecked following the Centre's interference.

The Government's policy of indifference towards such open anti-India activities by wings of government has encouraged such activities, sources said. At present a major section of Kashmir-based government employees are members of a union which along with all major banned secessionist groups is a constituent group of the all-party co-ordination committee, militants' platform.

The university atmosphere, insiders say, had become vitiated since the killing of Prof. Mushirul Haq, Vice-Chancellor, by militants in 1990. The faculty members, some out of the commitment and others because of fear, have been dancing to the tune of militants," said a young university lecturer. Most of the university teachers, including the Vice-Chancellor, have not been paying their income tax for the past two years following the militants call for boycott of tax payments. However, sources said that senior government functionaries were much perturbed over the open pro-militant activity in Kashmir University and they are contemplating action".

Resignation of VC, Prof. Hamidi Kashmiri

The Vice-Chancellor, Prof. Hamidi Kashmiri, resigned under growing pressure from militants when he was helpless in fulfilling all their anti-national demands. His resignation has given rise to many doubts. One section of opinion is that as Vice-Chancellor Prof. Hamidi used to bless terrorists and now after relinquising his office has made up his mind to make available his services to the separatists. The other version is that Prof. Hamidi was unable to fulfil all genuine, unjust and unconstitutional demands of the militants. Militants were dismayed over such attitude of Prof. Hamidi. He, therefore, was scared of militants fearing that he too may meet the same fate as met by Prof. Mushir-ul-Haq, a former Vice-Chancellor, who was killed by the insurgents.

Ms. Aasha Khosa's report in The Tribune of September 18, 1993 confirms it. She has written:

"According to official and University sources, Prof. Hamidi has been under tremendous pressure from the growing lobby of the fundamentalist Jamat-e-Islami, which is aiming at the total control of the university. Kashmir University has been converted into a virtual stronghold of militants.

Certain gunmen, official sources said, were behind the holding of demonstrations, voicing demand for secessionism inside the campus. Even Prof. Hamidi, they say, was asked to participate along with other Eaculty members at the gun-point in the rallies.

Insiders say at least seven Kashmir University teachers had been abducted during the past two years by militants and were forced to appoint militants in the University on an adhoc basic.

Active leaders of Jamat-e-Islami, a banned outfit, are not only teaching various subjects in the University but also conduct "indoctrination classes" to lure youth into militancy.

The Imam of the mosque inside the campus is allegedly a top ranking leader of a pro-Pakistan militant outfit and he has been appointed lecturer in the Arabic Department. He is also a member of the "supreme council" of that organisation.

According to the reports, one teacher holds regular classes on "secession and freedom movement" on Sundays inside the campus.

The Vice-Chancellor, Prof. Hamidi, himself has been kidnapped by militants twice. Prof. Hamidi had been giving advertisements in the local newspapers appealing to people (militants) not to approach him for appointments as no vacancy existed.

The sources said that one Professor in the Commerce Department had attended Islamic conference abroad during the past two years in his capacity as member of the Jamat-e-Islami.

The militants had been given special quota of 10 seats for each postgraduate course in all the departments for their nominees during the past two sessions. The University has witnessed pitched battles on a number of occasions among various groups for supremacy and share of power.

Some militant organisations like student wing of the JKLF has been persistently condemning interference by militants in the campus.

Meanwhile, official reports say that Dr. A.A. Illqaband, Principal, Srinagar Medical College, is also facing problems on account of increasing pressure from gunmen. Militants recently sent him a gun and two bullets, threatening to face the consequences if he chose to postpone the examination dates. Militants had also tried to kidnap him while he had gone to Kashmir University two weeks ago".

The so-called secular Government of India, even being abreast of the dangerous activities, plans, intrigues, religious fanaticism and anti-national inclinations of the terrorists, continues to commit one blunder after the other which has further complicated the Kashmir problem. As a result of frequent changes in the Governors, issuance of contradictory statements, lenient attitude towards terrorists, demoralising security forces through constant accusations and failure an the part of the Government to adopt a definite and solid policy on Kashmir, are some of the dangerous mistakes which have been instrumental in converting our land of "Rishis" into a den of demons.

There is growing evidence that fundamentalist groups in Pakistan are preparing to set off a new wave of terror across India. The operational strategy seeks to exploit communal fissures: fissures that the Hindu Right has had not a little to do with creating in the first place.

On August 29, the Jammu and Kashmir Police announced the arrest of an 11-member Lashkar-e-Taiba cell, whose operatives were active in Jammu and Kashmir, Andhra Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Haryana and Delhi. Its top operative, Amir Khan, Pakistani national, was tasked to recruit Indians whose immediate family members had been killed in communal violence. At the time of his arrest, Khan was engaged in building a cover identity. Having obtained Indian educational documents and a driving licence from India, he planned to marry into a family living in Bhiwandi in Thane district of Maharashtra.

The Lashkar-e-Taiba cell was busted after the Jammu and Kashmir Police and 5 Grenadiers regiment picked up Islam-ud-Din, a resident of Tirwara Ka Nangal village in Gurgoan district of Haryana, on the Samba border in Jammu while waiting for key a Lashkar-e-Taiba operative, Abu Ilyas. Islam-ud-din was not aware that Ilyas had been killed in an encounter while attempting to cross through Samba on July 31. Codenamed Abu Khalid, Islam-ud-Din told his interrogators that the cll had been ordered to carry out a series of explosions ahead of Independence Day.

Amir Khan’s arrest, based on Islam-ud-Din’s interrogation, rapidly led to the arrest of toehr members of the cell the result of a coordinated operation between the State police and the Intelligence Bureau (I.B.). The most important operatives were based in Mumbai and Bhiwandi, placed hit hard by Shiv Sena terror and anti-Muslim pogroms. Bhiwandi residents Usman Khan and Mohammad Ismail had obtained for Amir Khan educational documents and a driving licence and even loaned him an autorickshaw. Abdul Salam, Ismail’s brother, arranged Khan’s wedding through a local moulvi. Another Bhiwandi resident, Mohammad Mobin, was engaged in finding accommodation for Khan, without knowing his real identity. Funds for this cell were routed through Jamal Ahmad, a resident of Mumbai’s Mazagaon areas.

The rest of Khan’s recruits were scattered across the country. Abdul Adil, a resident of Kurnool in Andhra Pradesh, worked for the cell even as he studied at Jamia Milia Islamia in New Delhi. Muzaffarnagar resident Mohammad Mustafa and Baghpat resident Mohammad Mustafa were roped in too. Wali Mohammad Zahid, originally a resident of Islam-ud-Din. Zahid had been instructed to obtain fake travel documents to faciliate movement out of India when instructed to do so by the Lashkar-e-Taiba leadership. One of Zahid’s recruits, Mohammad Sharif, had been arrested three months earlier.

Jammu and Kashmir Police officials say that Islam-ud-Din was trained at the Lashkar-e-Taiba’s Abu Bashir camp in Bhawalpur, Pakistan. The Abu Bashir camp, one of five major Lashkar training centres, specialises in bomb-making. The Umar Kuka camp puts volunteers through a basic, three-month insurgency course, while the Abdullah bin Masood camp nearby offers more specialised training. The Taiba camp at Muridke engages in basic ideological indoctrination, after which recruits are sent for a rigorous six-month course, the Daura Khasta, in the mountains.

Another Muridke camp, Aksa, focusses on training volunteers from several countries, including Afghanistan, Sudan, Nigeria and Pakistan, for the wr in Jammu and Kashmir.

Islam-ud-Din left Pakistan in early 1999, with cash to help set up the cell. More money came from Ilyas. Both visited several cities to gather recruits, using the infrastructure of the revandhist religious organisation, the Tabligh-I-Jamaat. Islam-ud-Din also arranged for Khan to work at the clinic of a doctor in Punhana, Faqir-e-Alam, by introducing the Lashkar operative as his relative. Faqir-e-Alam, a recent migrant to Haryana from Bihar, did not know Khan’s real identity.

The latest arrests affirm that the Lashkar-e-Taiba’s pan-Indian network is exploiting Muslim insecurities fuelled by the rise of a regime with no commitment to secularism. In the March 26 issue, Frontline had reported on the arrests of several important members of the Lashkar’s Abdul Karim ‘Tunda’ cell, including Pakistani nationals Mohammad Salim Junaid from Hyderabad and Abdul Sattar from Delhi along with Indian nationals Shoaib alam, Mohammad Faisal Hussain and Aamer Hashim Kamran. Saifullah Chitrali, a top operative of the Harkat-ul-Mujahideen, and the Hizbul Mujahideen’s Ali Mohammad Dar had also set networks outside Jammu and Kashmir. Organisations such as the Jammu and Kashmir Islamic Front had even liised with Abdul Razzak Memon, a key accused in the Mumbai serial bomb blasts.

The BJP’s pro-active policy, an ill-conceived militarist response to growing violence in Jammu and Kashmir, fails to address the changing character of terrorism and the forces that drive it. As long as Hindu revanchism continues to fuel tensions in India, any number of soldiers will not be enough to engage with the Islamic Right[1].

Pakistan's ISI and Kashmiri Terrorists

It has now become clear that Pakistan's Inter Service Intelligence (ISI) is actively supporting terrorism in Kashmir in order to further internationalise the issue and to carry out successfully the separatist campaign. The ISI has an important role to bringouer 100 terrorist organisations under one umbrella, dye them in the hue of Islamic bigotry and in equipping them with latest weapons. The Government of India has understood, beyond any doubt, that this organisation has attired the established slogans of Kashmiriyat with the garments of Muslim fundamentalism in order to indoctrinate the rebel youths of Kashmir.

This very ISI has moulded Kashmiri youths in the name of "Islam is in danger" type emotional bigotry. And in order to give teeth to the so-called liberation struggle, the ISI has collected many foreign mercenaries from different Islamic countries in the world who are being infiltrated into Kashmir. Well versed and trained in subversive activities and guerrilla warfare these mercenaries have come from Afghanistan, Sudan, Behrin, Iran, Libya, Turkey and Saudi Arab.

Big organisation of third world

The report of the American Gongress, a special report prepared by the Union Home Ministry, Government of India, and the documents recovered from the arrested Kashmiri and foreign terrorists have confirmed reports that the ISI was spending one-fifth portion of Pakistan's budget on creating disturbances in Kashmir. According to a former Governor of Jammu and Kashmir, Mr. Jagmohan, in 1992 the ISI had three thousand million dollars which it had earned through drug narcotics trade. This amount is equal to five defence budgets of Pakistan. This boosted the morale of the ISI which succeeded in extending organised terrorism to Kashmir. In supporting and organising terrorism in Middle East, West Asia and Kashmir the ISI is the biggest organisation in the third world. About 20,000 people are getting monetary benefits from the ISI for intensifying terrorist activities and for supporting them. Some are on regular pay roll. The Task Force of the American Congress has, in its report, clarified that the ISI initially tried to kick up trouble in Kashmir with the help of Afghans present in Pakistan. Then it started supplying arms to Kashmir. In a clever way Pakistan secured services of Hizbe Islami Afghan leader, Gulbadin Hikmatyar. According to this report, abetting and promoting terrorism have become an essential part of Pakistan's political doctrine.

Spread of terrorism

A Kashmiri journalist, Mr. Gazanfar Butt has, in his recent report published through CNF feature agency, said that the agents of this intelligence agency of Pakistan are active in strengthening the struggle for liberation in Kashmir. The plan is to malign the name of the Indian security forces, especially the Army in Kashmir. In order to achieve this goal, the Pro- Pakistan Hizbul Mujahideen outfit has issued directions to people to register cases against the Army in local police stations wherever search operations are carried out and keep on tarnishing the image of the Army by accusing it of committing excesses and rape. Villagers have been warned against assisting the Army and defaulters have been threatened with death.

The ISI has issued secret instructions under which all Kashmiri militants, trained in Pakistan and Occupied Kashmir, be pushed into the Valley. More arms and ammunition be supplied ta the rebels in Kashmir. Since infiltration and arms smuggling from the Line of Actual Control was not easy because of security measures adopted by the Indian troops, supply of weapons and sending of trained terrorists to Kashmir be done from Rajasthan and Gujarat, border where the routes were comparatively open.

Under the ISI instructions Assembly elections in Kashmir have to be prevented at any cost. In this context any Kashmiri leader trying to talk about elections and the restoration of political process would have to be killed. Besides this, terrorists have to extend their activities to Jammu and Ladakh regions and later on rebellions be started in Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, north-east region, Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh.

Foreign mercenaries in Kashmir: The ISI and Jamait-e-Islami of Pakistan have started recruitment of Pakistani citizens so that they too could participate in "Islamic Jehad" in Kashmir. Youths are selected and then recruited in Pro-Pak Hizbul Mujahideen militant outfit and other similar organisations. After this, they are sent into Jammu and Kashmir for indulging in bomb explosions in Srinagar, Rajouri, Jammu and other areas. They have been given instructions to kick up terror by blowing up passenger buses, trains, roads and bridges. After the end of Afghan war, Afghan Mujahideens and other terrorists and fundamentalists from Algeria, Sudan, Egypt and Saudi Arab, living in Pakistan, are imparting arms training to Kashmiri terrorists. But the overall control, supervision, support and facilities to the terrorists are in the hands of the ISI. This intelligence agency sleuths summon Kashmiri terrorists to the Indo-Pak border for giving them new instructions and guidance.

The Indian security forces had recovered some documents from Kashmiri militants at the time of their arrest. These documents shed enough light on Pakistan's involvement in terrorism in Kashmir. On March 25, 1991, one Ashfaq Hussain Lone was arrested in New Delhi and a letter was recovered from him. The letter had been written by Mohd. Yusuf Shah alias Salauddin of Hizbul Mujahideen to his college teacher Assan Dar. The letter contained information regarding arrangements made by Pakistan for training and for supply of sophisticated weapons and communication apparatus to Kashmiri terrorists. Salahuddin had instructed Assan Dar to recruit more youths and send them across Pakistan for training so that no area in Jammu and Kashmir was free from terrorism. Also, the entire State of Jammu and Kashmir should be in the grip of severe terrorism so that Lok Sabha elections could not be held in this northern State. The letter had informed Dar that Rs. 2.20 lakh had been made available through Ashfaq Hussain.​

References & Notes

1. Yossef Bodansky, "Pakistan's Kashmir Strategy", from the monograph entitled "Pakistan, Kashmir & the Trans-Asian Axis" (Houston, Texas: Freeman Centre for Strategic Studies, Summer 1995).
2. Inder Sawhney, "US-trained Militants Helping ISI in J&K— Proposed White Paper Lays Bare Pakistan's Designs" (New Delhi: The Times of India, October 30, 1998).
3. According to a 1997 Rand Corporation study entitled "Stability in South Asia ", nuclear weapons have enabled Pakistan to support insurgencies within India as a means of settling outstanding political differences and wearing India down. The Pakistani strategy works on the premise that India cannot retaliate conventionally for fear of sparking a nuclear holocaust. The study has been authored by Mr. Ashley J Tellis and was sponsored by the US Army.
4. Tara Kartha, Tools of Terror (New Delhi: Knowledge World, January 1999). See chapter entitled "War Through Terror" by Jasjit Singh, p. 14.
5. Col G D Bakshi, VSM, Afghanistan: The First Faultline War (New Delhi: Lancer Publishers, 1999), p. 14.
6. Sreedhar and Nilesh Bhagat, Pakistan: A Withering State? (New Delhi: Wordsmiths, 1999), p. 16.
7. Maroof Raza, Wars and No Peace Over Kashmir (New Delhi: Lancer Publishers, 1996), p. 70.
8. Lt Gen (Retd) V K Nayar, PVSM, SM, "Low Intensity Conflict : Jammu and Kashmir" (New Delhi: U.S.I. Journal, July-September 1998), p. 411.
9. Lt Gen (Retd) C K Kapoor, PVSM, AVSM, "Proxy War" (New Delhi: U.S.I. Journal, July-September 1998), p. 396-397.
10. "Proxy War by Pakistan in Kashmir" (New Delhi: Sainik Samachar, August 1-15, 1998), pp. 15-18. (Sainik Samachar is the official Journal of the Indian Armed Forces.)
11. Bodansky, op cit.
12. Gen Mirza Aslam Beg, "Defence Planning in the Era of Strategic Uncertainty", from the script of the Seminar Paper read on behalf of Gen Beg by Dr. S. M. Rehman during the Seminar on "Asian Security in the 21st Century" held at The Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi, on January 27-28, 1999. The script is available at the FRIENDS, Pakistan, website: HYPERLINK Home - Friends Welfare Association Pakistan Home - Friends Welfare Association Pakistan.
13. During a lecture on 'Proxy War in Kashmir' at the United Service Institute, New Delhi, in September 1998, Lt Gen Chandra Shekhar, Vice Chief of the Army Staff, observed that "poor governance, poor administration and corruption had compounded the problem in the state". He attributed the major causes of proxy war to internal alienation, Pakistan's support to terrorism, the international community's tolerance of Islamabad's support to proxy war and the continued distortion of historical facts. (Reported in a news report entitled "Aggressive Diplomacy on Kashmir Need of the Hour : Army Vice-Chief" (New Delhi: The Times of India, September 5, 1998.)
14. Lt Gen (Retd) D D Saklani, PVSM,AVSM, Kashmir Saga: A Bundle of Blunders (New Delhi: Lancer Publishers, 1999), pp. 95-96. Lt Gen Saklani writes: "By December 1989, the die was cast in the militants' favour due to factors like drift, neglect.. indifferent approach to the J&K problem since 1972 resulting in total lack of grip of the ground realities and unawareness of the ensuing threat."
15. Prakash Nanda, "Govt Responding to new Trends in Kashmir: Saxena" (New Delhi: The Times of India, February 3, 1999).
16. Madhavee Inamdar, "Armed Militancy in Kashmir : The Pak Connection" (New Delhi: The Times of India, December 10, 1997).
17. "Foreign Mercenaries Swell in J&K" (New Delhi: The Times of India, January 14, 1999).
18. Ibid.
19. K. Subrahmanyam, "South New Front in Covert War Against India" (New Delhi: The Economic Times, February 18, 1998).
20. Dinesh Kumar, "Internal Security : A Drift into Disarray?" (New Delhi: The Times of India, February 20, 1998).
21. Ibid.
22. Man Mohan, "Pakistan Spends over Rs 60 cr to Fight 'Proxy War' in J&K" (New Delhi: The Times of India, July 6, 1998). The figures quoted by the journalist are purported to have been provided by the Army's Northern Command Headquarters.
23. "Advani Asks Pakistan to Give Up Terrorism" (New Delhi: The Times of India, November 13, 1998).
24. Inder Sawhney, op cit.
25. Barti Jain, "Advani White Paper on ISI Will Wait" (New Delhi: The Economic Times, December 21, 1998).
26. Bharti Jain, "Issue of ISI Base in Nepal Taken Up with King Birendra" (New Delhi: The Economic Times, January 28, 1999).
27. Mahendra Vaid, "Significant Demographic Changes in Siliguri Alarm Govt Agencies" (New Delhi: The Times of India, February 15, 1999).
28. Tara Kartha, Tools of Terror (New Delhi: Knowledge World, January 1999), pp 281-283.
29. See "Defence minister's Statement on J&K" (New Delhi: Sainik Samachar, August 16-31, 1998).
30. Ibid.
31. "Militants Kill 20 in Jammu" (New Delhi: The Sunday Pioneer, February 21, 1999).
32. A Press Trust of India feature entitled "Doda Has Become Launching Pad for ISI-backed Ultras" (New Delhi: The Observer of Business and Politics, August 18, 1998).
33. Ved Marwah, "Jammu is Fast Becoming Kashmir" (New Delhi: The Times of India, April 26, 1998).
34. Arun Joshi, "Kashmir Police Lost 54 officers Fighting Pak-sponsored Terrorism" (New Delhi: The Hindustan Times, February 11, 1999). Arun Joshi writes that "It was a suspect force accused of having its cadres working for militants and helping them in hiding and transporting their weaponry. The police lost its role and conceded the role of fighting militants to the Army and para-military forces A study of the police performance in 1998 reveals that it killed 132 militants, arrested 1,497 and recovered 420 AK assault rifles and explosives weighing 360 kilogrammes."
35. Dinesh Kumar, "Equipment Crunch Bane of the Army" (New Delhi: The Times of India, June 30, 1998).
36. "Militants Losing Local Support" (New Delhi: The Statesman, October 13, 1998).
37. "3-Tier Plan to Check Infiltration in J&K" (New Delhi: The Hindustan Times, September 28, 1998).
38. Manoj Joshi, "The Army in Kashmir" (New Delhi: The Times of India, July 12, 1994).
39. See monograph entitled "Proxy War in Kashmir", released by the Army Liaison Cell, Directorate General of Military Intelligence, Army Headquarters, New Delhi. The monograph was first released on July 15, 1998, on the occasion of the first public display of captured ISI-supplied weapons and has since been updated several times.
40. Members of Parliament have been increasingly expressing their concern at the Army's continuing and increasing involvement in counter-insurgency and internal security duties in J&K and the north-eastern states. Heightened tensions along the LoC during 1997-98 and the increasing frequency and intensity of artillery engagements, particularly consequent to the nuclear tests conducted by both India and Pakistan in May 1998, have also been noted with concern by the Members of Parliament.
41. Captain Pratap Hoselas, "Rashtriya Rifles : Eight Glorious Years" (New Delhi: Sainik Samachar, November 16-30, 1998).
42. "Territorial Army Celebrates 49th Anniversary" (New Delhi: Sainik Samachar, November 16-30, 1998).
43. The CRPF is normally deployed in companies and not as a whole battalion under the operational command of the Commanding Officer. For example, four companies of a CRPF battalion, with its administrative headquarters at Calcutta, may be deployed in Assam and two companies may be simultaneously sent to Tripura. Hence, while the employment is actually in numbers of companies, for the sake of uniformity, the figures quoted are in numbers of battalions, @ six companies per battalion.
44. Dinesh Kumar, "Pakistan's Proxy War is no Longer a Secret" (New Delhi: The Times of India, July 21, 1998).
45. Dinesh Kumar, "Kashmir : Pro-active Policy Needed Along Line of Control" (New Delhi: The Times of India, July 21, 1998).
46. Ibid.
47. Maj Gen Arjun Ray,VSM, Kashmir Diary: Psychology of Militancy (New Delhi: Manas Publications, 1997), p. 199.
48. A report in the Business India Index states that "the number out of every 100 CRPF personnel deployed in J&K who are suffering from mental illness is 13." The statement is attributed to Mr. Gautam Kaul, former Additional Director General, CRPF, Jammu and quotes a study undertaken by the Department of Psychiatry, Nair Hospital, Mumbai. (Mumbai: Business India, January 11-14, 1999).
49. Dinesh Kumar, "Sound General Knowledge" (New Delhi: The Times of India, January 12, 1999).
50. Dinesh Kumar, n. 39.
51. K. Subrahmanyam, "A Pro-active Kashmir Policy" (New Delhi: The Economic Times, September 7, 1998).
52. Bharti Bhargava, "Kashmir Issue Should be Frozen for 25 Years" (New Delhi: The Times of India, July 16, 1998).
53. K P S Gill, "Pakistan and the Core Issue" (New Delhi: The Pioneer, November 14, 1998).
54. "Army Chief Expresses Concern Over Pak-Taliban Nexus" (New Delhi, The Times of India, November 13, 1998).
55. K Subrahmanyam, "Learning to Counter Media Savvy Pak" (New Delhi: The Economic Times, October 12, 1998).
56. Muhammad Najeeb, "No Use Talking to India : Pakistan" (New Delhi, The Economic Times, July 1, 1998). Also see "UN resolution on Kashmir can't be Invalidated : Ashraf Qazi", (New Delhi: The Times of India, June 17, 1998).
57. Vasantha Arora, "India Projects Convergence of Interest With US on Terrorism" (New Delhi: The Observer of Business and Politics, September 21, 1998).
58. Aziz Haniffa, "Pak Support to terrorism : India Stand Vindicated" (New Delhi, The Observer of Business and Politics, August 29, 1998).
59. Prem Shankar Jha, "Kashmir : A Strategy for Peace" (New Delhi: Indian Express, July 23, 1994).
60. Muchkund Dubey, "Dangerous Drift : India's Stake in a Stable Pakistan" (New Delhi: August 13, 1998).
Sources and Methods
"How to retaliate against this proxy-war" by Kranti Kumar Sharma Delhi Jansatta 30 Jan 97 p 4 [Article Views Pakistani `Spy' Activities: FBIS-NES-97-021: 30 Jan 1997

[1] Frontline, P. 39,Sept.10,1999

[1] The Washington Post, 1999 A
The Tribune, August 8,1999
[1] June 30,1999,The Times of India
[1] India Today, Sept 15, 1995 p.147
[1] Outlook, November 22, 1999, p. 52-3
[1] H.Baweja Indian Today, September 15,1995 p.147
[1] H.Baweja India Today, September 15,1995 p.147
[1] H.Baweja India Today, September 15,1995 p.147
[1] H.Baweja Indian Today, September 15,1995 p.147
[1] H.Baweja Indian Today, September 15,1995 p.147
[1] H.Baweja Indian Today, September 15,1995 p.147,
[1] H.Baweja Indian Today, September 15,1995 p.147
[1] The Washington Post, 1999. [1].
[2] India Today, Sept 15, 1995 p.147
[3] Outlook, November 22, 1999, p. 52-3
[4] H.Baweja Indian Today, September 15,1995 p.147
[5] H.Baweja Indian Today, September 15,1995 p.147
[6] H.Baweja Indian Today, September 15,1995 p.147
[7] H.Baweja Indian Today, September 15,1995 p.147
[8] H.Baweja Indian Today, September 15,1995 p.147
[9] H.Baweja Indian Today, September 15,1995 p.147,
[10] H.Baweja Indian Today, September 15,1995 p.147
[11] June 30,1999,The Times of India
 
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Dalvinder Singh Grewal

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CHAPTER VIII
MAJOR BATTLES

:War is fought with the will of the government, competence of the armedforces and support of the nation. (Carl von Clauswitz)

The Pakistani infiltration was a real surprise; Its detection being a tedious and delayed process. Even though there is supposed to a set system of Early Warning elements; Advance Posts, Obervations Posts, Intelligence Posts, Electronic Posts, patrols and what not in different names set by forward battalions, Brigade HQs, Div HQs, Army Intelligence, RAW, IB and even state CID that are meant to provide timely and accurate information about any intrusion, the information because, as if no agency worked. One wonders as to how all these agancies failed so miserably that the Pak regulars carried out detailed recconnaissance, moved forward, dumped supplies, dug in positions and even constructed bunkers undetected. It is realy a sad story on the part of Indian Intelligence system dealt with in a separate chapter.

The reports are that Pakistan planned the detailed operations in 1998. The information gathered from an ISI operative and Hizub militant Azhar Shafi Mir in Dec 1998 and the maps found on the body of Ali Mohammad Dar another Hizb militant on Aug 9, 1998 surely indicated that preparations for this infiltration had started as long back in mid-1998 and the aim was to cut off northern Kashmir from the valley. Detailed reconnaissance was carried in Jan-Feb 1999 and the intruders started infiltrating and dumping by mid-April and entrenched themselves by end-April, all undetected by indians. [1] Even though RAW & IB had enough information regarding enemy intention on Leh-Kargil road by Oct 1998, but they failed to react.

The first information about their intrusion came from shepherds of Garkhun village in Batalik sub-sector on May 3, 1999, but that too was not taken seriously. First patrol was sent on May 5th. Lt. Kalia of 4 JAT Regiment to check only whether the slow had melted at the top and the vacated position could be reoccupied. This patrol was captured and mutilated; body bags of all patrol members returned a month later. Second patrol was sent on May 6th and third on May 9th, all facing ambush.

Initial Indian reactions lacked seriousness and concern. Defence Minister George Fernedez assured Indian citizens that the intruders would be vacated within 48 hours. Army Chief Gen V. P. Malik continued his tour of Poland. Army Commander Lt. Gen. H.M.Khanna took casual leave and proceeded to Pune, rather being on the frontline. Corps Commander 15 Corps Lt. Gen. Kishan Pal gave little importance to this intrusion and told the Frontline ," If I don't take notice of them, it will make no difference. If they come off the heights in summer, they will be slaghtered. And if don't leave them in the winter, they will freeze to death."[2] In the initial briefings, the commander 121 Brigade told 18 Grenadiers’ commanding officer that there were no more than 8-10 infiltrators on the heights. “Just go up,” he ordered with casual bravado, “and bring them down by their neck.”

By the time the realisation came to the commanders that the Pakistan regulars from NLI and SSG prepared and occupied impregnable positions on Dras, Kaksar, Mushkoh valley, Turtok and Chorbatla, the convoys on Srinagar-Leh were halted by direct fire from machine guns and mortars perched on these hills aside the highway and by directed and pin-pointed Pakistan Artillery, it appeared stratling. Northern Kashmir was virtually cut-off. Pakistan had occupied over 80 posts in around 150 kilometres of Kargil sector with Dras on one end and Batalik on the other. The immediate intention of the infiltrators appeared : to cutoff 150 Km of Srinagar-Leh Road.

The Srinaga-Leh highway , the lifeline for troops is open for four months in a year from June to September, after which it is snow bound. If the infiltrators could not be dislodged by then the Army would have to move massive supplies of rations, ammunition and men of the army and civilians rations before the highway was rendered impassable. This would be a monumental task which it could ill-afford. The strength and seriousness of large scale infiltration dawned only by the third week of May. By then the conventional infantry tactics proved inadequate to evacuate the well entrenched enemy.

It was only on May 25 that the high powered Cabinet committee on security (CCS) met for the first time, following desperate appeals by a team led by J&K Chief Minister Shiekh Abdullah. The visit followed a hard intelligence that a group of 70 insurgencts had used the mashkoh valley route to cross into Sonamarg, and from there to Doda. It was realised that it would be a long drawn battle and not a 48 hours affair. The 'bravado attacks' were to be stopped and the enemy was to be contained till full intelligence was gathered.

The well planned and organised attacks with mass support of Air and artillery atttacks were preferred to getting the troops butchered. CCS decided to use air power, to move large re-enforcements and to arrange winter clothings for the troops. Accalimatisation of troops was to be ensured to limit casualitiies. Till the reinforcement arrived, the available troops were required to gain information and 'encircle and choke' the enemy. Accordingly, air strikes and heavy artillery fire to pin down the enemy started with effect from 26 July and 18 Garhwal was to suuround and gain a foothold in Tololing, 8 Sikh was to do the same around Tiger hill, the two most important features from where the road Srinafgar leh was directly affected. Several ridge lines in Mushkoh, Drass, Kaksar, Batalik, Turtuk an Chorbat-La were occupied to keep an eye on the enemy and to stop the spread. Air Force was asked to destroy the supply line of enemy.

The Sector was divided into four sub-sectors as per priority of operations:

Priority 1 - Dras Sub-Sector
Priority 2 - Batalic Sub-Sector
Priority 3 - Mushkoh Valley Sub-Sector
Priority 4 - Kaksar Sub-Sector

In addition Siachen-Chorbatla-Turtuk was also active.

Dras Sub-Sector
Dras is a small village on Srinagar-leh highway. Its occupation cuts off Ladakh. About 300 Pak regulars with a sprinkling of mujahideen with mortar and air-defence guns held four strategic ridges overlooking the highway. These Key locations were :
i) Tololing Hills
Pt 4590
Pt 5140
Tiger Hill

Dras Area was the responsibility of Commander 121 Infantry Brigade (based at Kargil) of 3 Mountain Division (based at Leh). 121 Inf bde under Brig. Surinder Singh defending 150 km hilly terrain with 4 Jat Regiment and Punjab Regiment did not know what was happening and what they should do except making their immediate priority to clear the enemy from features blocking the road.

The intrusion in this sector occurred between end-April. It was detected in the second week of May. No clear picture emerged about the details of the intrusion for quite a few days. There were no immediate troops around to evacuate the intruders.

On May 14, 18 Grenadiers and 8 Sikh were taken off from counter insurgency operations and told by 121 Inf Bde to bring down infiltrators occupying Tololing Heights and Tiger Hill respectively blocking all the movement on the road Srinagar-Leh through pin-pointed fire.

The sheer determination and kill capacity of the enemy bloodied the grenadiers and Sikhs so bad that they were halted in their feet. More troops had to be rushed in not only to clear the ridges but also to stop the deadly onslaught of the well entrenched regulars of the enemy on Grenadiers. It will probably go down as the mis-hit of the war.
Sequence therafter clarifies this.

May 15 to May 22: Induction of 2 Naga and 18 Garhwal Rifles, isolation of Tololing Hills by 18 Grenadiers and Tiger Hill by 8 Sikh.
May 22: Attacks launched by Nagas, Garhwalis and Grenadiers on Tololing Hill from three different directions. None found any headway. 18 Grenadiers failed in their attack with heavy casualities
27/28 May : 18 Grenadiers fiercely attacked Tololing, their bravery was cited.
June 2: 18 Grenadiers led their fourth bloodiest attack but badly failed
June 3- Heavy artillery shelling of the enemy posts
Jun 11 - Induction of 2 Rajputana Rifles
June 12: Attack by 2 Rajputana Rifles
June 13: Tololing top captured by 2 Rajputana rifles
Night June 13/14: 18 Grenadiers attacked Hump gallantly
Night June 15/16 : 13 J& K Rifles and 18 Grenadiers captured Hump (Tololing Ridge) . Capture of 4590 by 2 Rajputana Rifles
Night June 19/20: Pt. 5140 was taken by Garhwal Rifles, J&K Rifles and 2 Naga
Night June 27/28: 18 Garhwal repulsed counter attack on Point 4700
Night June 28/29: 18 Garhwal repulsed counter attack on Point 5140
Night July 03/04: 18 Grenadiers Captured Tiger Hill
Night July 4/5 : Capture of Pt. 4875 by 13 J & K Rifles. 17 JAT captured Whale Back & Pimple I
Night July 6-7 : Battle of Twin Bump capture by 2 Naga
Night July 6-7 : 8 Sikh captures Helmet and India Gate, features on the Western Spur of Tiger Hill
8 July Raid on Enemy Mortar position by 2 Naga, 17 JAT captured Pimple II
Night July 28/29 : Capture of Three Pimple area by 2 Rajputana Rifles

108 medium regiment was in direct support to 121 Mtn Bde. It facilitated capture of Tololing Ridge, Pt 5140, Tiger Hill, Pt. 4875 and other features in Drass sub sector.

Tololing Hills
The tales of the first attack on Tololing are hair-raising. The three battalions tried to make their way up to Tololing from two sides but made little headway in the face of saturation fire. When the Grenadiers began operations on May 22, they were bloodied so badly that commanders in the valley below realised what they were up against. With virtually no cover and intruders entrenched all across the ridges in bunkers fortified with iron girders and corrugated sheets, an advance was stopped even as it began. Things were so bad that two other battalions were stuck for 16 days on a ridge below Tololing, pinned down by gunfire and artillery barrage pin-pointed by observers on the heights.

Movement was only possible during bad weather or on moon-less nights when the wind screamed along with gunfire and temperature hovered between minus 5 and minus 11 degrees centigrade.

From the base, it would take at least 11 hours for a fit, acclimatised soldier to climb the 16,000 ft to the top. Crawling up, inch by inch, along the steep, smooth incline in the face of blanket firing by the intruders made troops’ task highly risky. “It was almost a suicidal mission,” recalled an officer. Barely acclimatised, a five-metre trudge would leave soldiers, weighed down by guns, equipment packs and ammunition weighing 25 kg or more, panting for breath. “Every gram of the weight you carrying is extra load,” said Captain Ajit Singh of the 16 Grenadiers who was part of the initial assault. “And you have to choose between your ration and ammunition, a 2 kg food pack or 100 bullets." Ajit, like many of his colleagues, chose bullets. For three days, he said, he survived on cigarettes.

The trade-off however didn’t work. A day later, a company of Grenadiers led by Major Adhikari attempted a berserk assult. They were stopped just 15 m short of the ridge and all hell broke loose. Adhikari and two others died in hand-to-hand combat, intruders poured fire and pushed them back 30 m, then more, then some more, a retreat that forced 23 year-old Captain Sachin Nimbalkar and his men to perch behind a large rock fronting a tiny ledge on a sheer cliff-face for three days 15,000 ft up. No grenades were left to lob; nowhere to go.

Then came a bizarre experience for Nimbalkar, who led a group of commandos called Ghatak (deadly). Through a crack in a rock, he could see eye to eye and even talk to the enemy. “Come up sir, we have no weapons and you can take your officer’s body,” Nimbalkar recalled one of the intruders taunting him to recover Adhikari’s body. Nimbalkar cracked then. “I have come to collect your body as well,” he shouted back in impotent rage.

As the casualities mounted repaidly and the army realised it hadn’t made much headway the brass changed tactics. There was no point just blindly dispatching companies in the hope that they would be able to evict the intruders who had by then taken up vantage poistions on key heghts and spread themselves as a senior officer described “like cicken pox”. So they went in for what in military parlance is called a “tactical pause’. They told the government they needed at least two to three weeks to not only bring additional troops into the area but also to stock up their arms and ammunition. Five additional brigades were brought in and clothing and equipment rushed from all over the country.

The army also decided that instead of going after the intruders in all the sectors, it would first concentrate on freeing the Srinagar-Lah highway from any threat. Securing the highway was possible only by neutralising the infiltrators occupying the heights over Drass: they were lodged a mere 4 km away from the highway at Tololing and 8 km away at Tiger Hill. To achieve this, a three-pronged strategy was devised:

To stop any further ingress, get troops to encircle these points from as many sides as possible.
Use air power to demoralise infiltrators and inflict damage to bunkers and tents occupied by them.
Soften the area being occupied by the intruders and press ground troops into action for a hand-to-hand combat to finish them or push them back.

The toll continued to be high: close to 400 Indians soldiers died in the war and around 500 seriously injured. But there was a significant difference. A month ago, the soldiers carrying the stretchers looked a demoralised lot as the enemy seemed to hold the advantage. But now, they are swearing revenge. “We’ll go back and kill the b…,” said one his face flushed with anger, in Drass. Most of the injured were similarly charged. “I killed three of them and would have stayed on but sir ordered me to evacuate,” said one.

Just a month ago, the large-scale intrusion had caught the Indian Army ill-equipped to handle the crisis. One example: A majority of the Indian troops stationed at Drass and Kargil did not have extreme cold-climate clothing or bullet-proof jackets. They had outdated communication sets that were a burden to lug around. It came home more vividly when the Indian Air Force(IAF) was called in to assist and lost three aircraft within three days of air operation.

Days later, the intruders’ post would be annihilated, Adhikari’s body removed, Nimbalkar’s rage assuaged. The fightback started on June 2 with “Sir, we will meet you at Tololing”

On the night of June 2, the Grenadiers led their fourth bloody assault against the intruders before the army brass decided enough was enough. The Indian Army was losing men: the expected “softening” of enemy positions by blasting them with artillery and mortar fire appeared only to harden the resolve of the well-fortified, Pakistani regulars with a sprinkling of do-or-die mujahideen. Every move against Tololing was being met with deadly covering cross-fire from adjacent heights where the intruders were entrenched. Recapturing Tololing became the current priority in the Kargil war.

Attack on Tololing preceeded with Pre H-hour firing which included IAF strikes and heavy Artilley and mortar shelling. Heavy artillery and mortar shelling was resorted to by Indian troops to isolate the positions of the infiltrators as the air strikes successfully engaged the targets intensified by the ground forces. The Tololing peaks were also simultaneously shelled from Dras in the east, Mataan in the south-west and Thasgam in the north-east. Almost 12,000 shells were ired by the Indian troops during the long battle to recapture the Tololing Hills. This resulted in the intruders fleeing from their bunkers or getting killed in their pickets, especially after being pounded by IAF jets and then bombarded by artillery guns. The main thrust of attacks was to debilitate them on the hill-tops, blast off their cover and communication set-up and then launch an infantry attack.

Indian Air Force (IAF), despite the skies being partly cloudy, carried out air strikes in the Dras sector. The IAF had carried out the first attacks in this region since May 26. Till June 12 the area was targeted by Indian jet softening targets after which the Indian troops started advancing. It was during operations in this region that India had lost an MI-17 helicopter. An IAF spokesman confirmed the crashing of a Pakistani helicopter in Skardu in which a Brigadier, some other officers and men were killed. The concern brought Tipnis to the Kargil theatre on June 16. After an aerial survey, the Air Chief strongly hinted that the air force was functioning under severe constraints. "The government wants to ensure there is no escalation. The implications of restricted use of air power were made clear to it."

Meanwhile, Pakistan continued shelling from almost all along the Line of Control extended from Kanzalwan, Keran, Tangdhar, Poonch, Krishanaghati, Bhimbargali and Naushera.[3]

For the next nine days, the army bolstered its artillery fire-power by bringing in more than eight batteries (each with six Bofors howitzers and medium-sized guns). Fresh assault plans and logistics were worked out. The 18 Grenadiers were asked to hold on to three positions on different ridge-lines they had retreated to, and provide a “fire base” to soldiers of a battalion of the relatively fresh 2 Rajputana Rifles now assigned the task of regaining the Tololing Top. The assault was to be launched from the firm foothold that the Grenadiers had established on slopes of three ridges about 300m below the enemy’s positions.

Meanwhile, the hard lessons learnt by the Grenadiers were being absorbed by the “Rajputana Rifles”. For a week before the final assault on June 12, the battalion conducted mock operations on a nearby ridge similar to Tololing. They chalked out their assault strategies on a sand and stone model they had designed after reconnaissance of the Tololing heights from different directions.

The weapons and ammunition were test fired, an exercise that eliminated a defective lot of hand grenades that had been affected by long storage. Heavy ammunition was physically carried up the slopes below Tololing by even the washermen, cobblers and barbers of the battalion-it takes four people to support one soldier in this battlefield.

“We were primed for the attack,” said Lt Parveen Tomar, 23, commissioned just five months before. Tomar was in a determined company. This was a team of about 90 volunteers hand-picked by Colonel Ravindranath. Among them were some of the battalion’s sportsmen, mostly athletes. Recalled Ravindranath: “They told me, ‘We want to prove that we are not good just in peace time but also in war.’” On June 11, letters were written and left behind with friends to post in case some didn’t return.

By 8 p.m. on June 12, the Rajputana Rifles' assault team was ready behind big boulders just 300 m short of their target. Shortly before the charge. Ravindranath gave a final pep talk to his men. “I have given you what you wanted. Now, you have to give me what I want.” The men were so charged that a JCO Bhanwer Singh interjected to say, “Sir, come to the Tololing Top in the morning. We will meet you there.”

A frontal attack was the only option. But unlike earlier attempts, this one was well prepared. For more than four hours before the attack, as many as 120 artillery guns pounded the Tololing ridges incessantly, firing at least 10,000 shells-50,000 kg of TNT, enough to pulverise most of New Delhi-at the intruders’ fortified positions to soften them up. “It was like a Diwali we had never seen before,” recalled a Rajputana Rifles officer. One ridge line near Tololing Top was so heavily bombarded that it was christened “Barbaad Bunker” by the troops.

Meanwhile, there was another kind of preparation. As the teams, designated “Abhimanyu”, “Bheem” and “Arjun” after characters from the Mahabharata, were climbing up, Lt. Vijayant, another Rajputana officer, was playing songs from the Hindi movie Border on his Walkman to pep up his platoon.

As soon as the artillery fire died down, the assault team charged quickly. One went straight up. Another went around a lower ridge to cut off the enemy’s retreat. A platoon of Grenadiers had meanwhile positioned itself to provide covering fire and prevent intruders on nearby ridges from coming to the aid of their shell-shocked confederates on Tololing.

Indian troops used the craters made by the shelling for cover as they inched up the slopes one hand-hold at a time, digging bayonets for leverage, firing as they climbed. By midnight, it was still progressing slowly, as Pakistani machine gunfire streamed incessantly.

That’s when a reserve platoon led by Major Gupta attacked from the rear and closed in on the Top. In the hand-to-hand battle with intruders, Gupta and six others were killed. Bhanwer Singh, the eager JCO who had extended the invitation to Colonel Ravindranath, was among the dead. But the Top belonged once again to India.

The war zone was littered with bodies-among them 50 intruders and Pakistan army regulars from the Northern Light Infantry. Dug in for a long war, the dead and escaping intruders had left behind ghee, tinned pineapple, butter packed in a military farm, and plenty of honey. Solders of the ration-starved Rajputana Rifles assault team used the ghee to keep themselves warm during the night when temperatures dipped to minus 10 degrees centrigrades. Next morning, breakfast consisted of chunks of butter dipped in honey. “We really enjoyed that,” says Major Sanjeed Bajan.

Indian soldiers in Dras have by now got used to interruptions in radio messages. These were frequency intercepts by the Pakistani Army. They cut in with sophisticated electronic jammers to blank out radio sets. Sometimes, mujahideen and Pakistani soldiers shouted curses and war cries.

At 4.10 a.m. on June 13, there was no such problem when Colonel M.B. Ravindranath, Commanding Officer of the 2 Rajputana Rifles, radioed the commander of the 8 Mountain Division Major-General Mohinder Puri, camping some 20 km away. It was a simple, terse message :”Sir, I’m on Tololing Top.”

Minutes earlier, his troops had recaptured the key ridge in the Drass Sector after a fierce, night-long hand-to-hand battle. One officer, two JCOs and seven jawans lay dead before him on a moonscape of tortured rock that often tilted at 80 degrees, where cover is a prayer and ammunition a combination of bayonet, bare hands and bravery.

Later that day, Ravindranath would weep in his tent as he counted the price of gaining a height that has probably changed the course of the Kargil war. This is the place that claimed Major Rajesh Adhikari, Captain Vivek Gupta and Lt-Colonel G. Viswanathan, the place that has accounted for more than half the dead in this war.

In return, the heights above Dras valley were free from intruders and a critical section of the 510-km long Srinagar-Kargil-Leh highway was safe. “Tololing being bang on the road, it choked our throats,” said a field commander. “That pressure is now off.” The victory earned Ravindranath and his men a rare, direct and immediate “well-done” from Army Chief V.P.Malik. Numerous decorations later followed which included

Once Tololing fell, the enemy’s resistance on other nearby ridges faded. By June 13 morning, the Rajputana Rifles had recaptured “Barbaad Bunker” about 100m south west of Tololing and Point 4590. By June 14, the Hump was taken by the Granadiers. In the next three days, all points in nearby ridges were back in Indian hands. The morale of the troops was up. A cheer went up when the war-weary jawans returned from the Tololing heights in Dras with tidings that they had a firm foothold on a ridge which had been eating up the men.

Once Tololing was taken, it took just six days for Indian Troops to notch up a string of successes by evicting well-entrenched intruders on four nearby outposts with names that had become the talking point of {censored}tail circuits and village gatherings- Point 4590, Rocky Knob, Hump and point 5140. It later lead to the recapture of a similarly strategic height of Tiger Hill.
On June 16, two days after Point 4590 was taken, shells landed on the army's Brigade Headquarters at Matayen, forcing it to move further down towards Meenamarg.

Pt 4590

After Tololing next feature close to LoC and affecting the road Srinagar-Leh was Pt 4590 on the same heights as Tololing. It was regained on 13 June but after losing an officer, a JCO and 18 men. It was a critical point from where Pakistan had been targeting the Srinagar-Kargil-Leh highway. The recapture also meant that the army was making advances into the enemy camp and had reached a stage where it could take on the invaders in hand-to-hand combat. "Exchange of small-arms fire is on in more than a dozen places now," said Major-General P.P.S. Bindra, MGGS, Northern Command.

Subedar Chander Bhan, Subedar Karan Singh and Subedar Man Singh, who led the charge of their platoons up these features, said that those on the top of the hills were regular Army men. “They were certainly not militants. We have observed militants behaviour in CI Operations. They would fire a couple of shots and then run away.”

But at Tololing, Point 4590 and Point 5149, things were different. “We are trained soldiers. We can easily identify the kind of resistance the enemy is putting up. The way they fought, the manner in which they coordinated their fire theway they counter-attacke This all shows that they were trained soldiers of a regular army. And they are highly motivated. They fought to the last.”

Lieut Parveen Tomar who, along with Captain Bajaj, led the assault on Tololing in which Maj Vivek Gupta was among those killed, described the hand-to-hand combat which preceded the capture of the feature. "I was with the leading platoon. One section was behind me and the other section was on my right. When my section was about to reach the objective, hardly 5 metres away, the enemy opened fire. In the first burst of fire, three of our chaps got hit. Maj Vivek Gupta told me to get from one side while he himself would go from the front. Major Gupta charged the bunker from the front but was hit. In the meantime, I came from the right side and took the objective.

“They fought hard because they knew it was an important feature which, if recaptured by us, would make National Highway 1 A safe in the Dras Sector.”

Col Khushal Thakur and Lieut-Col M.B. Ravindernath, who were in charge of the assaults on these features, said the battle was bloody. "While the enemy was entrenched in bunkers on the top, we had to climb inch by inch taking shelter behind big boulders and rocks.” The arms and ammunition recoverd included two assault reifles five universal machine guns, two spare barrels, eight belt foxesof the UMG, two Chinese rifles, a rocket propelled grenade and a radio set.

Brig Amar Aul, in charge of the Army operations in the Dras Sector, said, "There was no doubt that the enemy operating in the area are regular Pakistani army soldiers. “We have not come across any trace of mercenaries or the Taliban here.”

On June 20, Defence sources clarified that five main posts were recaptured in Tololing and Dras Sub-sectors. Two key posts in the Batalik sub-sector were also recaptured after fierce fighting and Indian troops were close to Point 5140. Twenty three Pakistani army regulars were killed as the mopping up operations were under way around Point 5140 or the Barbad post in the Dras sector. Two sangars (field fortifications) of the Pakistani army regulars were also destroyed during the operation at Point 5203 in the Batalik sector.

Point 5140

After Tololing & pt 4590, next important feature in Dras sector was Pt 5140. Having faced reverses in Tololing and being pushed out of the region, the Pakistani army targeted Indian soldiers advancing to Point 5140 with heavy artillery and mortar firing to inflict casualities. The recapture of Pt 5140 was crucial for further operations The Point was held by over a ‘company strength’ of Pakistan’s Northern Light Infantry, which necessitated the simultaneous attacks along multiple approaches. With the recovery of pay book from a Pakistani soldier, it was established the presence of Pakistani soldiers belonging to sub-units 3, 4 & 5 of the Northern Light Infantry in the Dras, Kargil-Batalik battle grounds.

Garhwal Rifles, J&K Rifles and Naga Regiments were tasked to recaptrure Pt 5140. The IAF fightes straffed the localities for three days. The entire ridge including the area around Point 5140 had been softened by air operations that targeted the enemy continuously from 26 May to 12 June. Air Force was closely co-ordinating with the Army in their operations and the Air Force was quite satisfied that the loss of Mi-17 Helicopter in this area on 28 May, has not been in vain. An IAF spokeman said that Air Force had been carrying out operations in this sector intermittently from 26 May to 12 June then allowing the Army to move in.dets. In the last three days it had smashed intruders' stronghold in Munthodalo, Dras and the Mushkoh valley. Heavy artillery and mortar fire consolidated positions on Point 5140. Adverse weather conditions prevailing in Srinagar and the area ahead of it hampered air strikes for the third day running and the Indian Air Force did not carry out any air strikes on the pockets of intrusion.

The degree of difficulty involved in executing the offensive manoeuvres can be seen in the time taken to regain it. In this operation a large number of casualties of the enemy were inflicted although there was no exact detail of numbers. India lost three jawans in the operations and nine others were wounded.

Indian troops advanced towards the highest feature at a height of 5,140 m on Tololing and towards the nearby Tiger Hill. However, the detailed map at the Operations Room in the 15 Corps office in Srinagar from where the battle was being coordinated also showed that while some progress had been made, there was still a long way to go. As Air Chief Marshal A.Y. Tipnis said in Srinagar, "The pace is slow because the terrain is difficult. Recapturing bases will take time."

It had taken the Indian Army about a month to recapture the three hill features. “It has been a hard grind for the Army”, said Brigadier Aul, "The terrain is difficult. When we started our operations almost a month back, there was snow on the ridge line. The going was extremely difficult. The environment isunfavourable. People have to be acclimatised for these kind of operations which extend from 10,000 feet to almost 17,000 feet. In addition, we have to equip troops with special clothing. Build-up of rations and ammunition also takes time. That is the reason why these operationstake such a long time.

The capture of Point 5140 came almost 21 days after the recapture of Tololing hill on June 29, took away the infiltrators advantage of sitting atop National Highway 1A. This point is the closest to the national highway and the infiltrators had been interfering with the movement of the convoys along it. The Indian troops gained full control of it and were soon completely entrenched. The capturing of Point 5140 helped Indian troops target Tiger Hill better and reduce casualties.

Mopping up operations continued at Point 5140, which was about 800 to 900 m from the Line of Control (LoC) as the crow flies. [4] The ferocity of the Tololing battle is a sure-fire indicator of how army commanders grossly miscalculated the strength and sustaining power of the intruders,[5] the bravery, loyality, dedication of the Indian soldiers and leadership qualities specially the commitment of the leaders at junior level.

The casualties among the Indian soldiers rose sharply upto 144 men killed, the eviction of infiltrators from the Tololing ridges had given a strategic impetus to the Army operations in the region. The Army came very close to Tiger Hill and the Line of Control and concentrated on advances in this region.

Despite the coordinated army and air operations, precision air strikes were difficult because the infiltrators were spread like "chicken pox". Fresh locations kept cropping up. Though intercepts indicated that the invaders were running short of supplies at a few places, yet they were going strong. This could be gauged from the accuracy of enemy artillery fire in a battle in which the Indian toll stood at 106 killed, 242 wounded.

Pakistan army continued to shell ‘point 5140, the heigh feature on the Tololing hill which was recaptured by Indian troops on Saturday The Indian troops atop ‘point 5140’ were retaliating adequately and effectively to Pakistani shelling, they added.

Army sources said 340 Pakistani army regulars had so far been killed in the Kargil operations India lost 165 armymen while 323 were injured.

The intruders had more information about Indian developments. Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee's itinerary on June 12 was well known to them despite of utmost secrecy as five shells hit Baru village -- 4 kms from Kargil town -- where Vajpayee was scheduled to meet migrants. He was forced to remain at the helipad as security reasons did not permit him to go to Matayen in the Dras sub-sector where shells landed on the officers' mess killing the mess havaldar.

By Jun 19 India had a full control of Tololing. To capture Tololing, Indian Army continued its incremental advance. Four improvised bunkers of the intruders were destroyed and three Universal Machine Guns with ammunitions were recovered in the Tololing area. Army advanced further at Humridge line and pushed back the enemy by four kilometers. Tololing returned to Indian control. Fierce fighting went on at Point 5140 to reclaim Tiger Hill. There were 800 to 900 intruders in the Area. 350 intruders were expected killed.

By June 21, Indian troops were able to recapture the entire strategic Tololing Hills situated almost at the height of almost 17,000 ft, following a 10-hour fierce close hand-to-hand combat with infiltrators. Both sides suffered heavy casualties. Army spokesman, Col Bikram Singh of the DGMO, said in the operations, the Indian troops had also recovered a large number of arms and ammunition. Among the arms and ammunition recovered were five universal machineguns (UMG), four AK-56 and other rifles, a rocket propelled grenade (RPG) launcher, 11 RPG rockets, eight boxes of UMG ammunition belts, spare UMG barrels and an ANPRC radio set with booster. The latest Indian casualties were 149 killed, 297 wounded and nine missing in action.

Unlike India, which was aware of a measured approach, Pakistan had not only openly admitted to its troops' involvement in the Kargil battle but was even being bold enough to violate Indian air space. In second week of June, a Pakistani helicopter intruded into Indian air space over Drass. "Their helicopters are operating clandestinely," admitted Tipnis.

Heightened air and artillery activity saw the navy and the air force went on full alert. "Pakistan has made deployments on tactical locations. They are preparing for action and it is imperative for the Indian Navy to prepare itself to prevent any surprises at sea," said Naval Chief Sushil Kumar. The moving in of artillery and armoured brigades by Pakistan along the Line of Control, while aimed at engaging India in more than just the Kargil sector, also led to widespread panic and civilian dislocation.

"Repeated announcements by Pakistani authorities from mosques close to the border asking civilians to move out has spread panic," said A.S. Aulakh, IG, BSF. War phobia was whipped up in nearly 200 villages along the 544-km long Indo-Pak border in Punjab from where civilians started fleeing despite appeals. Further down in Rajasthan, the army moved to forward bases and is now advising villagers to dig bunkers. "Their strategy is to try and thin our forces but we will not rest till our territory is vacated," said Bindra. Battle was still half way.

Pt 5140 was a major victory when the Army re-established its control over the highest feature on the ridge Point 5140 after fierce fighting by these battalions. With this victory the entire Tololing ridge in the Dras Sector were cleared of enemy positions overlooking the national highway connecting Srinagar to Leh in the Dras sub-sector. Mopping up operations was going on at Point barely 800 to 900 metres away from the Line of Control. Pakistani firing was reported along the Line of Control in Uri, Poonch, Bhimbergali and Naushera Sectors. Heavy fighting continued in the sub-sectors of Dras, Kaksar and Batalik. Pakistan continued to use mortar and artillery fire in Keren, Krishna Ghati and Naushera. Pakistan used its drones for receonnaisance which were sited along LoC.

In the operation to recapture Point 5140 or the Barbad post, initial assessment by the Army had pointed to the killing of at least 13 Pakistani army regulars taking the total count to 336 Pakistani army regulars killed since the beginning of the operations. Soldier who took part in the operations to recapture these hill features said that the intruders atop the mountains were dressed in tracksuits or Pathan suits. Not many carried document. But a few documents found from the bodies of infiltrators at the three recaptured hill features blew the lid off the elaborate Pakistan’s deception plan.
It was clear that men of Pakistan’s North Light Infantry were operatiing from these ridges. Among the 13 intruders killed at Point 5140 on Sunday was the body of Subedar Sayyed Mohammad Shah of 6 NLI, a resident of Skardu. He was the first Pakistani junior commissioned officer (JCO) to be killed on this side of the LoC by the Indian Army.
Pt 5140, Being the highest feature along the Tololing ridge, the positioning of Indian troops on it had brought them at the same level with infiltrators holed up on Tiger Hill, the next feature in the region. It had also brought the Indian troops to within a kilometre of the Line of Control in the Dras sector.
Pakistani troops resorted to unprovoked artillery firing in Machil and Gurez sectors of North Kashmir forcing several people to flee the area, official sources said. People from several border villages migrated to safer places following heavy Pakistani shelling.

“The only challenge now is the Tiger Hill. There is no other feature in the Dras where the enemy is dominating us now. Our troops are fully acclimatised now. We are ready to face the challenge and I am sure that in a few days time, you will hear the Tiger hill is with us. The enemy strength sitting atop the hill is about 40-50. He cannot stay there for long.”[6] Said Brig Aul. But this was however not true. At least one Pakistani position on the western face of Tiger Hill remained intact until the withdrawal. Significant reinforcements of irregulars were found until July 8 on this feature.There had been concerted counterattacks with regular NLI troops on Pt. 5100 and Pt. 4,875 from this feature. Bodies of Major Iqbal and Captain Imtiaz Malik of the 12 Northern Light Infsantry and Captain Karnal Sher of the 165 Mortar regiment were recovered from these hills.[7]

Pakistan Army involvement proved
The seizure of the ANPRC Radio which is used only by Pakistani regulars was a clear proof of direct involvement of Pakistani troops in the intrusion. In three days Pakistan lost 21 personnel including an officer. Brig AK Chopra told newsmen in Srinagar that the dead Pakistani officer and soldiers belonged to 6 North Light Infantry. The body of a Pakistani soldier identified as Nk Mohammed Noor was also recovered from Tololing. While pointing out that only Pakistani army regulars were fighting the Indian troops and that the mercenaries were actually involved in just providing the logistic support to them, the Army spokesman said that a radio set was not to be found with the militants or the mercenaries who generally use the Citizenband wireless sets. The army spokesman said there had been a distinct change in the enemy tactics in which Pakistani army regulars were holding positions in sangars and were using trained mercenaries as porters to ensure supplies. He said an estimated 700 Pakistani army regulars were still holding positions in the Kargil region and about 200 mercenaries were being used as porters to provide the logistical support. He pointed that a large number of Pak regulars were entrenched in echelons of the heights and came down to make up the number as and when Pak regulars were killed.

The Army also recovered more documents of Pakistani army regulars including a pay book of a Junior Commissioned Officer (JCO). He has been identified as Sayyed Mohd Shah of the 6 Northern Light Infantry.

Pakistan continued its unprovoked artillery and mortar firing in Uri, Rampur, Poonch, Bhimbergali, Naushera and Palanwala sectors, to which Indian troops were responding “adequately and appropriatedly”.[8]

Pakistan Army Chief Gen Parvez Musharaf confessed before tribals of the Bajour agency (NWFP) on Sep 9, 1999, that his troops had captured 500 sq.km of Indian territory across the LoC but in the greater interest of the country, the armed forces were withdrawn from Kargil. He boasted of Pakistani victory over 10 times more organised and equipped forces of India in Kargil.[9]

Tiger Hill
Tiger Hill is a strategic position very close to the LoC. The Enemy was holding Tiger Hill complex comprising of Tiger Hill Top, Eastern slope, Western Slope, India Gate, Helmet, Rocky Knob and Rhino Horn in large strength and was well fortified. Srinagar-Leh road could be directly targetted from theses features and their occupation had held up movement of convoys. These positions were occupied by a few mujaideens as per the initial information and by a strong contingent of regular troops of NLI and SSG as was found out after its capture. The infiltrators in Tiger Hill were getting immense logistic support from across the border, allowing them to put up a strong resistance. Evacuation of enemy from these positions was essential to restore safe movement on Srinagar-Leh highway.

The army brass had learnt a lot of lessons from the first big success- the capture of Tololing and its key heights Point 4590 and Point 5140 between June 12 and 18. The most important one was: size up the enemy before launching ground troops and take him on from a place where he is least expecting you. This is what was done before the assault on Tiger Hill began. Troops encircled Tiger Hill from three sides before the final assault for the top.(See box)

The two victories have had a major psychological impact on the battlefront. As Brigadier Arun Aul, brigade commander, 56 Brigade (in charge of Drass) put it, “There are signs of panic among the Pakistanis. They are beginning to creak now because they are being hit very hard.” A change of strategy by the IAF also helped in the recapture of Tiger Hill and important locations in Jubar in Batalik. The success of air strikes till then had at best been average. Not surprising, since there were complusions not to cross the Line of Control (LoC) and fly not less than 9 km above enemy positions lest the aircraft be targeted by surface-to-air missiles (SAMS). The strategy was then revised. Nocturnal air raids were carried out to break the spirit of the intruders. And the more accurated but expensive laser-guided bombs (each costs Rs. 1 crore) were used to cut off enemy supply lines.

Indian thrust in Tololing had destroyed the troublesome Barbad post. With the fall of Barbad Post the Tiger Hill area became vulnerable and the battle for Tiger Hill intensified. About 80 -100 infiltrators could still target the Srinagar-Leh highway from Tiger Hill. The army had inducted para commandos to seal the southern side of the hill which was within reach of ground troops from other sides.

No troops were immediate available to clear the position hence the 8 Sikh battallion which was busy in CI operations, was inducted into the battlefield on 15 May. It was tasked to clear a few mujahideens perched on Tiger Hill. With this information, it isolated the Tiger Hill by 21st May ’99 from three directions. As the assault began in the shape of an initial probing action along the Southern approach, intense fire, both direct and indirect, was opened by the enemy. The information given was scanty and wrong

Notwithstanding the lack of information and inadequate warning period coupled with inadquate resources like high altitude equipment, shortage of clothing and controlled stores did not deter the bravadoes of 8 Sikh to flush out the enemy from Indian soil in a a befitting manner. During the capture of Tiger Hill, the unit commanded by CO. S.P.Singh amply demonstrated the leadership traits in accomplishment of the mission in the rigours of weather and rugged terrain at an altitude ranging from 13500 feet to 16000 feet.

Subedar Joginder Singh was tasked to gain a foothold at the base of Western Spur leading to the top. Undeterred by the intense, direct and aimed fire of the enemy, Subedar Joginder Singh and his platoon continued its march forward and successfully reached the base of the spur. Subedar Joginder Singh, who alongwith Lance Naik Ranjit Singh spearheaded the retaliatory fire, made the supreme sacrifice. The crucial foothhold gained by the Subedar proved critical in the ultimate capture of the Tiger Hill later.

The commanders having realised their weakness in assessing the enemy strength, asked the Battalion to maintain the foothold, contain the enemy and gain maximum information about the enemy so that the Tiger Hill could first be isolated and then assaulted. This was achieved by 8 Sikh by May 21 after dare-devil actions by Sepoys Rashwinder Singh, Sukhwinder Singh and Jaswinder Singh in occupying key heights to neutralise enemy fire. In utter disregard to their personal safety, these gallant men succeeded in occupying key positions.

The strength of enemy and its fortifications was so srong that additional battalions were needed to capture the features. However, the other battalions not immediately available and whatever were the reinforcements, were acclimatising.

Between May 31 and July 2, the men and officers of this battalion continued to cause heavy damage to the enemy by both direct and indirect fire and continued their progress forward so as to close in on the enemy. Each night, they would burrow through the snow, create a crawl trench and set up a new post—moving towards the peak slowly but steadily. Unmindful of the extremely harsh weather conditions, with rain, sleet and snow coming upon them along with the enemy fire everyday, the brave soldiers dared their enemy to show up and get ready for their final “kalma”. A number of casualties were inflicted.

The wins started a fortnight ago with the army recapturing the key Tololing peak and the surrounding ridges that overlooked the vital Leh-Srinagar highway. By last week, the Indian Army had taken back vantage points on Tiger Hill close by. And for the first time since the war began in May, the highway was re-opened to civilian traffic. It was an indication of just how successful the army has been in thwartling one of the Pakistan’s main objective of paralysing the lifeline between the state capital and the major distict headquarters.

In a major offensive, Indian troops re-captured Point 4700 and Black Rock heights close to the strategic Tiger Hills in Drass-Mushkoh sector, killing 40 Pakistani soldiers but suffered 21 casualties, including three officers.
A report from Dras, quoting Col A S Chabbewal, said the troops engaged in hand-to-hand combat with Pakistani intruders advanced within two kilometres of the Line of Control and the fighting was still on. Briefing newspapers, an Army spokesman said the attacks on the enemy positions, west of the Tololing ridge, recaptured on June 20, were launched on Monday night.
He said the recapture of these two positions would remove the domination of the intruders on the crucial NH 1A linking Srinagar with Leh, besides providing a firm base to further operations aimed at evicting the infiltrators.

“Softening up of other enemy positions both in Batalik and Drass sectors are continuing,” he said, adding that a Pakistani column comprising 15 personnel alongwith 30 mules had been effectively engged by artillery guns on Monday. This has precluded the enemy possitions from getting replenishments in the Drass sector,” he said.

An Indian Air Force spokesman said combat jets carried out effective strikes in Drass and Batalik sectors on Monday night. Indian Air Force launced an attack on Tiger Hill with Mirage-2000 paving the way for the complete eviction of intruders in Dras. Now, the entire highway between Srinagar & Dras across Zoji La Pass would be secured. Intruders had occupied Tiger Hill area and the entire Tololing Ridge. The Mirage-2000 planes used laser Guided Bombs against two key posts of Tiger Hill and 500 pound bombs were also dropped during the strike in Tololing Ridge Area. At least 15 intruders were killed in the Tiger Hill area and their makeshift bunkers and other related infrustructures were demilished. Ealier, around 60 people were occupying the area. The Barbad Post was offiering resistance on route to Tiger Hill was cleared.
The IAF spokesman said, “It has been confirmed by the Army units in the field that air strikes by night against targets in Batalik sector were extremely effective.”
He said,“The bottomline remainstarget acquisition, as the targets are very difficult to spot. In all cases where the targets have been spotted, a high rate of success has always resulted, irrespective of theaircraft orweapon used.”

Meanwhile, the cabinet committee on security meet here under he chairmanship of Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee and reviewed the situation in Kargil.

An Army spokesman said the Pakistan army continued unprovoked artillery and mortar firing in Keran, Poonch, Krishanghati, Bhimbergalli, Nowshera, Palanwala and Akhnoor sectors. “We have responded in a befitting manner,” he said.

To a question on the recent operations in southern Siachen glacier, he said the situation there is “absolutely stable” and asserted that Chorbat La in Turtuk sector had never been captured by Pakistani forces.[10]

As the Indian Air Force (IAF) continued with its round-the-clock strikes at the infiltrators poisitions, Indian troops after a fierce fighting, on June 29 recaptured the Army recaptured Point-4070, called Phialong and "Black rock" close to strategic Tiger Hill, With these occupations eventually, the capture of Tiger Hill will be easy. The Indian troops launched an all out attack at the enemy positions late night on 28-29 Jun night and captured these in an overnight attack. In the close hand-to-had battle with the infiltrators heavy casualties had been inflicted on them. In this battle, 21 soldiers were killed, while 40 Pakistani troops were killed in the assault. The Indian Army soldiers were killed by an "air-burst" of an artillery shell while the assault was in progress. Before take over, air and artillery strikes were made to soften the target for the advancing troops.

The Indian troops also wiped out another animal transport column of the enemy ensring that their supplies were cut off. At least 15 enemy personnel were said to have been killed in this attack. Col Singh said there were 30 mules and 15 personnel in this column. A similar animal column had been effectively engaged by the artillery guns a few days ago. He said although the column may sound small but even 30 mules could carry a significant weight of arms and armunition in this region.

Regarding the infiltration in the South Siachen area, he said the Pakistanis had made similar moves in Rajouri area in May which had been repulsed.[11]

By June 99, Army lost 175 men, 364 wounded while nine were missing. From the Pakistan side, 389 soldiers and 123 militants had killed while 50 soldiers were missing. Pakistani intruders were still getting reinforcements from depth areas across the Line of Control. With the capture of these two features, the Army recovered heavy weapons including 12.22 mm Machine guns. Security forces recovered huge {censored}nal of weapons from 25 subversives who infiltrated to internally destabilise the Turtuk and Achina Thieng areas of Ladakh. In combing operations, 11 AK rifles, one Machine Guns, One Rocket Launcher with three rockets, one Rifle 15 Grenades and 3000 rounds ammunitions besides 7 kg explosives were recovered. These insurgents were pushed on Indian side to create havoc of bombings, political assassination and civilian massacres.

The IAF continued round-the-clock bombings on enemy strongholds in the Dras and Batalik Sectors. The Army confronted intruders on the Jubar Feature. The IAF spokesman said that operations were continuing in entire Kargil sector in co-ordiation with Army. Pakistani shelling continued on the fringes of the Line of Control.

The enemy continued with unhooked artillery and mortar firing in Keran Sector and morter firing in Poonch, Krishnaghati, Bhimbergali, Naushera, Palanwala and Akhnoor Sectors. We responded in a befitting manner.

In the last 24 hours, effective air strikes were carried out against enemy positions in the Dras and Batalik Sectors. It has been confirmed by the Army units in the field that airstikes by night against targets in the Batalik sector were extremely effective. The other positions that were attacked were in the Dras sector and Mashkoh valley. The bottom line remains target acquisition, as the targets are very difficult to spot. In all cases where the target has been spotted, a high success rate has always resulted, irrespective of the aircraft or the weapon used.

In the Kupwara sector of the Kashmir Valley during counter-insurgency operations Lt. Col NV Raghavan was killed. According to army spokesperson the Army lost 82 soldiers and 201 were wounded. For the last one year 404 militants had been killed and 721 wounded. Pakistan had been continuously shelling across the Line of Control - Kanjalwan, Kupwara, Keran, Rampur, Poonch, Krishnaghati, naushera, Sundarbani and Palanwala.

Meanwhile the Defence Minister, Mr George Fernandes visited defence locations in Poonch, Rajouri, Jammu and Samba sectors and reviewed the situations along the Line of Control and the international border.

June 25 : Assault on Tiger Hill

Tiger Hill is a dreaded height that looks like a conical feature but actually has scores of spurs and ridges. It was proving lethal for the Indian Army. The army inducted para commandos to seal the southern side of the hill which came within reach of ground troops from other sides.15 km inside Indian 0territory. About 300 heavily-armed intruders pounded the vital Srinagar-Leh highway in order to cut off Ladakh.

The Indian Air Force (IAF) mounted pressure and raided the Tiger Hill, while ground troops prepared themselves for a final assault on the peak. IAF dropped laser-guided bombs to hit targets from a distance of 20 km, from Mirage 2000 planes. This was mopping-up, "an operation to flush out the intruders from the remaining pockets of various stands". During the raid, MiG-29 planes kept a vigil against the likely possibility of the Pakistani counter strike.

The air strikes were effective The infiltrators suffered heavy casualties in the raid. The desired results were not achieved however.This was because of the sheer steepness of the features and the strong fortifications and spread of the enemy. The intention of carrying out these attacks was to take advantage of certain meteorological conditions to increase the pressure on the enemy by wearing him out and denying him rest and the opportunity to recuperate. The effect of lack of sleep and the resulting pressure applied at random round the clock will soon become apparent in due course. These attacks, like all other operations, were in coordination with the Army.
Meanwhile, ground troops began to take positions for a final assault along the main ridge line of the Tiger Hill. The occupation of the Tiger Hill was to secure the road between the Kashmir Valley via Zoji La pass and Dras in Ladakh. The intruders who had occupied Tiger Hill and Tololing heights were in a position to accurately direct artillery fire on vehicles on the road. Battle was also going on in Guttari, Shaqma along the Shingo river across Line of Control after clearing of the Dras ridges..

On 4th July, the Sikh Regiment was tasked to gain a foothold on the Western Spur of Tiger Hill with a view to cut off from the west, and provide firm base for its subsequent capture. Western spur extends approximately 1.5 to 2 Kms in length comprising of features Rhino Horn, Rocky Knob, Helmet and India Gate. The feature was heavily held by the enemy, and was totally dominated by Tiger Hill, Trig Height and Charlie features. The appproach was extremely steep with a gradient of 75-80 degrees and was under total enemy domination. It was not only a very formidable objective to capture, but even more difficult to hold with limited space available and enemy occupying the heights on both sides. The plan was to capture the India Gate and Helmet through western approach with surprise as the vital ingredient.

Major Ravinder Singh and Lieutenant Sehrawat accompanied by four JCOs and 52 ORs took up the challenging assignment of capturing the Western Spur. It was on the night of July 4/5 that this group of gallant soldiers of 8 Sikh left amidst the war cries of Bole So Nihal to capture Rhino Horn, Rocky Knob, Helmet and India Gate. These positions had been heavily fortified and were dominated by the enemy from Tiger Hill on the east and Trig Heights on the west. The task was challenging as the approach was from a slope with a 75 to 80 degree gradient.

For the marjivre Sikhs, the extremely bad weather and the steep gradient hardly mattered. Subedar Nirmal Singh, Naib Subedar Karnail Singh and Naib Subedar Ravail Singh established a firm base. Lieutenant RK Sehrawat was to coordinate the assault by three teams. By midnight, all he three teams were suitably poised for the capture of India Gate, Helmet and Rocky Knob. As the war cries of Bole So Niharl, Sat Siri Akal rent the air, the men got going and all hell broke loose. Intense enemy shelling and direct firing opened up. A “{censored} fight” ensued during which bunkers were cleared one after another. By 4 am, India Gate and Helmet had been captured.

The assault party lost Lieutenant Kanad Bhattarcharya in a brave patrolling encounter. In all, 10 jawans were killed and 48 others were woulded. These casualties notwithstanding, they closed on and isolated Tiger Hill from three directions. It was imperative that the Western Spur was also captured to bottle up the intruders at Tiger Hill top.

The attacking troops, in the meanwhile, had firmed up defences in an area 700 metres by 500 metres. Construction of protective sangars was immediately taken up. Apprehending a violent retaliations for repulsing any attack were made.

In fact, two major attacks were repulsed in which Major Iqbal of SSG, and Capt Karnal Sher of 12 NLI were killed along with 30 others. Three JCOs- Sub Nirmal Singh, Karnail Singh and Naib Subedar Rawail Singh - and 18 ORs made the supreme sacriifice. The wounded included Major Ravinder Singh and Lieutenant Sherawat besides 18 ORs. The capture and defence of the Western Spur facilitated the caputre of Tiger Hill top on July 7. The unit lost a total of 35 men. About 70 were wounded- a high price. But by sheer grit of 8 Sikh won the day at Tiger Hill.[12]

Despite extreme climatic conditions, stiff opposition and heavy shelling, by the enemy, the brave Khalsas of 8 Sikh held ground until 3rd July “99, suffered 2 Officers and 11 ORs killed and one Officer, one JCO and 48 ORs wounded.

Accordingly on neight 04/05 July, the Company under Major Ravindra Singh traversed the difficult terrain amidst enemy shelling and automatic fire to the base of the objective. The Company negotiated the steep slopes undetected with mountaineering skills. The Company established fire base behind a rock approximately 200 metres away from the objective. Three teams under three JCO’s namely Sub Nirmal Singh, Nb Sub Karnail Singh and Nb Sub Ravail Singh, under overall co-ordination of Lt. R.K.Sehrawat probed forward towards the objective.

The enemy was totally surprised with the sudden assault of these teams on India Gate and Helmet area. The enemy opened up with UMG’s. Our teams retaliated with rocket launcher fire and forced the enemy to flee. India Gate and Helmet were captured at 0400 Hrs on 5th July and Tiger Hill was completely cut off. However due to heavy and accurate enemy fire, 8 Sikh troops cut off enemy telephone communication by snapping a carrier cord and WD cable running towards the top of Tiger Hill. They took up defences on the objective in an area of approx. 500 metres.

Enemy was desperate to keep the western route of maintenance open for survival at Tiger Hill and mustered all its resources to recapture it. Heavy artillery shelling, RPG fire alongwith incessant automatic fire pounded on own troops with effect from 0400 hours on 06 July. Enemy launched counter attack at 0715 hours initially with about 20 personnel from Rocky Knob. Heavy and accurate fire from own troops dissipated the assault. It was followed by a desperate and firece country attack by about 40 to 45 personnel at approximately 0800 hours from two different directions.

The gallant Sikhs, held on to the objective and repulsed the two counter attacks by 0930 hours inflicting heavy casualties on the enemy. The enemy suffered more than 30 killed including two officers. They left behind the dead bodies of three soldiers including officers and fled. A large number of weapons, radio sets and ocuments were recovered from the dead bodies. The documents revealed that Major Iqbal, probably of SSG, and Captain Karnal Sher of 12 NLI were leading the counter attack and were killed. It also established that SSG men were also included in the operation. However, during this epic battle, three JCOs and 14 OR of 8 Sikh made the supreme sacrifice fighting the enemy. Two officers and 18 OR were wounded. Own casualties were mainly due to heavy enemy shelling including air bursts, and RPG and automatic fire from enemy. Firm bases were established on dominating positions at Tiger Hill, Rocky knob and Trig Height. It was their resolute defiance against all odds, exceptional devotion to duty which enthused them to hold on to the objective at this great cost. This gallant action and the great sacrifices of the Khalsas, paved the way for subsequent capture of Tiger Hill with little resistance from enemy on 07 July’ 99. It was indeed a saga of valour and sacrifice in the glorious tradition of SARAGARHI.

On the launch pad prepared by the gallant 8 Sikh, jawans of the 18th Batallion, the Grenadiers, launched an attack late evening next day along three unexpected approaches to take the enemy, which had been holed up on Tiger Hill, by surprise.

Colonel Khushal Thakur, Commanding Officer of the 18 Grenadiers, knew the assault on Tiger Hill was a daunting task. In early May, the 8 Sikh, on a mission to assess the enemy's strength, had returned with six dead, 40 injured and a lieutenant missing. Thakur, who had already lost 25 men at Tololing, had to find a way to minimise casualties. After studying maps and aerial photographs and a thorough recce of the target, he decided on the most difficult route -- the eastern slope. A sheer cliff that the intruders would have least expected the troops to climb.

For three days beginning July 1, the Grinders (as the 18 Grenadiers are called) lugged arms and ammunition up the slopes -- flame throwers, high explosive bombs, rocket launchers, grenade launchers, lmgs and more. Such was the volume of their {censored}nal that it took 270 men just to carry 540 mortars of the 81 mm variety.

By July 3 evening, it was time for action. Soon after sundown, 136 artillery guns started a 30-minute pounding of enemy positions. The objective: to stun the intruders and force them to lie low. At the same time three companies began their climb, two from the eastern slope and one from the south-eastern side. The relatively easy gradient on the south-eastern side brought the troops in front of an enemy bunker at a point called Tongue. The bunker was neutralised with rocket launchers, but the exchange left one soldier dead and four injured. The other two companies had to use mountaineering gear to inch their way up. By the time 10 of them made it to Tiger Top, they had lost five of their colleagues.

After an 11-hour close hand to hand fierce battle, the soldiers from the Grenadiers ensured that the enemy was evicted from the Tiger Hill top, situated almost at a height of 5000 metres. Indian jawans hoisted the ‘Tricolour’ atop the strategic Tiger Hill in the wee hours of the following morning to give India the all important advantage in the battle against he Pakistani intruders holed up at various heights in the Kargil sector of Jammu and Kashmir. In their resolve to hoist the “Tricolour” on the strategic The 18 Grenadiers won a citation from the Chief of Army Staff for this exceptional gallant and sterling performance and for the recapture of Tololing on the night of May 27-28 and Point 4590 on June 28-29. During this overnight operation, reports said at least ten Pakistani army regulars had been killed in the battle. India is said to have lost two jawans.

Though they had seized Tiger Top, both 8 Sikh and 18 Grenadiers realised the spurs and ridges were still flush with infiltrators putting up a stiff resistance, just as they were at Collar, India Gate and Helmet on the western slope. This was also the intruders' supply route, and had to be cut off. The attempt to do so at Helmet on July 7 left the 8 Sikh with 15 dead.

It took over a month's planning to recapture one of the most strategic heights in Dras. Tiger Hill may have been tamed, but the clearing up operation around it proved to be a bloody exercise

Meanwhile, having gained the strategic Tiger Hill top, the Indian troops were now engaged in mopping up operations in the region. The infiltrators were still holed in some pockets along the periphery of Tiger Hill. Although there were still some pockets in the other sectors from where the infiltrators could keep a watch on the movement along the National Highway 1A, but this strategic win ensured that the Indian troops could keep them under check in the other pockets. Tiger Hill Top being the highest and the most dominating feature in the region, placement of Indian troops and artillery guns on top ensured regular pounding of enemy positions.

Following the Indian victory on the Tiger Hill Top, the area came under heavy artillery fire from Pakistani troops stationed in the Pakistan occupied Kashmir. But by afternoon the artillery shelling had stopped after Indian jawans responded with adequate firing. The Indian troops had now surrounded the Tiger Hill feature and adjoining ridges from three sides.

The recapture of Tololing and Tiger Hill changed the course of the war. Tiger Hill for a while the Indian Army was like a limbering elephant at Kargil-slow to react and retaliate. But by July 8, at least to the Pakistani infiltrators, it must have resembled a juggernaut as it notched up several key victories in the battle for the heights. It was a major reason that forced Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif to rush to Washington DC to seek a way out of the conflict. From there, the well-entrenched intruders were directing precise artillery fire on the Srinagar-Leh highway just 8 km away, restricting movement of army convoys carrying ammunition and supplies.

Though the capture of Tiger Hill on July 4 came as a major victory for the army, the operation has so far left over 30 soldiers dead and another 65 woundedThe final preparations for attack started with air operations on Tiger Hill and other surrounding localities in Dras Sector.

From left to Right (Top row) Sub Joginder Singh, Hav Surinder Singh, Nk Bahadur Singh, Nk Ranjeet Singh, Sep Jaswinder Singh

(Bottom row) Sep Buta Singh, Sep Rashwinder Singh, Sep Sukhwinder Singh, Sep Major Singh and Sep Manjeet Singh

The capture of the Tiger Hill feature along with the Tololing Hills took Indian troops closer to the LoC, with this lone conical feature being just about a kilometre away from it. It gave the Indian troops almost a complete control over the heights and movement of the infiltrators in the Dras sector. The control over the Tiger Hill Besides, with its slopes running down to the LoC and its ridges connecting other heights in the close vicinity of the Mashkoh valley and Kaksar, it provided a launching pad to carry out attacks on enemy positions in adjoining sub sectors in Kargil.

The Indian troops were now in a position to block the supply routes to the infiltrators running across from the LoC in Mashkoh and the Kaksar sectors. From these heights, they were able to observe all movement from across the LoC and take adequate measures to stop it.

Attack on Tiger Hill repulsed

Pakistan did not relent. It lauched fierce counter attacks to recapture Tiger Hill. Pakistani intruders were seen moving towards Tiger Hill, backed by artillery shelling by Pakistani Artillery. The Army repulsed the attack. Army reinforcements were rushed to the area. Indian armed forces effectively repulsed a fresh attempt by Pakistani intruders to capture the strategic Tiger Hill in Dras even as troops exchanged artillery fire after a nine-day lull.

The Indian Air Force also, rightly, took credit for the victory at Tiger Hill. It carried out some devastating air strikes on two enemy camps located on top of Tiger Hill which severely degraded the capability of the intruders to sustain their forces on the dominating hill feature. The Group Captain said, "Air strikes were carried out against a supply camp of the infiltrators in Kaksar area this afternoon, the first attack in the past two days.

The Air Force once again devastated an enemy supply camp just 2.5 km west of Tiger Hill, Group Capt D.N. Ganesh, Joint Director of Air Operations, said at the briefing. He said one of key factors of air operations in the mountains was that the effect of relentless air strikes took time to manifest itself on the ground. “The fall of Tololing ridge was one such example when three weeks of coordinated air strikes and ground action resulted in the joint aim being accomplished with eviction of the enemy from the area. Today, with the fall of Tiger Hill this achievement underscores, once again, the essence of joint Army-Air Force operations”.

He said the crippling effect of these attacks was apparent in the success achieved by the jawans on the ground who in the face of stiff restance by the enemy continued to achieve the objective.[13]

Junior Leadership-examples of extreme valour
Late Havaldar Vikram Singh - Havildar Vikram Singh hailing from Ropar District in Punjab with his section was deployed on forward slope of Helmet on Tiger Hill. At 0400 hours on 06 July 99, they came under heavy enemy fire from Tiger Hill, Rocky knob, Charlie feature and Trig Height. Enemy opened fire from three directions and followed up with a counter attack with 15/16 Intruders on Havaldar Vikram Singh’s section. He readjusted aiutomatics and started engaging the enemy. Heavy hand to hand fight ensured between him and the enemy. Havaldar Vikram Singh and his men kept fighting with extreme bravery and courage. During the ensuing fire fight , Havaldar Vikram Singh got seriously wounded and his men inspired by his personal example continued fighting till counter attack was beaten back. The enemy launched second counter attack with 40/45 intruders, despite being seriously wounded, he charged with bayonet and killed two Intruders, inflicted heavy casualties in close combat and forced them to flee. He kept the enemy away till he succumbed to his fatal injuries. Havildar Vikram Singb by displaying indominatable spirit, courage and bravery, exceptional devotion to duty, thereby beat back enemy counter attack, making a supreme sacrifice of his life in the highest tradition of Army.

Late Naik Nirmal Singh - Naik Nirmal Singh hailing from Sangur District (Punjab) alongwith his section was deployed on India Gate. At 0400 hours on 06 July 99, they came under heavy enemy fire from Tiger Hill, Rocky knob, Charlie Feature and Trig Height. Enemy launched a counter attack with 15/16 Intruders and intense fire fight ensued between naik Nirmal Singh ‘and the intruders. In the process, Naik Nirmal Singh got seriously wounded. With utter disregard to personal safety, he kept on firing incessantly inflicting heavy casualties on enemy. He effectively engaged, confronted enemy boldly and finally repulsed counter attack. Enemy launched second counter attack with 40/45 intruders. Despite being seriously wounded in previous counter attack, he kept engaging the enemy and inflicted heavy casualties, thereby forcing enemy to flee. Naik Nirmal Singh in the face of enemy fire and counter attack, held on to this post till he succumnbed to his fatal injuries. Naik Nirmal Singh displayed indominatable spirit, most conspicuous courage and bravery, exceptional devotion to duty, thereby beat back enemy counter attack, making the supreme sacrifice of his life in the highest tradition of the Army.

On night 6/7 July 1999, during an attack on twin bumps of Point 4875, Captain Jerry Prem Raj was forward Observation Post Officer of 158 Medium Regiment (SP). Point 4875 and surounding features were pounded with tonnes of TNT by the blazing artillery fire on 6/7 July night. As the attack went in the heavy mmg fire from the top ridges held the advancing Nagas. The day light was drawing near. The expose of the troops during day light would have created havoc from the enemy sitting right at the top. From the protecting rock Jerry was not able to observe. He came out of the protection for directing observed fire better. That was what the enemy was waiting for. A round of a sniper's bullet hit Jerry's chest. Bleeding profusely, he refused to be evacuated and continued passing orders through his operators directing fire onto the enemy. He continued engaging enemy by shifting positions, but the enemy had an eye on him. A mchine gun burst pierced through his legs and arms. Gravely injured, he still refused to be evacuated, knowing that these were very crucial minutes of the final assault. His fire directing continued till he breathed last exactly at the time of unfurling the tricolour at the top Point 4875, the feature which immediately deidcated to him and is now known as Gun Hill. Thus he did the proud not only for Gunners but also the Indian Nation.[14]

Junior leadership can effectively lead in battlefield only when they get ready for war. It is the imaginative, progressive, intensive training and management of men during peace time which can save the blood during war.

The intake of raw men with traditional agro based outlook, attitude and values have to be transformed in to a cohensive, well motivated and highly trained outfit which can place the National interests above all, even at the cost of making supreme sacrifice. 8 Sikh Bn led by Col S.P. Singh and his able team of junior leaders have proved beyond doubt all these trait. In the entire operation from 15 May to 06 July 99, four officers, two JCO’s and 73 OR were wounded. Two officers, four JCO’s and 30 OR bravely sacrificed “Their Today For Our Tomorrow”.[15]

12 Jammu & Kashmir Light Infantry: Batalik sector (battles of Point 5203 and Point 4812
11 Gorkha Rifles: Batalik sector (battle of Khalubar)

The Chief of Army Staff is pleased to make a 2nd Battalion, The Naga Regiment recvespecial instant award of "Unit Citation" to for their meritorious and gallant performance during the battles of Twin Bump on night 06/07 July and raid on enemy mortar position North West of Point 4875 on 08 July 1999, in Dras Sector.
During Operation "Vijay", the unit has performed with distinction and displayed indomitable resolve and valour in the face of the enemy

The Chief of Army Staff is pleased to make a special instant award of "Unit Citation" to 2nd Battalion, The Rajputana Rifles for their meritorious and gallant performance during the battle of Point 4590 on night 13/14 June 1999 and Three Pimples area on night 28/29 June 1999, in Dras Sector.

The unit has displayed exemplary valour and grit in the face of the enemy wherein, four Officers, two Junior Commissioned Officers and 17 Other Ranks made the supreme sacrifice in the highest traditions of the Indian Army and 70 all ranks were wounded

The Chief of Army Staff is pleased to make a special instant award of "Unit Citation" to 8th Battalion, The Sikh Regiment for their meritorious and gallant performance during the isolation of Tiger Hill, which facilitated the capture of Tiger Hill top and for the battles of Helmet and India Gate, features on the Western Spur of Tiger Hill, on night 06/07 July 1999, in Dras Sector.

During Operation "Vijay", the unit has displayed sterling performance marked with exceptional valour and grit in the face of the enem

The Chief of Army Staff is pleased to make a special instant award of "Unit Citation" to 13th Battalion, The Jammu and Kashmir Rifles for their exceptionally gallant and sterling performance during the battles of Hump (Tololing Ridge) on night 15/16 June, Point 5140 on night 19/20 June and Point 4875 on night 04/05 July 1999.

The overall performance of the battalion during Operation "VIJAY" has been exceptional and marked with exemplary valour and grit in the face of the enemyThe Chief of Army Staff is pleased to make a special instant award of "Unit Citation" to 18th Battalion, The Garhwal Rifles for their meritorious and gallant performance during the battles of Point 5140 on night 28/29 June and Point 4700 on night 27/28 June 1999, in Dras Sector.

The unit has performed with distinction during Operation "VIJAY" and displayed exemplary valour and grit in the face of the enemyThe Chief of Army Staff is pleased to make a special instant award of "Unit Citation" to 18th Battalion, The Grenadiers for their exceptionally gallant and sterling performance during the battles of Tololing on night 27/28 May 1999, Hump on night 13/14 June 1999. Their most significant achievement is the capture of Tiger Hill top on night 03/04 July 1999, in Dras Sector wherein, the enemy was completely surprised.

The overall performance of the battalion during Operation VIJAY has been exceptional and marked with exemplary valour and grit in the face of the enemy

The Chief of Army Staff is pleased to make a special instant award of "Unit Citation" to 108 Medium Regiment, for their valour and indomitable resolve during Op VIJAY. This unit provided accurate and devastating fire relentlessly, round the clock, inflicting very heavy damage and casualties on the enemy. The shock effect, casualties and destruction caused on the enemy positions by 108 Medium Regiment significantly facilitated the infantry operations in the capture of Tololing Ridge, Point 5140, Tiger Hill and Point 4875 in the Dras Sector.

The over all performance of the unit has been exemplary and professionalism displayed by all ranks of the unit in the face of the enemy fire is highly commendable in the highest traditions of the Gunners and the Army

The Chief of Army Staff is pleased to make a special instant award of "Unit Citation" to 17th Battalion, The Jat Regiment for their meritorious and gallant performance during the battles of Whale Back & Pimple I on night 04/05 July and Pimple II on 08 July 1999, in Dras Sector.

The unit has performed with distinction during Operation "Vijay" and displayed exemplary valour and grit in the face of the enemy

The Tibune, Thursday, June 24,1999
Tricolour hoisted atop Tiger Hill :-

BATALIC SUB-SECTOR

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HEIGHTS - FROM 14000 - 18000 FEET AREA-GLACIATED - ALMOST LIKE SIACHEN

Heights : Jubar Heights, Marpola Heights, Knoll, Lone Hill, Pt 4700. Three Pimples, Pt 4,268, Pt 5203, Pt 5608, Pt 5140, Pt 5295, Pt. 5,287 (summit of Khalubar),. Pt. 4,812 (called Dog Hill by India), Banju, to Points 4,924 and 4,927, Dharu Hill
Rivers/ Streams : Jubar langpa stream. Urdas Langpa stream
Localities: Kharba, Shaqma, Channigund, Kaksar, Marpola, Kukarthang, Muntho Dhalo, Yaldor, Gorkhum, Judi
Roads/ Tracks :
Pakistan's instrusion in Batalik sector was detected on May 3, when Tashi Namgyal, Morup Tsering and Al raza Stanba, the three shepherds, residents of Gorkhum and Judi villages. On the morning of may 3, Namgyal had moved

up some 5 km along Jubbar Langpa stream, when he used his binoculars, purchased from Leh, to look around. He saw groups of men in Pathan attire digging bunkers. Some were armed. Numbers could not be counted. He alongwith his friends returned and reported the matter to a detachment of 3 Punjab Regiment. Their version was not taken seriously. However, a patrol was sent later on May 5. Lt Saurav Kalia of 4 Jat Regiment went out of communication range on reaching 12,000 while proceeding to Kaksar 16,000 ft. The enemy captured them. Their badly tortured and mutilated bodies were returned to the Indian Army a month later. Two more patrols were sent on 7th and 9th. Soldiers of patrol sent next day were injured and on May 9, a third patrol was ambushed. Then came the realisation of the Indian commanders that there was something too serious.
The army operation against intruders started on 14 May as it did in Dras sub- sector. However, troops not being sufficient, Dras sub-sector got priority over Batalik sub sector.

Capture of Point 5203
The major operations in this sector started with an attack on Point 5203. Pakistan army had heightened artillery and mortar shelling in this area for the past 10 days, the Indian forces had earlier smashed the entire Pakistani communication network operating on “point 5203’ which was then under the control of intruders.

Close on the heels of achieving success in Dras sector with the capture of Point 5140, Indian troops made significant gains in the Batalik sub-sector. Jammu and Kashmir Light Infantry and Para Commandos recaptured a strategic height, the North-West spur of Point 5203 in Batalik Sub-Sector on the night of June 10 inflicting heavy casualty on intruders in the last 24 hours of Operation Vijay under way in the Kargil region of Jammu and Kashmir. In this joint operation the infiltrators had been evicted from the point in which they had been well entrenched and had also built a number of sangars.

The operation for ‘point 5203’ gained momentum on Monday night and lasted over 24 hours leading to the killing of a large number of Pakistan Army regulars and mercenaries before the troops occupied the strategic hill-top. This was the first major gain in this sector ever since the operation started here on May 14 but added that the operation in the Batalik sub-sector was incomplete without the recapture of “Jubar hills”.

Marpola Heights: After taking Tololing, on 16 June, the Army moved along an assault corridor towards Marpola, north-west of Dras and on Line of Control to separate Dras from the intruders' stronghold of Mushkoh valley. Strategically very important feature, the Marpola Heights situated at almost 19,000 ft. along side theTololing Hills, runs almost abreast to the LoC and its recapture was to give the Indian troops a strategic advantage over the infiltrators. IAF strike and heavy artillery battle preceeded the attack on infiltrators. Indian Air Force launched an intensive air strike in the north east of Kargil to evict the Pakistani intruders. The plan was to isolate intruders along the eastern and western flanks in tandem.

14600 foot high Munthodhalo in north-east of Kargil in the Batalik Sector was the logistics base of the entire Batalik Sector. From June 15 to June 17, the IAF planes attacked the with a recaptured height in Batalik Area. Mirage-2000 planes of Indian Air Force pulverised by bombing Munthodalo Supply Camp. In the attack estimates were that 150 Pakistani intruders and regulars were killed. Accurate delivery of 5000 bombs by Mirages caused most of the destruction. Munthodalo strikes demonstrated the cutting edge of Air Force in modern combat. Massive air strikes had a detrimental effect on the morale of the intruders.
A Pay book of a Pakistani soldier identified as Sepoy Adbul Rauf of 5 Northern Light Infantry Battalion was recovered by the Indian troops during operations in the Batalik sector. With this recovery it has now been established that in addition to the sub units of 3, 4 and 6 Batallions of the Northern Light Infantry, some units of 5 Northern Light Infantry were also operating in the pockets of intrusion.

The Idian Army advanced towards the Line of Control in north-westerly direction. In Munthodhalo area, the Mirage-2000 planes were providing cover to the IAF's ground attack aircraft.

June 17: Batalic Sector

Jubar Heights:

Batalik Continued to be a problem area. The crucial 4,924 -metres high point of Jubar and Kukarthang remained elusive. He is now called the Hero of Batalik. Commissioned into the Bihar Regiment just four years ago, Major M. Saravanan was on a difficult mission. In the high mountains of Batalik in the Kargil range he led a platoon of 30 men to try and cut the supply lines of the Pakistani infiltrators who had entrenched themselves on the Jubar ridge at 14,000 ft. Approaching them was a treacherous task. If they tried climbing up the steep slopes they were easy targets for the enemy. A few weeks earlier, before the war over Kargil intensified, Major Rohit Gaur and three of his patrol party were caught by surprise and killed by the intruders while moving up the slopes. So the platoon had to take a tortuous route using rocky outcrops as cover to stealthily approach the Pakistani picket at the top.
On May 29, as the platoon closed in on the enemy picket at Point 4268, a coordinate on the map, Saravanan moved up ahead of the others. He literally stumbled on the infiltrators and engaged them in a gun battle. Some of Saravanan's men say they saw him fell four infiltrators before he went down to a deadly burst of machine-gun fire. Coming under heavy attack from the other intruders, the Indian platoon had to withdraw to a safe position. Almost a week after Saravanan died fighting valiantly on May 29 leading 30 men on a difficult mission to the Jubar ridge at 14,000 feet, Indian troops have tried to recover his body but with little success. The intruders continued to rain heavy fire. On reachiong Pt 4,268 Sharvanan went ahead of the troops and engaged the enemy in long gun battle. Four men from the enemy side fell before he and 10 soldiers fell prey to the bullets.

There were a growing number of such heroics and lives lost as, what Lt-General H.M. Khanna, the Northern Army commander, calls the "near conventional war" in Kargil enters its third week. On June 3, the Indian toll stood at 57 killed, including four officers and three Junior Commissioned Officers (JCOs), and 203 injured. Death toll rose to 98 by June 11, with over 317 injured. As the army closes in on Pakistani pickets dotted all over the towering ridges, the casualties are likely to go up.

The infiltrators were battle-hardened and trained in high-altitude warfare. Fighting was still intense in four major sub-sectors on the Line of Control (LoC) -- Drass, Kaksar, Mashkoh and Batalik. The army claimed it had successfully pushed back the intruders from their original positions 10 km within Indian territory along the 140-km Kargil-Leh stretch where the battle rages. It now estimates that most of the pickets are barely 3 km inside the LoC and only a dozen of them are "strongly held". But at many places the army is still 2,000 ft below Pakistani pickets and would take a while to reach them.
In the Batalik sub-sector, which was seeing increased air operations, the army was concentrating on recapturing Turtuk, the link point to Siachen. But even as it inched its way up the mountains along the stretch between Mashkoh valley and Turtuk, there was concern about Pakistani buildup on the border.

While gains were made in Turtuk and Yaldor, four regiments of the artillery were called in for increased artillery action to soften Jubar where Major Saravanan was killed on May 28. His body was yet to be retrieved

The Infiltrators, after being evicted from Point 5203 had been hiding on the North-West spur of it, which the Indian soldiers recaptured during he operation on June 18..
In the face of intense machine gun firing, the troops from the Jammu and Kashmir Light Infantry and Para Commandos had scaled the height using specialised mountaineering techniques to evict the infiltrators. It was during this operation that Captain Amol Kalia along with 13 other ranks had been killed. Fierce hand to hand combat had continued for almost seven hours before the point was captured.
However after being evicted from this point, the infiltrators had moved onto the North-West spur of it and had been engaging Indian troops with firing from there. The recapture of Point 5203 and its North-West spur had given the Indian soldiers strategic advantage over the infiltrators. Indian troops engaged the infiltrators in fierce gun battles forcing them to flee their sangars.

During this operation, seven Pakistani army regulars were killed and wo of their sangars were destroyed at another position in Batalik itself. The sangars were destroyed by the artillery and mortar fire launched by the Indian troops. In this fire assault, another three of the enemy soldiers were killed and two wounded.
On June 19, the fierce fighting was going on to capture Jubar heights, south of the river Indus. Dominance of Jubar could mean with troops from the south of the Indus can be switched over to another brigade and northern bank of the river. It will be of high tactical advantage.

IAF was doing accurate air strikes with Mirage 2000 planes. The IAF continued with its reconnaissance missions in the battle zone.

Earlier in Batalik line capturing over 16,000 ft heigh feature, Indian troops suffered serious casualties. Our seven Jawans were killed during an artillery attack on this segment by Pakistan. Pakistan itensified its artillery firing along Line of Control- Keran, Tangdhar, Uri, Poonch, Krishna Ghati, Bhimber Gali, Noushera and Palanwala.

On June 23, the Chief of Army Staff, Gen VP Malik, said,"Indian Army could cross the Line of Control provided there was a political mandate to do so. "If necessary we can cross the Line of Control in the supreme national interest but the decision lies with the Cabinet." Gen Malik told newsman that the Army was restricting its operations to the Indian side of the Line of Control in accodance with the Cabinet's directive. Gen Malik said, "If war is thrust upon India, the Army will fight with all its existing equipments". The Pakistani Army had conceived, planned and executed Kargil incursions. ( By Ramesh Vinayak and Harinder Baweja)

June 26: The Battle of Batalik

A fierce battle was raged for the capture of Jubar Hills, Kokarthang and Barso peaks. The Indian artillery continued to shell the enemy camps providing logistical and aministrative support to the intruders.The Army lost five of its personnel and 23 others were wounded on 24-25 June. Casualties included Capt Aditya Mishra of the Corps of Signal. Troops engaged Pakistani infiltrators in a fierce gun battle to gain control over Jubar Hills, Kokarthang and Barso peaks in the Kargil sector on the 41st day of Operation Vijay.
Pakistan continued artillery shelling and mortar fire in Knajalwan, Kera, Nogan, Uri, Poonch, Krishna Ghati, Bhimber Gali, Naushera sectors along the Line of Control.

June 27: Media Update

Ground operations progressed as per our operational plans in a steady and deliberate manner both in Batalik and Dras sectors. The softening up of enemy positions in the pockets of intrusion has continued through effective employment of artillery, mortar and direct firing weapons.
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n the Batalik sector, two enemy Sangars were destroyed by artillery fire and in Dras sector five enemy Sangars were destroyed by Automatic Grenade Launcher (AGL) and mortar fire. In these operations, four enemy soldiers were killed and many wounded. Our casualties in the last 24 hours have been two other anks killed and one dounded.
The assessment of the casualties inflicted on the militants/ mercenaries, involved in the ongoing operations in Kargil sector, was carried out based on very reliable inputs. It was assessed that 123 militants/mercenaries from various Tanzeems had been killed and 50 reported missing. The Tanzeems these militants belonged to Laskhar-e-Toiba, Harkat-Ul-Mujahideen and Harkat Ui-Jehad-e-Islam.

Relaible inputs revealed that the enemy moved the elements of the stategic reserves from Peshawar and Mangla to Pakistan occupied Kashmir and the Army medical facilities at Skardu were up graded to cater for the large number of casualties. The field hospital at Skardu has been upgaded to a combined military hospital and artificial limb centre has also been raised. Pakistan was in the process of pushing 700-800 militants in Gultari to the west of the Dras and 500-600 in Poonch. India took necessary precautionary measures. Pakistan took over the administrative control of the Gilgit and Skardu regions and stationed around 900 militants and Special Service Group personnel to launch clandestine mission on the Indian side. Pakistan had positioned 300 militants across the Kanjalwan and Gurez sectors and 500 militants along Line of Control near Poonch.

The enemy continued with unpovoked mortar firing in Keran, Tangdhar, Uri, Rampur, Poonch, Krishnaghati, Naushera and Palanwala Sectors. India responded adequately and appropriately.

June 27: Battle in Batalik & Dras

The Indian Air Force today intensified round-the-clock operations by bombarding enemy positions in Batalik and Dras. Pakistan was engaged in defending its dominance. The Indian Armed Forces could not reach Line of Control. Army and Air Forces supply convoys were working day and night. Air Force launched night operations to create fear and uncertaintly along the intruders. India wanted to deny them even a good night sleep. An IAF spokesperson said, "we are technically equipped to undertake this kind of mission. Mirage-2000 can be cary out round-the -clock bombing."

Army officials said tht continuous artillery and mortar attacks were launched on intruders' positions and to frustrate their attempts and to prevent them from regrouping and build new area of resistance. The intruders suffered four casualties and Army action destroyed a total of seven bunkers- two in Batalik and five in Dras. With these operations two army personnel were also killed. The army also directed artillery fire of the supply column in Dras.

An assessment of the casualties revealed that 123 hard-core intruders have been killed and 50 were reported missing. Thease casualties were over and above the death of 383 Pakistan Army regulars including 17 officers and were from three militant outfit-Lashkar-e-Toiba, Harkat-ul-Mujahiddin and Harkat-ul-Jihad-islam.

June 30: Battle of Knoll, Lone Hill and Munthodhalo

Indian Armed Forces continued to attack the Tiger Hill area and engaged the Jubar height in Batalik Sector to secure these segments of National High 1-A along Kashmir Valley and Dras via Zoji La Pass.

Indian Air Force attacked Jubar feature and foiled Pakistani attempt to isolate Indian Army formation in north and south of the Indus river in Batalik area. Two Indian brigades were located at either side of the river.

In New Delhi, the army spokesman informed that the Army captured two positions in close proximity to the Jubar feature. The Indian Air Force targeted the Kaksar Thang supply camp in the Munthodhalo area. Kaksar is in close proximity to Kargil town and is the gate-way to the Dras-Zoji La area. Army continuously advanced in the Tiger Hill area. Troops of he Garhwal Rifles captured point 4700. The point 4700 was seized but in this assault 11soldiers were killed. Army recovered three AK Rifles, three Heavy Machine Guns, one Rocket Launcher on the spot. There, the Rajputana Rifles also attacked areas of Knoll, Three-Pimples and Lone Hill to the west of Point 4700. It was fierce fighting and under intense enemy fire. Knoll was secured in the morning and Lone Hill fell by the evening. The Grenadiers have been advancing and contributed to the battle of Knoll and Three-Pimples. In these battles Indian Army lost three officers-Major P Acharya, Lt Vijayant Thaper, Lt M Kenguruse and 12 Jawans while 15 other were wounded. On enemy side around 40 Pakistani regulars and militants were killed and 13 wounded. Two AK rifles, three Universal machine Guns, 50,000 rounds of ammunition and ration for 30 days for 30 persons were also seized.

Elsewhere in Sandu village of Anantang district, 12 labourers were shot dead by militants. The slain labours belonged to Madhya Ppradesh and Uttar Pradesh and were working for locak brick-kiln owners.

India's real progress in the Batalik area began in early July when soldiers from Garhwal Rifles, the Bihar regiment, the Gurkha rifles and the Grenadiers began pushing their way along the flanks of Batalik heights. The Pt. 5,287 summit of Khalubar, east of Yaldor, fell on July 2 and the entire mountain was cleared within three days by the Gurkhas. West of the Urdas Langpa stream, Pt. 4,812, called Dog Hill by Indian soldiers, followed rapidly. Holding these flanks, the troops could then begin to cut off Pakistani reinforcements making their way down from their rear baseat Munthod Dhalo, which had been hit by successive air strikes throught the previous fortnight. Fortune played a big role in the final assault. Troops succeeded in making their way up the Urdas Langpa to Banju, the minor peak, which guards the Jubbar ridge line. The assault up the ridge would have been murdeerous had a shell not hit a Pakistani ammunition dump near the Jubar peak. An officer involved in the assault recalled, " The ammunition dump fire was the most amazing display of fireworks I had ever seen. I was like a hundred Diwali nights at once." The Pakistani troops were forced to retreat and the route up Jubar to Points 4,924 and 4,927 was then clear.

Progress was rapid on the eastern side of the Garkha Langpa as well. The Garkha Langpa is flanked by Jubar to its west and the Kukerthang and Tharu heights to its east. The push from the village of Yaldor Langpa to Pt. 4,821 on Kukerthang was aprotracted one and claimed heavy casualities. But the mountain was taken and the 5,103-m Tharu fell next. With the heights intact, the troops dominated Garkha Langpa and the villages of baroro and Kha Baroro. Further, Pakistani troops movement down the Gargurdu, Garkhun and Yaldor Langpas, the three major streams that trisect the Batalik river area from west to east became near impossible.

The spcial feature of enemy in this area was that they were not the mujaihideen, as suspected elsewhere they were the regular troops of Pakistan's Northern Light Infantry. The interrogation of naik Inayat ali of the 5 Northern Light Infantry, captured on the night of July 2, proved that the heights were occupied by his battalion and no irregulars were present there. Inayat Ali told the int errogators that his entire unit of 200 had been wiped out in sustained Indian ground and air fire.

Even though Pakistan announced its retreat on July 11, the retreating Pakista troops reinforced Pt. 5,121 and 5,327- over a km inside the Line of Control from where their withdrawal eventcually commenced. Muntho Dalo, the 5,065-m pyramid in the east of Yaldor acted as Pakistan's principal supply point. Even though 105-mm field guns and pinaka rocket launchers pounded the position form Silmoo Langpa, until July 9, the final physical occupation.

By July 8, the army had moved its might to the Batalik heights which Pakistan had occupied in the hope of severing Leh from the Valley. It recaptured major vantagepoints on the Jubar heights and was poised to take control of most of the ridges. If the war continues, it would still take several weeks, possibly months for the army to clear all the occupied territory. But last week it appeared confidence of ahieving its objective. As General V.P.Malik, chief of the army staff, told INDIA TODAY (see interview); “There is now much greater confidence both at the tactical as well as the stategic levels. We know what we have to do and we will achieve it.”



After capturing height in Batalik, the Indian Army began expanding its role in the sector and they were perching on the 16,000 ft feature in Batalik. In Batalik sector two makeshift bunkers of the infiltrators were destroyed. Three Pakistani soldiers were killed and two other wounded in the assault. Indian gains in the Batalik sector, south of Indus are of prime importance.

In the Batalik sub-sector hand-to-hand combat went on to recapture Jubar hills. After recapture of the posts, efforts were made to maintain a supply line to the posts as the two posts and supply line continue to be in the firing range of Pakistan backed intruders. Pakistani artillery continued to pound Dras, Kaksar, Kargil and Batalik areas.
The Indian Air Force could not carry out air strikes for the second day running today due to bad weather prevailing in the region. However this ws the fourth consecutive day that no air strikes were carried out. The joint plans of the Army and the IAF had not envisaged the need for air strikes on the earlier two days. The Indian Army informed that it had redesignated the Turtuk sub-sector as "sub-sector Haneefuddin" as a tribute to the Indian Lieutenant who was killed there on 7 June.
Meanwhile, the Prime Minister Mr. Atal Behari Vajpayee told the press persons that India had no intention of crossing the Line of Control in Kargil. The Defence Minister, Mr. George Fernandes told a TV Channel that he hoped that Kargil intrusion would be cleared by September end.
In other operations in Batalik and Dras sectors during the past 24 hours, one officer, Capt M.K.Pandey of 11 Gorkha Rifles, and 11 jawans were killed taking the toll in the Kargil conflict to 252. A large number of casualties were also inflicted on the Pakistan army which was being assessed.
On July 4, Col. Bikaram Singh said fierce fighting was going on at two positions in the Batalik sector. One position had been cleared and arms and ammuition were recovered from there. The recoveries included one heavy machine gun, one universal machine gun and 5000 rounds, five G3 rifles, 36G3 rifle and AK rifle magazines, one PRC radio set, one VPS radio set, one solar plate battery charger, a binocular, one telephone, two bullet proof jacket, two pup tent, a large quality of rations and Rs.5548 in Pakistani currency. He said Pakistan continued with unprovoked artillery and mortar firing in Keran, Poonch, Krishanaghati, Bhimbergali, Naushera and Akhnoor sectors. [16]

The advance party of 14 Sikh led by Major Rohit Sehgal after airlifting from Leh on May 27, had already been moved to Channigund to contain the enemy’s intrusion in Kaksar area. This party occupied a defensive localty to prevent any further intrusion into the sensitive Batalik sector and provide a firm base for offensive operations which were to follow.

June 18: Batalik Sector

Operation in Batalik Area was also in process. After fierce fighting Indian Army recaptured some key positions from Pakistan backed intruders. The Government of India reiterated that India fully respected the Line of Control (Line of Control). Clarifying the Indian stand point the foreign office spokesman said that New Delhi respects the sanctity of the Line of Control and at no stage was crossing the Line of Control.

The Army spokesman denied the report that Indian Army has targeted Pakistan's command and control hub Skardu in Pakistan occupied Kaskmir (PoK). The spokesman said that Skardu is located deep inside and Skardiu region is different.
Meanwhile, the IAF fighter planes spearheaded by Mirage-2000 and the MiG-27s continued their round-the-clock strikes on the infiltrators positions all along the Kargil sector. The IAF Mirages and the MiG-27s backed by the combat air patrolling by MiG-29s struck at the infiltrators positions at Tiger Hill, Jubar Hill and Dharu Hill with the improvised precision guided munitions (PGMs).
The IAF carried out the strikes in the Jubar and Dharu Hill of the Batalik sub sector last night. Another wave of strike was carried out in the Mushkoh valley this afternoon after giving a break in the morning. The IAF had also carried out strikes in the Dras sub sector last night achieving excellent results.
According to reports here, the IAF planes were now picking up the big camps during the reconnaissance cee missions and then destroying them. Even in Jubar and Dharu Hill the strikes were carried out at the relative bigger staging cum supply camps of the infiltrators. This morning the IAF carried out air missions all along the Kargil region. He said Pakistan had moved elements of the strategic reserves from Peshawar and Mangla to the occupied Kashmir and the Indian Army had taken necessary precautionary measures.
The ground operations in the Kargil sector, he said were progressing in a steady and deliberate manner and the softening up of enemy positions continued through effective employment of artillery, mortar and direct firing weapons.

The Chief of Army Staff is pleased to make a special instant award of "Unit Citation" to 12th Battalion, The Jammu and Kashmir Light Infantry for their exceptionally gallant and sterling performance during the battles of Point 5203 on night 10/11 June 1999 and Point 4812 on night 30 June/01 July 1999 in Batalik Sector.

The overall performance of the battalion during Operation "VIJAY" has been exceptional and marked with exemplary valour and grit in the face of the enemy. The Chief of Army Staff is pleased to make a special instant award of "Unit Citation" to Ladakh Scouts for their meritorious and gallant performance during the battles of Point 5000 on night 05/06 July Dog Hill on night 30 June/01 July , and Padma Go on night 09/10 July 1999, in Batalik Sector.
The unit has performed with distinction during Operation "Vijay" and displayed exemplary valour and grit in the face of the enemy.
1 BIHAR has a glorious and distniguished history. The battalion was raised on 15 September 1941 at Jamshedpur, Bihar and took part in Burma Campaign in 1942 where it distinguished itself. The Battalion was awarded two battle honours viz, Haka and Gangaw during the Second World War. In addition, the unit also earned the following decorations and gallantry awards The Chief of Army Staff is pleased to make a special instant award of "Unit Citation" to 1st Battalion, The 11 Gorkha Rifles for their meritorious and gallant performance during the battle of Khalubar in Batalik Sector. The unit has performed with distinction during Operation "VIJAY" and displayed exemplary valour and grit in the face of the enemy.

Siachen-Chorbatla-Turtuk

The information about enemy intrusion in Siachen-Chorbatla-Turtuk came in first week of May 1999. The sifting and analysing of the information and planning action was however delayed due to the constrain of terrain, logistics and troops availability. On May 26 Ladakh Scouts and 14 Sikh got their orders to move Chorbat la.
Major Sonam Wangchuk along with his platoon of 36 got orders to capture an 18,000 feet high ridge in the Indian side of CGL.Glacial and rocky with nights falling to 30 degree minus Celsius and days warming to minus 6 degrees Celsius, the mountain with 80 degrees gradient was a test even for skilled mountaineers. On night 31 Major Wangchuk advanced with his platoon towards the heights. At about midnight he heard the sound of picks and hammers on the other side of the ridge facing Pakistan. He quicklyflashed a wireless message to the rear. Wangchuk and his men made it to the ridge topin three hours under heavy fire from Pakistani troops from the flanks. But despite of all odds he succeeded in capturing the top raising Ladakhi war cry 'Ki Ki So So Lhargyalo" ( The gods will triumph). From there they spotted a group of intruders trying to scale the ridge from the Pakistani side.
Wangchuk told his men to hold on till the enemy came within firing range. Four intruders were killed in the gun battle. Wangchuk and his column had foiled a major infiltration attempt in time. The soldiers then retrieved the bodies of the infiltrators who turned out to be Pakistani Army regulars. Next day Wangchuk led the charge to clear the heights and take in control the heights which the Pakistani desperately wanted to occupy.
The Army wanted to ensure that 'Chorbatla' and Turtuk segments were not subjected to fresh intrusion. On May 27 the 14 Sikh Regt. was airlifted to leh. Immediately on arrival at Leh, 14 Sikh dispatched a Company column to Chorbatla, north-east of Batalik, to strengthen the lightly held position there. The Company moved to Hanuthang and on to Handanbrok covering 22 km at an altitude exceeding 15,000 feet. This was a feat in itself and reflected the physical and mental robustness of the brave Sikh soldiers.
On May 27, the enemy brought down effective and intense fire on this defensive location. To neutralise enemy fire, Sepoy Buta Singh, in an act of exemplary courage and bravery, moved the Medium Machine Gun to an advantageous position and brought effective fire on the enemy for about four hours. The enemy concentrated its fire to neutralise effective MMG fire. Sepoy Buta Singh, hit by small arms fire of the enemy, contued to operate his MMG till he breathed his last and prevented the enemy from capturing the Company defended locality.
On June 7, the balance of 14 Sikh was given the responsibility of Chorbatla. It moved and occupied the commanding heights along the Line of Control.

The enemy activity in the sector was at a somewhat low key. Naib Subedar Jasbir Singh, in an exemplary effort, established a Section Post at point 5620 (approx. 19,000ft.). His drive and enterprise secured the eastern flank of Chorbatla. Subsequently, the enemy was totally dominated. [17]

OPERATION – 18
Indian jawans yesterday foiled another attempy by the Pakistani infiltrators to capture some posts in the Turtuk sub sector of the Kargil region and south of Siachen glacier in Jammu and Kashmir killing at least 15 of them as the Indian Air Force(IAF) continued its round the clock strikes on the infiltrators positions achieving positive results.

Pakistan’s attempts to open more points of conflicts were foiled effectively by the Indian troops in the southern Siachen glacier region as the infiltrators were evicted from their positions by the para commandos specialized in high altitude warfare. Helicopter gunships were used to para drop the commandos of the Army to push the infiltrators back from the ridgeline they had occupied in the world’s highest battlefield on Saturday.
The presence of the infiltrators was noticed first on Saturday and by the time the Indian para commandos got into action yesterday, their number had swelled. The Army commandos engaged the infiltrators in close hand to hand battle killing 15 of them in the process and pushing the rest back beyond the ridgeline. Two more Pakistani infiltrators were killed in operations in the other parts of he region.
Reports said initially a group of about 10 infiltrators was noticed in the region on Saturday. The infiltrators were attempting to capture some of the Indian posts in the region. However by yesterday their number had swelled to about 40 forcing the Indian commandos to get into action.
During this operation the Indian troops also recovered three AK series rifles, two universal machine guns, one rocket launcher, an 82 mm mortar, a sniper rifles with electroscope and a passive night vision device. Indian troops were still carrying out mopping up operations in the region, reports said.
This was not he first attempt by the Pakistani army regulars to capture some posts north of the Turtuk region and south of the Siachen glacier. Earlier this month, with the arrest of 12 militants, the Indian Army had busted the plot of the Pakistani soldiers tograb the Turtok and adjacent areas.
Pakistan had planned to infiltrate militants into the area to subvert locals and initiate insurgency, launch operations to occupy critical areas to facilitate operations of ground forces and finally declare Turtuk and adjacent areas as part of their northern areas. Even then Indian troops had made a recovery of the large quantity of arms and ammunition from the militants.
Sources here said the second attempt made by the Pakistani soldiers to capture areas in Turtuk showed their resilience and the involvement of professionals. Despite having been pushed back once, they again attempted to capture the region, which was a serious indication of the Pakistani designs.
The Indian Army dispatched further reinforcements in the region to assist the already entrenched Indian troops. The concentration now was to ensure that the entire ridgeline was covered by the Indian forces and Pakistan could not attempt another such misadventure, sources said.
With the killing of 17 Pakistani army regulars in the past 24 hours, the casualty count on the enemy had risen to 398 soldiers klled and 123 militants killed. Besides 50 militants were also reported to be missing. Meanwhile the Indian casualties rose to 175 killed with the loss of two more jawans. 364 Indian soldiers have been wounded and nine were missing in action.

June 28: Battle in Siachen and Chorbatla
The Indian Army secured Chorbatla and effectively blocked a possible Pakistani attack in the Turtuk Sector of Ladakh. The army has now made it virtually impossible for Pakistan to surmount Ladakh along in line alignment with Shyok river.
Besides, Chorbatla Turtuk alignment the Pakistan Forces wanted to weaken the defences of the Siachen Glacier. Therefore, it wanted to block supply road to the southern Siachen Glacier. India and Pakistani troops clashed near the southern Siachen Glacier. According to the Army spokesman, 14 Pakistani soldiers were killed in fighting. A large quantity of arms including three AK-56 rifles, two Universal Launcher and large quantities ammunitions have been recovered from them.

June 28: Media Update
In an exceptionally gallant operation, our troops foiled the attempt of Pakistan Army soldiers to occupy a ridgeline in Southern Siachen glacier, on 27 June 1999, on our side of the Actual Ground Position Line. Enemy troops, who had occupied this area a day earlier, were evicted by our troops comprising of specialist high altitude warfare commandos. In this operation, 15 enemy soldiers were killed and the following weapons and equipments recovered:

Three AK Rifles
Two Universal Machine Guns
One Rocket Launcher
One 82 mm Mortar
One Snipper Rifle with telescope
One Passive Night Vision Device
Mopping up operation was still on

The contention of Pakistan Army that "if Pakistan manages to hold on to the intruded positions in Kargil for two more months, India would lost its hold over the entire Siachen" is baseless and a figment of imagination. It is clarified that National Highway 1A is being used and will continue to be used by our convoys. Interference by artillery fire on this road, has been going on even before the intrusions in Kargil area and therefore is not a new phenomenon. Besides, there are alternate routes and means also available to support our troops in Siachen.
Ground operations in Batalik and Dras sectors progressed as per India's operational plans. The Indian Army concentrated on clearing the enemy from remaining positions in very well planned and deliberate operations. The targeting of enemy positions in the pockets of intrusion aimed at degrading his fighting potential and will to fight continued through employment of air strikes and effective fire of artillery mortar and direct firing weapons.
In the past 24 hours, two more Pakistani soldiers were killed. With this, in the on-going operations, the enemy had suffered 398 Pakistan Army soldiers killed. In addition, 125 mercenaries/militants had also been killed. Three Other Ranks of India were wounded. Indian casualties in operation Vijay rose to 175 killed, 364 wounded and nine missing in action.
The enemy continued unprovoked mortar firing in Kanjalwan, Poonch, Krishnaghati, Bhimbe rgalli, Naushera, Sunderbani and Palanwala Sectors. We responded in a befitting manner.

Mushkoh Valley
Mushkoh valley is the valley along Zozila pass, providing deep gullies descending from the mountains of Pok into India from a new infiltration route into Kashmir through Sonmarg on to Srinagar and Doda. More than 300 intruders in fortified positions occupied the ridges of the valley.Pakistani shelling prevented any significant counter attack. Army spread intruders' strong-holds in the Mushkoh Valley in the West of Dras along with the Kharbu-Kargil alignment.

June 19, Close to the Zojila Pass, the Mushkoh valley was subjected to intensive air strikes. Due to attack Pakistani regular troops abandoned positions which were becoming untenable in the face of Indian assault. Pakistani Artillery stepped up firing on Indian Logistic bases in this area.

The spokesman in Srinagar said that a number of heights in Batalik have been captured and 12 Pakistani intruders have been killed near Dras in Mushkoh valley, three intruders were killed. On Indian side also two Jawans were killed and another one was wounded near Dras. So far during "Operation Vijay" casualities have gone up to 165 killed and 323 wounded while nine are missing. On Pakistani side 340 have so far been killed during the Kargil Operations. Heavy shelling was going on in Jammu and Gurez sector.

.Army launched fresh assault in Mushkoh Valley. As a result, intruders were pushed to a distance of 2 2\2 kms from the Line of Control. Fierce battle was under way to dislodge the Pakistani army regulars from the strategically important Tiger Hills, which is the feature next to the Tololing Ridge in the Dras sector. Meanwhile, Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s made a statement that Kargil-type front could be opened in other parts. India warned Pakistan that it would get a befitting reply if it tried to open Kargil-type fronts anywhere else. The Army spokesman said, “They will be waiting for a bloody nose.”

OPERATION-20

Pakistan has moved an army division from Peshawar to Skardu to thwart Operation Vijay in the Kargil-Dras belt.
Defence Ministry sources said the infantry division had been directed to fortify posts held by Pakistani troops and infiltrators in Batalik, Dras and Kartil.
Besides several hundred Afghan guerrillas have also moved from the Khyber Pass to Peshawar from where they have been directed to follow two routes- one connecting Peshawar with Skardu via Astor and another from Peshawar to Chitra.
State government sources said the entry of members of the Taliban into the Kargil and Dras sectors for aiding the Pakistani soldiers in retaining several posts and positions in the Kargil-Dras belt could not be rules out.
They said the way the infiltrators and soldiers had been playing hide and seek with Indian soldiers in the areas indicated the presence of he members of the Taliban, because of their experience in mountain warfare.
The sources said Pakistan was making a desperate attempt to retain the strategic areas in the Kargil and Dras sectors to improve its bargaining capacity with India during any dialogue.
Reports said as a result of a heavy military build-up across Kargil and Dras, the infiltrators and soldiers had succeeded in delaying India’s move to clear all heights in the area. In fact, Pakistan wanted to buy time to pave the way for international intervention.
The sources said the Indian troops had already received additional supplies of long range and medium-range guns which were being used for dislodging the infiltrators.
Reports from the Kargil sector said field commanders had been assured by the Defence Minister that spares for Bofors guns, other artillery guns, winter clothing and other accessories would be supplied soon so that the infiltrators were pushed back before the two sectors were covered by snow and the area was lashed by strong winds, making it difficult for carrying out air strikes.

The reports said the decision of the Air Force to carry out air strikes at night had caused panic among he infiltrators whose Stinger missiles and anti-aircraft guns had failed to hit the Indian fighter planes.
Defence experts are of the view that Pakistan may ultimately accept a safe passage for the infiltrators in view of mounting pressure on it by world leaders.[1]

MASHKOH: Troops still building up logistics for an assault. About 300-350 intruders well entrenched at nine different locations. Due to a paucity of troops and the preoccupation of artillery guns in other sub-sectors, Mashkoh remains a low-priority area. (The Tribune, June 29,1999)

KAKSAR: Not much progress here where the infiltrators' supply lines are still intact. The army is now trying to exploit the ridge lines of neighbouring Tololing to move closer to the positions being occupied by the enemy.
The month-long battle was being equated with the epic battle for the Haji Pir pass in the 1965 war. It was 32 days of hell. “It’s a suicidal mission” said the officer once they thought of the war.

The Chief of Army Staff is pleased to make a special instant award of "Unit Citation" to 197 Field Regiment, for their valour and indomitable resolve during Op VIJAY. This unit provided accurate and devastating fire relentlessly, round the clock, inflicting very heavy damage and casualties on the enemy.

The over all performance of the unit has been exemplary and professionalism displayed by all ranks of the unit in the face of the enemy fire is highly commendable in the highest traditions of the Gunners and the Indian Army.

The Chief of Army Staff is pleased to make a special instant award of "Unit Citation to 141 Field Regiment, for their valour and indomitable resolve during the Op VIJAY. This unit provided accurate and devastating fire relentlessly round the clock, inflicting very heavy damage and casualties on the enemy.

The over all performance of the unit has been exemplary and professionalism displayed by all ranks of the unit in the face of the enemy fire is highly commendable in the highest traditions of the Gunners and the Indian Army.

141 Field Regiment was raised on 01 July 1971 at Talbhet and has participated in Operation 'Rakshak' in 1995 in Jammu and Kashmir. The unit also has an Army Commanders Commendation Card to its creditThe Chief of Army Staff is pleased to make a special instant award of "Unit Citation" to 663 Reconnaissance and Observation Squadron for their meritorious and gallant performance in facilitating reconnaissance by commanders, directing artillery fire, carriage of war stores and evacuation of casualties during Operation "Vijay".

The unit has displayed sterling performance marked with exceptional valour and grit in the battle zone

The Chief of Army Staff is pleased to make a special instant award of "Unit Citation" to 666 Reconnaissance and Observation Squadron for their meritorious and gallant performance in facilitating reconnaissance by commanders, directing artillery fire, carriage of war stores and evacuation of casualties during Operation "Vijay". The unit has performed with distinction and displayed exemplary valour and grit in the battle zone.

Battle of Logistics

Kargil was more of a battle of logistics than for holding and recapturing of ground. The aim of Pakistani infiltration was to cut off North Kashmir by cutting off supply route i.e., Srinagar-Leh road. The ridges occupied by the Pakistanis were with an aim to fire with direct weapons or to observe movements for direction of indirect fire on any movements on Srinagar-Leh road. The Indians found it difficult to attack well entrenched Pak posts on high ridges; it alternatively decided on catting off supplies to these troops. Pakistan's regulars were perched on tops while the mujahedeens were used to provide supplies to these regulars. Munthan Dhalo, the Pakistan's supply camp remained the key target of Indian Air Force and Artillery. Similarly any mule convoy coming to Pak occupied posts was targeted. A few instances are given here to substantiate these facts.

Gen Malik further said, "Pakistan is also trying to severe the row between the Zoji La Pass and Leh and exerting pressure on Indian defence in Kargil, Batalik and Turtuk sector and it was the prime focus of the Pakistani operations. The Zoji La Pass connects the Kashmir valley to Ladakh being the life-line of the region. The details of the Line of Control alignment in the process of its delineation had been well documented and signatures to these records had been affixed by the top Army oficers of the two countries in 1972. Thus to dispute the Line of Control alignment was wrong, dangerous, unacceptable and full of mischief. In case, Line of Control was disputed India and Pakistan could have been in constant state of war." Before the Army Chief's briefing, the display of captured Pakistani Arms was also opened for the Press. This display included machine guns, AK-46, automatic grenade launchers, mortar used during Kargil incursions. Military Attaches from 28 countries witnessed the Arms display.

Mirage-2000 plans spearheaded attack with MiG-27 and MiG 23, Ground Attack Fighter jets on June 25. Extensive use of the 500 pound bombs were made in these attacks. Nearly 70 intruders were killed in the Batalik and Das area. But the bulk of the casualties were in the air-raid on Munthodalo, with the supply-cum-administrative camp near the Line of Control (LoC). An IAF's western area command had evolved special tactics to maximize the impact of the ground attacks.
In consonance with our plan to administratively strangulate the enemy in the pockets of intrusion, an animal transport column of approximately 30 mules was effectively engaged by our artillery and mortar fire close to the Line of Control in Dras sector.
The assault up the ridge would have been murderous had a shell not hit a Pakistani ammunition dump near the Jubar peak. An officer involved in the assault recalled, " The ammunition dump fire was the most amazing display of fireworks I had ever seen. I was like a hundred Diwali nights at once."

Air attack on Muntho Dhalo continued on 22 June. In the Air raid, two Pakistani Majors, two Captains and two Lieutenants were killed. The raids pulverised a cluster of buildings at the camp. With the Munthodhalo camp demolished in air strike and Army capturing some points in Batalik, Indian Army advanced, but the Jubar height in Batalik was yet to fall.

With this strategic victory in “Operation Vijay”, the Indian trooops had also ensured that the Pakistani observation over the vital Srinagar-Leh National Highway 1A in the Dras sector had been completely removed. The victory ensured a safe passage to the convoys going to Siachen earlier under threat of firing from the Pakistani infiltrators.

As the war showed signs of drawing to a close, the Indian Army began looking “beyond Kargil”. But it is not a very happy sight. Already three divisions are stationed all along the LoC at Kargil. These troops will have to be stationed there through much of the winter. Besides, the recaptured heights would have to be manned round the clock. Expenses alone, one officer estimated, would amount to maintaining “three Siachens”. The Indian Army spends Rs.3.5 crore a day to retain its hold over the Siachen Glachier. India may be winning the Kargil war but at a heavy price. Unless it learns from its mistakes, like allowing the army’s preparedness to deteriorate precatiously by budget cuts, Ppakistan may be embodened to carry out its threat of creating more Kargils[2].

Army spokesman, Col Bikram Singh, briefing newsmen here said that the Indian troops used artillery shelling, automatic grenade launchers and mortar firing to destroy seven field fortifications of the infiltrators in the Batalik and Dras sectors.

He pointed out that the militants and mercenaries who had been coopted into the fighting in the Kargil sector by the Pakistan Army, and had been described as “fighting porters”, belonged to the Lashkar-e-Toiba, Harket-ul-Mujahideen and Harket-ul Jehad-e-Islam.

Pakistani agencies, according to the sources, had engaged more than 1000 porters and activists of a number of fundamentalist organisations including the Jamaat-e-Islami, for carrying artillery and mortar guns, besides Stinger missiles and anti-aircraft guns to the posts held by the infiltrators.

The sources said the Pakistan Army and Air Force authorities had approached several countries, especially China, for the supply of spares for T-69 tanks, 122 mm artillery guns and the Chinese built MiG-19, F-7 and MiG-21.​

[1] The Tribune, June 30,1999
[2] India Today, The Ghosts of War, "It's a suicidal mission" July 19,1999, p.29-31,


[1] Parveen Swami, War in Kargil, Frontline, June 18, 1999, p.5-6
[2] Parveen swami, War in Kargil, Frontline, June 18, 1999 , p.4
[3] The Tribune June 14,1999
[4] The Tribune, Monday, June 21,1999, India Today July 5, 1999 p27-33
[5] War’s little irony: India Today. July 5,1999 p.27
[6] TheTribune, June 23,1999
[7] The Frontline, The Final Assault and the With
[8] The Tribune, June 22,1999
[9] The Tribune Sept 10, 1999 p.9.
[10] June 30,1999,The Times of India
[11] The Tribune June 30,1999
[12] The Tribune, August 7,1999
[13] The Tribune, July 5,1999
[14] Sainik Samachar, Jerry, The Gunner, A Tribute, 16-30 Sept 1999, p10.
[15] North Plus, August 15,1999
[16] The Tribune, July 5,1999
[17] The Tribune, August 7,1999
 
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Dalvinder Singh Grewal

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Chapter X
DIPLOMATIC WAR

The G-8 countries have sensed the urgency in India's tone. US diplomats have told their Indian counterparts that President Bill Clinton is "personally involved" in bringing the conflict to a quick end and point to his tough telephone talk with Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif on June 15 as proof. They have assured India that the US is looking for a solution that would "take only days, not weeks." On June 24, Clinton dispatched General Anthony Zinni, chief of the US Central Command, and Gibson Lanpher, deputy assistant secretary of state, to Islamabad to reportedly pressure Pakistan, especially its army, into ending the aggression.

That Zinni and Lanpher did some arm-twisting was clear from the tone of Pakistan Foreign Ministry spokesman Tariq Altaf who said later, "The US has brought a narrow point of view which is not fair and balanced and will only encourage India to talk of war and wider conflict." There were many in Pakistan who pooh-poohed the US initiative. General (retd) Mirza Aslam Beg, former chief of army staff, said contemptuously, "We don't give much importance to the visit. We are not an American colony. We cannot be dictated to by others and will do what suits our national interests."

Meanwhile, India has been pushing the G-8 countries to take some tough economic measures against Pakistan. Especially since the country's foreign-exchange reserves are disastrously low and it depends heavily on funding from international agencies such as the IMF to bail it out. It is also in the interest of the US to rein in Pakistan. There are concerns the country is increasingly becoming the hub of Islamic fundamentalism and supporting the Osama Bin Laden type of terrorism that the US wants to crush. The international community too does not want a full-scale war to break out between India and Pakistan, as it has the potential to escalate into a nuclear battle. India has launched a massive diplomatic offensive to get the world to see its point-of-view. It knows it will have international support so long as it does not cross the LoC. Therefore, Vajpayee is likely to give the army the go-ahead to cross the LoC only when all diplomatic efforts to get Pakistan to pull out are exhausted or the military action of rooting out the intruders from Kargil gets bogged down.
 

Dalvinder Singh Grewal

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Jan 3, 2010
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Chapter XI
Post script

It is literally an uphill task for the Indian Army as it inches its way towards the posts held by battle-hardened infiltrators in the high ranges. And it knows it's going to be a long haul.

“Army men seek posting at front:
While brave jawans are fighting it out in the high mountains of Kargil, officers who have been posted in peace stations are restive to join them in the battle field.

The morale of the Army is very high as evident from a spate of voluntary offiers from officers to joint the operations. The Army Training Command (ARTRAC) has been flooded with the letters from officers, most of whom have been detached from their units and posted in peace stations. Even officers in the medically low category have volunteered to got to the front.

Maj Sunil Thomas of 5 Maratha Rifles Light Infantry Battalion, who has been posted as general staff officers at the headquarters, has in his letter to the GOC-in-C, ARTRAC, referred to the shortage of officers and volunteered to join the operations, despite being in the medically low category. He had also enclosed his certificate of willingness, essential for those in medically low category, and requested that he should be posted with the battalion for the duration of the Kargil operation.

Similarly, Lt.-Col. H.W. Martin, who was relieved from the Maratha Rifles Light Infantry Battalion, which is on the way to Kargil from Ladakh, has also expressed his desire to join his unit. Col Martin, who has been reemployed at the Regimental Centre, Belgaum, has in his letter stated that his unit needs him and he wants to join action on the front. My 32 years of experience with the unit would be useful at the time of the crisis, he had stated.

Similarly, Maj Gen T.S. Shergill, who is presently posted at Mhow, has also requested the GOC-in-C, ARTRAC, that he should be posted in the Jammu and Kashmir sector.

Only two days ago Maj Satish malik, who was kept in medically low category but opted to join his unit in the Kashmir valley, hit a landmine and lost one of his legs. However, such happenings have not deterred others in the medically low category from joining the battle. The jawans who have been asked to move to the front from here are also in high spirits. Sepoy Ankush Chavan, who has to report at Kargil the next week, says he would not visit his family at Ahmednagar and then go to the front after collecting his official kit from Pune. He said he was very keen to join his brethern and prove his mettle.

Senior Army officers and their wives here are all praise for media which had played an important role in keeping the people informed about the action in the battlefield. The manner in which countrymen had supported the Army had also helped in boosting the morale of the jawans. Unlike the previous wars, the presence of the electronic media and extensive coverage by the print media had made the national sentiments more visible, they felt. (The Tribune, June 22,1999)

No Indian general is willing to say how long the battle will last except for vague replies of "it will take time" and the army will have to tread cautiously. They now put the strength of the infiltrators at 700, almost 300 more than the original estimate a fortnight ago. Almost every day Major-General V.S. Budhwar, general officer commanding-in-chief, 3 Division, discovers newer enemy locations which are then added to the map in the Operations Room at his make-shift headquarter in Kargil. Wireless messages pour in from commanding officers of different units asking for additional troops. Already, four additional brigades estimated to have over 20,000 men have been moved to do battle in Kargil. The army estimates that its troops have killed over 300 infiltrators but has so far showed no evidence to bolster its claims.

The Indian Air Force has been pressed into service in a bid to cut down on the time required to uproot the intruders by at least a month. Since its first strike on May 26, the air force has been carrying out over 40 sorties daily. On May 31, even Mirage 2000s were used for air reconnaissance and special missions -- to pick out the radar stations that Pakistan has deployed. The air strikes have reportedly succeeded in lowering the morale of the infiltrators. Intercepts of the wireless messages of the intruders -- which is the only way to find out the success rate -- indicate casualties as well as some distress calls. "There are nine bodies, what do we do with them?" and "when are you sending reinforcements?" are among the intercepts that are now being studied.

One of the intercepted message which was worrying the army pertains to the infiltrators continuing with their namaz (prasyers) even as Indian Air Force fighter planes zeroed in on them. Says a senior army officer, "They even suffered up to 30 casualties, at least that is what the intercept says, but the fact that they continued praying instead of seeking shelter shows their level of motivation." Also, the well-entrenched intruders have a formidable {censored}nal to keep the troops advancing uphill at bay. They have heavy machine guns, light machine-guns, air-defence guns and mortars, besides possibly plenty of shoulder-fired Stinger surface-to-air missiles (SAMs). Their supplies are constantly replenished by Pakistani troops with the Indian armed forces still unable to choke the links.

At Kaksar, the army has made some headway but it is still extremely difficult to uproot the intruders. Initially spread over an area of up to 4 km, the infiltrators have been forced, through air strikes, to an area of about 1 km. This is around post 5299. Besides, it is only one location among at least eight to 12 others which army officers say are strongly-held positions. As one army officer revealed, the difference in height between the infiltrators and the Indian Army is anywhere between 2,000 ft and 4,000 ft. So it will be a while before ground troops can engage them in a battle. "Unlike in Punjab or even the Valley, we can't run our troops like a comb over the enemy," says Major General A.S. Sihota, chief of staff, 15 Corps.

At Batalik, where Saravanan died fighting, the army has begun to close in on the well-fortified intruders on 16,000-20,000-ft high peaks. Bolstered by air strikes and heavy artillery fire support, the infantry has begun to engage the intruders in close-quarter battles on the mountain tops. Last week, the army dislodged them from two ridges after hand-to-hand gun battles that led to at least eight army casualties. At least 10 intruders were killed while two were captured alive by a team of crack commandos.

Batalik's ridges are less steep on the PoK side, an advantage that helped the intruders breach the LoC and occupy the heights without their movements being noticed. For Indian troops, negotiating these features from heights of 10,000-12,000 ft is a herculean task that requires massive logistics. "As the mountain warfare eats up the troops, building advantages in logistics is the key to neutralising the intruders," says Lt-General Krishan Pal of the 15 Corps.

Maintaining the combat soldiers on heights is an arduous task. For instance, four soldiers are required to maintain one fighting soldier. As a result the administrative tail becomes long and accounts for the large number of troops deployed. To speed up movement, the army requisitioned two companies of General Service (GS) and Artillery Task (AT) mules, besides roping in hordes of local mules and porters to ferry supplies -- ration and ammunition -- to the forward locations. The army mules carry 100-150 kg load, transporting even dismantled heavy artillery guns up the mountains. "The strategy is to move the artillery positions up front to force the intruders to keep their heads down and allow the infantry to move up on the heights," says an army official.

Neutralising the fortified positions of the intruders has been a time-consuming and nerve wracking struggle. Last week, a company of combat troops helped by night vision devices set out to dislodge a Pakistani picket on a peak at 16,000 ft, named after Bollywood heroine Madhuri by an army officer. Carrying "survival ration" of gur-chana and weathering sub-zero temperatures, they inch their way up even as artillery guns try and pin down the intruders to facilitate their excruciatingly slow advance. "You have to crawl by inches at night. Negotiating the mountains requires tremendous planning and logistic support. From a vantage position on the top even 10 intruders can halt the advance of 1,000 soldiers, " explains a young captain in the company.

All across the threatened LoC in the Kargil sector, the Indian Army realises it is an uphill talks to dislodge the intruders quickly.

Capture of Pt 13620 & Block Rock

On May 13, 4 Rajput and 85 Light Regiment were given the task to capture Pt 13620 and its adjoining Black Rocks by May 17,1965. The Rajputs were holding a frontage of nearly 15 km. By taking a calculated risk, Rajputs could muster three companies less a platoon for the attack. For artillery support on the objectives there was only 853 Light Battery of already located in Kargil (6x4.2inch mortars, range a paltry 4100 yards). The 852 Light Battery airlifted from Pathankot to Leh arrived from there after dark on May 16 and was deployed near the Harka Bahadur Bridge to take on likely enemy reaction astride the Shingo River. To capture these two massive hill features, held by the enemy, these were very slender resources by any tactical reckoning. However, the enemy had been lulled into complacency by our well known reluctance to undertake any aggressive hostile activity across the CFL ever since the ceasefire on January 1,1949. We were counting upon achieving complete surprise. We hoped that surprise combined with our high morale and determination will offset our paucity of resources.

Rajputs were very well led. On May 14, Capt Ranbir Singh Kang requested CO Rajputs (Col Sudarshan) to be reassigned to his old platoon which had been chosen to lead to attack. A similar request was made by Capt Ahluwalia. While Sudarshan acceded to Ranbir, Ahluwalia could not be spared from D Company detailed to hold the defensive frontage. The sleepy tenure of normal activity was rigidly maintained. The limited build-up and all preparatory activities, including deployment of our mortars 3000 feet up on a hillside, were carried out at night.

Sudarshan had taken over command of 4 Rajput only a few days earlier. My regiment, not even a year old, was determined to earn its spurs in its first battle. Both of us had a high stake in success of this attack. Joint planning started on May 13 itself. We agreed that for the sake of surprise there would no pre-attack registration of targets by artillery. During the attack itself no artillery fire would be brought down till the surpise was lost and the attacking troops called for artillery support through the forward artillery observers accompaning them. On the left, B Company commanded by Major baljit Randhawa were assigned to capture Pt 13620. C Company less one platoon was in reserve. On the right A Company under Major Bhatnagar was to capture Black Roocks. Sudarshan and his command party would accompany the left column. H. Hour (time fixed to cross the start line for the attack) was fixed at 0230 Hours May 17.

The enemy had approximately a platoon supported by MMG and mortars on each of the assigned objectives. A section of MMGs with some troops were also known to be holding the saddle connecting the two objectives. The detailed layout of enemy defences on the Black Rocks was not so well known. On Pt 13620 enemy defences were linear along the axis of attack and surrounded by a five feet high stone parameter wall. Due to this layout and the narrowness of the hilltop, B Coy organised its attack by platoons echeloned in depth. A similar patttern was followed by a Company. Patrolling had revealed that the north-west approached to Pt 13620, chosen in all contingency planning was not feasible due to cliffs enroute. A more negotiable route from the south-west through reentrants was selected. On the 14/15 and 15/16 nights of May, relief and concentration of troops earmarked for the attack took place. On May 16 troops prepapred for the attack. Leaders down to sections went forward in small groups to observe Pt 13620 from a concealed view point. A patrol was deployed in this area to keep enemy activities constantly under watch. Soon after dark on May 16, the left column led by B Company took off for the forming up place (FUP) for the attack secured ahead of them, approximately 300 yards from the objective. At times soldiers had to claw their way up the steep slopes on all fours during this stiff climb of nearly 4000 feet. The FUP was reached by 0200 hours.

It was bitterly cold. Skin froze to the metal parts of weapons if touched with bare hands. Being a silent attack and artillery was not firing on the objective on a timed programme; it was decided to kick off half an hour earlier. After the leading platoon had covered half the distance to the parameter wall the enemy opened up with all its weapons. Troops coming under heavy fire for the first time tended to go to ground. Here was when the time immemorial creed of leadership in battle, “Follow me” came into play. Ranbir, though already wounded in the scalp, Ramdjawa amnd Sundarshan came to the fore, firing light machine guns picked up from there the dead and the wounded. The men steadied and the momentum of attack picked up. Over the wall and hand-to-hand fighting delivered the coup de grade. Whoever of the enemy could run, jumped down the reverse slope and ade good their escape. By 0430 Pt 13620 was firmly in our hands. Ten enemy dead were counted.

On the right advance of A Company was held up by unexpected fire from two bumps enour first victory after the ceasefire in Jammu and Kashmir. There casualties were fairly heavy. Killed officer: Major baljit Randhawa, JCOs 2 and other ranks 10. Wounded officer; other rank 60. Gallantry awards, Randhawa, MVC; Ranbir Kang, Baib Sub Girdhari Singh, each Vr.C; Mention in Despatches,2.

Kargil brings memories flooding back. On May 17; around 11 am as I looked far down to Kargil and the road, I marvelled at the determination and valour of these steep and inhospitable slopes hampered by their lowered physical efficiency at this high altitude and then assaulted these formidable defences in the face of enemy fire. [1] When 4 Rajput first moved into that area, we were required to take on charge all the tinned rations from the outgoing unit. This process of handing/taking over is looked upon with great uspicion by the junior staff of the incoming unit. One day a JCO (Junior Commissioned Officer) came up to me and said, “Sir, idhar bahut crasshing (his was of pronouncing crossing) ho raha hai.” What he meant was that the outgoing unit was substituting one type of ration with another. I asked him to be more specific. He said, “Sir, ek tin par likha hai G-U-A-V-A. Khol Kar dekha to andar se nikla peru”. The poor Maratha JCO didn’t know it was the same thing in both the languages.

Then, there was the general officer who always declined the biscuits served with tea during his visits; because he liked them crisp while those offered in that weather were obviously soft. One day our intrepid mess secretary asked the General’s helicopter pilot to get fresh biscuits before taking off from Srinagar. When the biscuits arrived during the next visit, they were offered to the General who declined. When told that they were fresh and crisp, he picked up one, conveyed his appreciation and casually dipped it in his tea before munching on it.

These and some others are the lighter moments in Army life which keep us going and in good humour, regadless of hardship and wars. [2] Kaksar: The enemy’s aim here was to threaten Kargil, but icy winds and glaciers prevented the estimated 100 intruders from significant process. Though not a priority target, Indian troops kept them in check.

In the military sense, those were the days of relative calm. Vehicles moved at night with full head lights. Locals would throng the Army Cinema in their scores to enjoy their favourite movies. Bazars used to hum with activity till very late at night. Kargil Hotels were invariably short of accommodation for trekkers and tourists. Smartly attired chidren, optimism writ large on their innocent faces, were noticed going to their schools, in batches big and small.

As if to forebode the future, tranquility of the night was occasionally shattered with the creackle of machine gun fire in the Kaksar area. Thumps and thuds of artillery fire were, however missing, Pakistani habit of constantly nibbling at our territory had earlier resulted in what was known as Dalung intrusion.

Our projected image of a status-quo power had thus far prevented us from generating strong enough military response against it. Hopefully operation Vijay has taken care of it now.

Considered as challenging assignments, one was indeed lucky to have been posted not only at Kargil but also at Tangdhar and Poonch, during the service. On balance the tenure at Kargil was the most exciting. Apart from Service factors, it was due to the peculiarities of terrain, the climate and the special ethnic composition in the area which made all the difference.[3]

Fear of Escalation: As India makes initial gains and Pakistan remains resilient, there are growing fears that the border conflict may go beyond Kargil. These days the sayings of the famed 19th century Prussian military strategist are much in demand in the subcontinent. Including the better known "war is a mere continuation of policy by other means" that Pakistan seems to be following with almost religious fervour in Kashmir. As the battle between India and Pakistan for control of the commanding heights in Kargil enters its sixth bloody week, the conflict, instead of abating, is showing ominous signs of intensifying. The death toll continues to be alarmingly high. By June 24, India had lost as many as 175 armed forces personnel and 550 were injured. The Indian Army claims it has killed over 350 Pakistani army regulars and injured twice that number -- a figure hotly disputed by Islamabad.

Last week saw India make substantial progress in its effort to push back the intruders across the 110-km stretch of the Line of Control (LoC) between Zoji La Pass and Leh. In a dramatic assault, the Indian Army recaptured the key peak of Tololing that overlooks the strategic Srinagar-Leh highway which Pakistan had hoped to paralyse. It was the army's first big victory in an area considered a chicken's neck and it thwarted Pakistan's major objective of cutting off Drass and thereby Leh from the rest of the valley. Yet there was little time for India to celebrate as its troops engaged the Pakistani Army in pitched battles to regain vital peaks such as Tiger Hill, Jubar and Kukarthang and to push back intrusions that in many areas still extend up to 4 km on the Indian side of the LoC.

As the casualties mounted, Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee's government faced growing pressure from the armed forces to end its policy of restraint and allow Indian troops to cross the LoC at least in the Kargil sector to enable them to cut off Pakistani supply lines to the intruders. Such a decision is fraught with risks as it may result in the battle spreading to other areas along the 3,000-km Indo-Pak border. The big question that loomed last week: Are we heading for a full-scale war with Pakistan? (By Raj Chengappa, Rohit Saran and Harinder Baweja)

Time is running out. Tough measures like squeezing Pakistan economically must be taken.The Indian armed forces have so far scrupulously observed Vajpayee's orders not to cross the LoC but their patience is running thin. Diplomatically, the policy of restraint has paid off with even leaders of the powerful G-8 warning Pakistan, without naming it, to pull back the intruders and restore the sanctity of the loc. But India warned the countries last week that its policy of restraint cannot be open-ended and that international pressure has to go beyond just lip sympathy. As Brajesh Mishra, principal secretary to the prime minister and national security adviser, says, "We do not have unlimited patience and time."

The Indian Army plans to instal unattended ground sensors, short range battlefield surveillance radars and hand-held thermal imagers, backed by a secure, modern communication system to prevent future intrusions along the Line of Control (LoC) , akin to the one it is currently facing in Kargil and Drass sectors.

These sophisticated systems would give the Indian Army early warnings of large and medium scale infiltrations across the LoC in Jammu and Kashmir, according to Janes Defence Weekly.

The Weekly, in its latest issue, says that a 180-200 km stretch of extremely inhospitable terrain along the LoC, which has suddenly become hot after the recent large scale recent intrusion by Pakistan backed mercenaries, is in danger of becoming another Siachen Glacier for the Indian and Pakistani forces.

“Even after the Indian Army throws out the mercenaries from the vital posts overlooking the Leh- Srinagar highway, the Army would now have to have a large permanent military presence in the area. Units in the Kargil- Drass sector have been ordered to hold their positions and not to withdraw even after evicting the intrudres,” Janes reported.

“The Indian Army is concerned that establishing posts in the harsh Kargil region could surpass the daily expenditure of Rs.30 million in Siachen Glacier,” Janes reports, adding that if the Indians have presence, the Pakistanis too could not avoid keeping troops in the region.

According to the weekly, the strategy employed by the Pakistan-backed mercenaries is the same as that used by Pakistan in the three wars they have fought against India - to dominate the national highway linking Srinagar to Leh, and to internationalise the Kashmir issue since India has been winning the proxy war in Kashmir.

The defence weekly says that Pakistan intelligencestrategists have chosen a vital sector to hit the Indians since the (Line of Control) from the international border from Jammu to the Zojila Pass at the end of the Kashmir valley is well guarded as is the 75 km stretch of the Siachen Glacier.

“The 180-200 km stretch of the LoC from the Zojula Pass to Khor that lies beyond Leh in the Nubra valley was relatively undefended,” the weekly said, adding that this snowy, mountainous wasteland with ridges upto 6060 ft high, is the second coldest place after Sibera and is covered by 4 to 6 meters of snow between October and June, with temperatures ranging from - 20 degree celsius to 60 degree celsius.(The Tribune,June 12,1999)
Despite war preparations, how the Kargil conflict progresses in the next fortnight held the key. While India is waiting for the foreign countries and agencies "to deliver", the army is taking no chances. In the past three weeks, mechanised and artillery divisions have advanced to forward positions all along the border in Gujarat, Rajasthan, Punjab and Jammu and Kashmir where five out of India's 11 Corpse formations are stationed. The army has cancelled all leave -- "100 per cent recall" in military parlance -- and all personnel have been asked to report back. Trains have been pressed into service to transport tanks and heavy ammunition to Pokhran and Jaisalmer in Rajasthan. Ammunition reserves have been sent to forward locations in Rajasthan and other sectors. This gives the Indians the option of an offensive strike anywhere along the border.

The army, navy and air force are on high alert and preparations are on to stock fuel for the air force and the army's artillery units. Defence Minister George Fernandes, who flew to Kutch to review the military preparedness, says the armed forces are ready to give a "befitting reply". As part of civil defence preparedness, sirens and blackout drills have been conducted in the border areas. India's Prithvi and Agni missiles are reportedly in operational readiness in view of Pakistani comments that it may even exercise its nuclear options.

A sense of confidence has returned to the army after the success in Tololing. It had been caught off balance by the failure of intelligence agencies, including its own, to detect the massive intrusion. Army chief General V.P. Malik told India Today: "Now both my feet are on the ground. We are fully balanced in Jammu and Kashmir and elsewhere." One reason for the build-up in the border areas is that the army does not want to be caught off guard again. As a serving general says, "We are now a step ahead and have sent a message to the Pakistanis that they better not try to take us on elsewhere."

As part of the propaganda blitz, the army has been providing proof of the extent of Pakistan's involvement in Kargil. Last week in Delhi it displayed a range of captured armament including maps and identity papers showing that many of the intruders were Pakistani army regulars. Malik told the press on June 23 that the Indian Army is respecting the government's directive not to cross the LoC despite the "constraints" it has placed on the ongoing operations in Kargil. The army is unlikely to immediately open up other sectors of conflict unless Pakistan expands the base of the war.

Meanwhile, Pakistan too has kept five of its 11 corp formations in a state of readiness. BSF field reports indicate a high level of activity including movement of heavy vehicles and transfer of equipment to the Punjab sector from where Pakistan is most likely to launch its attack in the event of a war. Indian Army sources say the Pakistani build-up is not yet in an "aggressive mode". Nor have the two armies made any decisive movements of their strike corps, which would signal that a war was nigh. But as a senior Indian Army officer observes, "Pakistan is always known for whistling in the dark."

Men and equipment make for a winning combination in a war. Except the one raging in Kargil. The mounting Indian casualties are partly being attributed to the scarcity of critical combat aids. This, many say, is because of the mismanagement of the country's defence spending in the past decade. Vice-Admiral (retired) K.K. Nayyar, a member of the 1990 Arun Singh Committee on defence expenditure, claims, "The Kargil crisis is directly attributable to the starvation of funds for the armed forces during the '90s."

Some examples:

An army requisition for low-intensity conflict equipment worth less than Rs 50 crore has been awaiting approval of both the Ministry of Finance and Ministry of Home Affairs since 1997. Its clearance would have provided the forces in Kargil with critical aids like night-vision devices (cost about Rs 2 lakh a piece; shortfall about 700), commando equipment (worth Rs 11 crore), snow mobiles (Rs 2 crore for 10) and rocket and grenade launchers (requirement: 5,000 and 2,000, costing Rs 10 crore).
» About 10 per cent (between 20-40) of the Bofors FH 77 B guns have been dysfunctional for want of spares. The lack of spares has forced cannibalisation (stripping parts of one gun to use them in another). So grave was the perceived shortage of spares that the Parliament's Standing Committee even suggested "lifting of the ban on Bofors for licensed production" of its spares in India. Less than a month after that warning, India is importing shells for Bofors guns at prices up to $1,000 (Rs 43,000) a piece.

The army has no battlefield surveillance and gun-locating radar and is woefully short of self-propelled guns and communication equipment. If some of these spares and equipment had been available, they would not only have reduced casualties but may also have prevented the very occurrence of the conflict. Says Jasjit Singh, director, Institute of Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA): "Kargil represents the failure of India's conventional military deterrence."

Part of the reason for this has been the severe defence cuts. From a peak of 3.6 per cent in 1987-88, the share of defence expenditure in India's gross domestic product (GDP) had slipped to 2.33 per cent in 1998-99. Though this is a global trend, India spends a smaller proportion of GDP on defence than Pakistan and China do. Yet, experts believe the real devil is not in the amount that is spent on defence but the manner in which it is spent. Comments A.K. Ghosh, former finance adviser in the Ministry of Defence: "Money is used best when it flows according to a plan. The Indian armed forces have not had a long-term plan for years." The fault is not really theirs because the plans made were not approved. In fact, since 1985 defence has been on a virtual plan holiday. The Seventh Five-Year Plan (1985-90) was cleared by the cabinet only in 1989, rendering it ineffective. The Eighth Plan (1991-95) was never cleared and even the Ninth Plan (1997-2002) is yet to be approved.

As a result the army is short of at least 300 T-90 and T-72 battle tanks and about a thousand 155 mm artillery guns to sharpen its edge in a full-scale war. Besides the other two services have also been severely impacted by budget cuts. For the air force to score a decisive victory over Pakistan, it should have at least 44 squadrons. It currently has only 39 and a half squadrons. Naval preparedness is no better. An IDSA study shows that between 1990 and 1999, the number of principal naval combatants like submarines and destroyers fell from 44 to 36.
Hinting that the forces are clearly unhappy with the state of affairs, Malik said last week, "If a war is thrust on us we shall fight with whatever we have, but in the meantime the government must take serious steps to see that whatever is needed by us is made available as early as possible." Nobody wants to admit it but a reason for the delay in striking decisively in Kargil was that the forces were ill-prepared for such an offensive. As a senior officer says, "Preparedness is not like a light switch that you can turn on and off at will. It needs time and planning." The Pakistani Army was clearly better prepared as it struck first. But it is aware that in a full-scale war the odds are heavily stacked against it. And so at the moment it is content to take on the Indian Army only in the Kargil heights where it enjoys an advantage.​

[1] The Tribune, June 27,1999
[2] The Time of India, August 5,1999
[3] Brig S.S.Nakai(Retired) North Plus, Sunday, August 15,1999
 

Dalvinder Singh Grewal

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PM on Kargil War

In his speech on May 22, 2002 at Kupwara, Kashmir, the Prime Minister of India said, "It (Pakistan) has now evolved a new strategy of proxy war by making use of mercenaries and selling the dreams of heavenly rewards to the so-called jihad's." He also said, "India is forced to fight a war thrust on it and we will emerge victorious."

The Hon'able Prime Minister has made out two key points in his speech; point one: proxy war as a new strategy and point two: a decisive full fledged war required against this proxy war. These points are discussed here in some detail.

Proxy war is taken to mean, 'a war through other agency'. The strategic characteristics are ' the involvement of three agencies; the Engaging Agency on whose behalf the battle is fought; the Engaged Agency that fights on behalf of the engaging agency and the Affected Agency against whom the proxy war is fought. The real interest for the fight is of the engaging agency while the Engaged Agency may get some pecuniary benefits. The aims and objectives of the Engaged Agency are meant to achieve the aims and objectives of the Engaging Agency. The planning, organising, directing and controlling may lie invisibly at the hands of the Engaging Agency but visibly these are in the hands of the Engaged Agency. The major benefits of the proxy war to the Engaged Agency are achievement of its objectives by getting physically or directly involved. It helps in maintaining secrecy about real intentions and type of operations and creates real confusion in affected agency for quite long time. It helps in preserving own resources including soldiers, weapons and finances. It makes Engaging Agency to carry out a propaganda and misinformation compaign more effectively and more openly. Above all it is a low cost operation and is generally lodged by a week nation against a strong nation where fighting a direct war is not possible.

Pakistan's proxy war against India is not a new strategy. Pakistan adopted this strategy from the day of its inception. In 1947 it waged proxy war in Kashmir through Qabailies that succeeded in retaining portion of J & K now known as Azad Kashmir. In 1965, it conducted 'Op Gibraltar' in 1965, which miserably failed. It used Punjab from 1982 to1992 as a ground for proxy war, which caused serious fissures among Hindus and Sikhs and destroyed Punjab's peace and economy very badly. Later it shifted its emphasis to other parts of India keeping Kashmir as centre point. ISI wing of the military was made responsible for the planning, funding and conduct of the proxy war. Funding was done through slush money earned through drugs and fake Indian currency.

This proxy war has kept India in confusion for over 20 years now. India now recognises that it is Pakistan that is waging a proxy war but has not been even naming it. India's reactions to proxy war are really pathetic. This is because it has neither understood the theory of Proxy War nor it has lodged effective measures to counter it. No detailed study has ever been conducted on proxy war even though now we are in it for over 20 years regularly.

The latest Low-cost Proxy War against has carried on unabated with the planning of 'OP TOPAC" by Gen. Zia-ul-Haque. As per Indian Defence Review April-June 1999, Gen. The aim in En Zia's word was 'liberation of Kashmir Valley'. To achieve this aim Gen. Zia listed three phases of OP TOPAC before his top Generals to be carried out in 20 years.

Phase 1: In the first phase the objective was 'getting hold of power apparatus of the State by political subversion and intrigue with the help of India's favoured politicians.' A low insurgency against the regime so that it is under siege, but does not collapse, as we would not yet want central rule imposed by Delhi. We plant our chosen men in all key positions; they will subvert the police forces, financial institutions, the communication network and other important organisations. We whip up anti-Indian feelings amongst the students and peasants, preferably on some religious issue, so that we can enlist their active support for rioting and anti-government demonstrations. Organise and train subversive elements and armed groups with capabilities, initially to deal with para-military forces located in the valley. Adopt and develop means to cut off lines of communications between Jammu and Kashmir and within Kashmir and Ladakh by stealth, without recourse to force. The road over Khardungla should receive our special attention. In collaboration with Sikh extremists, create chaos and terror in Jammu to deliver attention from the valley at a critical juncture and discredit the regime even in Hindu mind. Establish virtual control over those parts of the Kashmir valley where the India Army is not located or deployed. The southern Kashmir Valley may be one such region.

Phase 2: Exert maximum pressure on the Siachen, Kargil and Rajauri-Punchh sectors to force the Indian Army to deploy reserve formations outside the main Kashmir Valley. Attack and destroy base depots and HQs located at Srinagar, Pattan, Kupwara, Baramulla, Bandipur and Chowkiwala by covert action at a given time. Some of Afghan Mujahideen by then settled in Azad Kashmir, will then infiltrate in selected pockets with a view to extending areas of our influence. This aspect will require detailed and ingenious planning. The fiasco of Op Gibraltar (1965) holds many lessons for us. At a certain stage of the operations, Punjab and adjacent areas of Kashmir Valley will be put under maximum pressure internally by our offensive posture.

Phase 3: Detailed planning for the liberation of Kashmir Valley and establishment of independent Islamic state in the third phase will follow. Military operation was kept only for the last moment as coup de grace.

The steps stated in Op Topac have been religiously followed. 'Op Mushtary' and 'Plan X' which culminated in to Kargil operations were the key operations based on 'OP TOPAC'. The ISI sponsored militancy in Punjab once reached such a dangerous proportion that it brought India to the brink of a civil war. The seeds of communalism proved too damaging to be repaired over decades. The ethnic cleansing in Kashmir Valley was systematically carried out. The J & k forces were infiltrated deep by Pak oriented elements. At one time the police forces of J & K became totally disoriented. The Civil administration was too put to dock in ninety's and the virtual control of Kashmir valley once lay in the hands of the terrorists or their sympathisers. Para Military forces very badly demoralised. Then came the Kargil offensive. Kargil-Leh road virtual remained cut off for four months and there were indications that Northern Kashmir will be cut off from the remaining part. India's full-scale offensive in the aftermath of Kargil offensive was well fizzled out by pressures from USA and European nations directly and china indirectly. The militancy, aided by fierce diplomatic offensive, dis-information compaign and financial pilferage which was later spread to other parts of India, with centre point at Kashmir, has taken not only many a valuable lives, but has cost India very dear in terms of peace, progress and finances. It has also affected India's images adversely in the world. We have lost over 32,000 lives since 1989 in this proxy war , far more than in any other war with Pakistan. We have remained far more perturbed with the problems of Punjab, Kashmir, Northern States and now Gujrat, than any other problem in India. Our financial losses are colossal. Now the Army installations and the centres of powers i.e., Indian Parliament, Lal Quila and J & K assembly have been effectively attacked. Despite India having declared that it has crossed the limit of patience; India does not find itself in a state of full-scale war against Pakistan. Had the Afghanistan fiasco not taken place, even the last phase would have gone into. Though the situation in Afghanistan turned the tables against Pakistan and in our favour, we have not effectively cashed upon it.

This proxy war, thus, is not a new strategy. It is a well-planned game carried out by Pakistan gradually. Pakistan appeared to have succeeded in almost all counts in this proxy war. It is we, who have not been able even to understand this game plan of proxy war.

The second point, "is 'the decisive war' only solution?"

War is fought with the will of the government, competence of the armed forces and support of the nation. (Carl Von Clauswitz). After globalisation, an additional element added is 'environmental influence'. Mr. Altaf Gauhar, the once powerful Information Secretary to President Ayub Khan in the 1960s, wrote in the Nation, "All Pakistani Operations against India are conceived and launched on the basis of one assumption that the Indians are too cowardly and ill-organised to offer any effective military response which could pose a threat to Pakistan." India Today's Editorial and Cartoon along with it rightly suggest the assumption mentioned above has not proved wrong till yet. The will of the Government does not appear to be strong enough to fight a war. The dilly-dallying in any decision making is being taken as cowardliness. The Nation neither appears to be ready nor organised yet to fight a war which may ultimately turn into a nuclear war.

The competence of the armed forces cannot be denied. But it also cannot be denied that the prolonged militancy has telling effects on the forces. The continuous deployment of the two third of the forces has worn out not only the soldiers patience and persistence but also the arms and equipment affecting the competence of the armed forces adversely. The support of the people has been there, but the people do not appear to be convinced by the rhetoric of the political leaders who make frequent war cries and lack action. There appears to be a clear case of 'tiger and shepherd'. The inaction on the part of India not to cross over during Kargil showed the glaring weakness in the political leadership and the people have lost somewhat faith in the decision making body. With Pakistan having acquired atomic weapons and long range missiles, both the leaders and the public are somewhat scared into getting into an all out war.
The major environmental factors affecting the region are the pressures from USA, European Union and China. Though Afghanistan operations by USA helped in turning tables against Pakistan and in our favour initially, but we have not been able to cash on these and failed miserably to take the lead over Pakistan. Despite the fact that terrorism germinated from Pakistan soil and Pakistan not only planned, created, organised, directed and controlled the Taliban but also supported Osama ben Laden and Al Qaida, Gen. Zia stage-managed to remain at the centre stage. Especially during the high pitch battle-rhetoric between India and Pakistan, USA and European Union have been putting direct influence over India not to go on to a full-scale war. USA's immediate interest is not elimination of terrorism at the world level but the terrorism, which affects USA adversely in any way. As USA & its allies do not consider ISI backed terrorist activities in India, they do not pay much heed ti India's assertions. They are worried about Indian build up because Pakistan threatens to divert its troops deployed along Afghanistan borders towards Indian borders. In case war occurs USA's interest will suffer in eliminating Al-Qaida and associates. The threat of nuclear war is given as the logic to avoid this war. India has been gradually melting under the pressure from Western powers.
War hysteria raised by political leaders first after attacks on Kashmir Assembly, then on attacks on Parliament, on Jammu temple and now on soldiers' families in Jammu gradually died down under US pressure. The latest speech by the PM and the Defence Minister of giving time to Pakistan and not sparing Pakistan next time are indicatives of the helplessness of the political leadership. The reactions of the political leadership have caused the impression that India is a week kneed nation and the assumption made by Pakistanis about Indians in this regard is true.

It is also important to discuss here whether full-scale war is the only answer to a proxy war. Before giving answer to this question we have to know the methodologies of 'waging a proxy war' and 'Countering' it.

Methodologies of waging proxy war primarily include subversion and insurgency or a combination thereof. Subversion may be political, economic, socio-cultural or military. Insurgency may adopt conspiratorial, protracted popular war, military focus or urban warfare strategy.

The best ways of countering proxy war are both covert and overt..​
 

Dalvinder Singh Grewal

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Kargil Review Committee Report
On July 29, 1999 a committee under the Chairmanship of Sri K. Subrahmanyam, a defence studies expert, was constituted by the Indian Government to go into what went wrong at Kargil, with the following Terms of Reference:

"i) To review the events leading up to the Pakistani aggression in the Kargil District of Ladakh in Jammu & Kashmir; and
ii) To recommend such measures as are considered necessary to safeguard national security against such armed intrusions."
The Committee comprised four members namely K. Subrahmanyam (Chairman), Lieutenant General (Retd.) K.K. Hazari, B.G. Verghese and Satish Chandra, Secretary, National Security Council Secretariat (NSCS) who was also designated as Member-Secretary.

The Committee has sought to analyse whether the kind of Pakistani aggression that took place could have been assessed from the available intelligence inputs and if so, what were the shortcomings and failures which led to the nation being caught by surprise.

The Kargil Review Committee Report was tabled in Parliament on February 23, 2000. Here are Findings from the Executive Summary of the Report:

I - Developments leading to the Pakistani aggression at Kargil

The Review Committee had before it overwhelming evidence that the Pakistani armed intrusion in the Kargil sector came as a complete and total surprise to the Indian Government, Army and intelligence agencies as well as to the J & K State Government and its agencies. The Committee did not come across any agency or individual who was able to clearly assess before the event the possibility of a large scale Pakistani military intrusion across the Kargil heights. What was conceived of was the limited possibility of infiltrations and enhanced artillery exchanges in this Sector.

A number of former Army Chiefs of Staff and Director Generals of Military Operations were near unanimous in their opinion that a military intrusion on the scale attempted was totally unsustainable because of the lack of supportive infrastructure and was militarily irrational. In the 1948, 1965 and 1971 conflicts, the Indian Army was able to dominate the Pakistani forces on these heights. This area has been the scene of fierce artillery exchanges but minimal cross-LOC military activity. These factors, together with the nature of the terrain and extreme weather conditions in the area, had generated an understandable Indian military mindset about the nature and extent of the Pakistani threat in this sector.

The terrain here is so inhospitable that the intruders could not have survived above 4000 metres for long without comprehensive and sustained re-supply operations. They were even running short of water at these heights towards the end of the operations. Though heavily armed, the intruders did not have rations for more than two or three days in many forward 'sanghars'. Re-supply could have taken place only if there was no air threat and the supply lines could not be targeted by Indian artillery. In other words, it would appear that the Pakistani intruders operated on the assumption that the intrusions would be under counter attack for only a few days and thereafter some sort of ceasefire would enable them to stay on the heights and be re-supplied.

Such an assumption would be totally unsustainable in purely military terms. It would only be logical on the expectation, based upon political considerations, that Pakistan would be able to engineer international intervention to impose an early ceasefire that would allow its troops to stay in possession of the territory captured by them. Such an assumption could not have been made without close consultation with the Pakistani political leadership at the highest level. General Musharraf has disclosed that the operations were discussed in November 1998 with the political leadership and there are indications of discussions on two subsequent occasions in early 1999. The tapes of conversations between General Musharraf and Lieutenant General Aziz, Chief of General Staff, also revealed their expectation of early international intervention, the likelihood of a ceasefire and the knowledge and support of the Foreign Office.

Several Pakistani writers agree that the 'Kargil Plan' was formulated in the eighties in the last years of General Zia-ul-Haq. There are different versions on whether it was sought to be operationalised during the tenures of Benazir Bhutto and General Jehangir Karamat, Chief of Army Staff. General Musharraf's disclosure that it was discussed with the political leadership in November 1998 soon after he assumed office has been referred to in the Report. It is difficult to say whether the initiative for this move came from the Army or was politically driven. There was a heady combination of circumstances and personalities.

Nawaz Sharif, the Prime Minister, had successfully removed from the office of the President, the Chief Justice and the then Army Chief, General Karamat, in whose place he appointed General Musharraf who superseded two others. General Musharraf himself served in Afghanistan and had ties with Osama Bin Laden and other extremists. He is a Mohajir and an ambitious, hard driving man. He had served in the Northern areas for several years and had been associated with the crackdown on the Shias. He had commanded the Special Services Group (SSG) which launched an attack on Bilafond La in Siachen but was frustrated.

Some Pakistani columnists claim that Nawaz Sharif thought that if he succeeded in seizing a slice of Indian territory in Kashmir, he would be hailed as a 'Liberator' and thereby enabled to gain absolute power through amendment of the Shariah law. There is no clear evidence on the basis of which to assess the nature and extent of Nawaz Sharif's involvement in the Kargil adventure. The balance of probability suggests that he was fully in the picture. This is borne out by the tapes referred to earlier and the repeated assertions of General Musharraf. Those who know Nawaz Sharif personally believe that he has a limited attention span and is impatient with detail. Accordingly, it is reasonable to assume that Nawaz Sharif was at least aware of the broad thrust of the Kargil plan when he so warmly welcomed the Indian Prime Minister in Lahore.

The Committee has not come across any assessment at operational levels that would justify the conclusion that the Lahore Summit had caused the Indian decision-makers to lower their guard. This has been confirmed by the discussions the Committee had with a number of concerned officials.

The Committee has attempted a partial reconstruction of Operation BADR based on diaries and notebooks recovered from Pakistani personnel during the operation as well as intercepts. It would appear that reconnaissance parties comprising officers started crossing the LOC in the late January/early February 1999. They established a first line of administrative bases within a limited distance across the LOC in February. March saw heavy snowfall and so they could move further forward only in April. At that stage, more men joined them and perhaps the bulk of intruders entered Indian territory in late April. This sequence of events appears logical as earlier induction of larger numbers would have added to logistic problems and increased the risk of detection. Care was exercised by the intruders to move only in the gaps between the Indian winter posts and to avoid detection by Winter Air Surveillance Operations (WASO). They were equipped for extreme cold and snow conditions. In the initial advance, they used Igloo snow tents and constructed 'sanghars' of loose rock. Perhaps late in April, they moved up a further two to three kilometres. WASO helicopters and operational reconnaissance flights repeatedly flew over them as is evident from one of the diaries captured in Mashkoh Valley. A combination of factors prevented their detection: camouflage clothing; helicopter vibrations which hampered observation; opportunity for concealment on hearing the sound of approaching helicopters; and peace time safety requirements of maintaining a certain height above the ground and a given distance from the LOC. Since the effort was largely to detect infiltration, most flights flew along valleys and not across the ridges. All these factors made the WASO patrols of negligible value as is also evident from the records of previous years.

After a lull in the winter from late December 1998, there was very heavy snowfall in March 1999 which compelled 121 Infantry Brigade to vacate one of its 25 winter posts in the South West Spur of Point 5299 in the Kaksar sector, popularly known as Bajrang post. Winter patrols sent out in early April 1999 were unable to carry out their task due to adverse snow conditions. The Pakistani creeping forward also suffered avalanche casualties in the month of March 1999 as revealed by a diary captured in the Mashkoh Valley. All the Indian military commanders the Committee met emphasised the point that while it would have been possible for patrolling to be carried out even under these conditons, it would have required the troops to be specially equipped to withstand glacial conditons, as in Siachen, and a willingness to accept possible casualties. Until now, this had not been considered necessary or acceptable.

The intrusion was detected on May 3, 1999, by "shepherds" who are occasionally retained by the Brigade Intelligence Team for forward information gathering. The patrols sent out in the next few days confirmed the presence of intruders on May 7. The Indian Army's response was very rapid and by May 9, two well acclimatised battalions returning from Siachen had been concentrated in the Batalik sector to contain the intrusion. In the next few days, three more battalions were moved from the Valley into the Kargil sector to counter known and possible intrusions in other sub-sectors. By May 24, two additional Brigades had moved into the area and the Indian Air Force was committed on May 26. By the end of May an additional divisional headquarters had been inducted to take over command of a portion of the Kargil Sector from 3 Infantry Divisions. This rapid and strong Indian reaction was obviously not expected by the Pakistanis. It was now their turn to be totally surprised.

Simultaneously, Pakistan tried to lobby with the international community for a ceasefire, which would leave it with some Indian territory and thereby justify its misadventure. Initially, there was support for a ceasefire but once Tololing fell and the Indian Government and Army exhibited their determination to clear the entire intrusion, the international community called on Pakistan to withdraw from and respect the sanctity of the LOC.

There are obvious discrepancies between the documented responses of 15 Corps and the Northern Command and the information regarding the nature and extent of intrusions at that stage, then available in the Ministries of Defence and Home in Delhi as is evident from the statements of concerned officials.

The Committee found that though the Corps Commander had moved adequate forces to contain the intrusion in the Batalik sector and followed it up with a similar deployment of forces in the Kaksar, Dras and Mashkoh Valley sectors, there was still no clarity in the assessment of the magnitude of the intrusions and the composition of the intruders. This is evident from the statement of the Corps Commander on May 10.

There was inadequate coordination at the ground level among Army intelligence and other agencies. This was lacking even at the Joint Intelligence Committee (JIC) because of the low level of representation by DGMI at the assessment process and the DGMI representative not coming fully briefed on the latest situation. It is also apparent that the assessment was conditioned by the two decade old mindset that Kargil was unsuitable for cross-LOC military action.

There are reports in the media, some of which are said to have originated from young officers, JCOs and other ranks, that in the initial stages, the Indian Army suffered avoidable casualties, taken as it was by surprise. However, the progressive data of Indian casualties from May to July 1999 obtained by the Committee does not entirely support this hypothesis.

The Army had prescribed extra-cold clothing meant for heights between 9,000-13,000 feet in this sector for use in normal times, and special (glacial) clothing for heights above that. Special clothing were issued for use in the Siachen area and certain limited reserves were held in stock. When hostilities commenced, this reserve clothing was issued to the men.

Troops returning from Siachen duty discarded their special clothing which is then usually disposed of by auction. However, in the previous year, the Corps Commander had ordered that part-worn serviceable (PWS) Siachen clothing be preserved. This PWS stock was also issued to the troops during the Kargil action. Despite this, there was still an overall shortage. This warrants a review of standards of provisioning for reserves as well as a policy of holding special clothing for a certain proportion of other troops in the Kargil and other high altitude sectors.

Though the new light rifle (5.56 mm Insa) has been inducted into service, most troops are yet to be equipped with light rifles. Adequate attention has not been paid to lightening the load on infantry soldiers deployed at high altitudes. In broader terms, increasing the firepower and combat efficiency of infantrymen has also suffered as has the modernisation process as a whole. This needs to be speedily rectified.
In order to ensure that Pakistan would be deterred from any adventurous escalation, the Indian Armed Forces progressively moved to deploy in a deterrent posture. These measures sent out a clear message to Pakistan and the rest of the world that India was determined to oust the invader by military means. The Western and Eastern fleets of the Indian Navy were concentrated in the North Arabian Sea. From intercepted signals, it would appear that these steps had a healthy restraining effect on the Pakistani Armed Forces. This was impliedly admitted by Nawaz Sharif in his address to the nation on July 12, 1999.

The Kargil action saw the deployment of a limited number of troops and aircrafts on a restricted front in response to a shallow Pakistani penetration across the LOC of no more than eight to nine kilometres at most. Nevertheless, given the terrain and political implications, were a "new LOC" to be created, and in the background of nuclear capability on both sides, this was not a minor skirmish but a short, sharp war in which the Indian Army and Air Force suffered 474 killed and 1109 wounded (as of July 26, 1999). To regard it as anything less would be mistaken. The consequences of its failure for Pakistan are there for all to see.

II - Intelligence

It is not widely appreciated in India that the primary responsibility for collecting external intelligence, including that relating to a potential adversary's military deployment, is vested in R & AW. It is primarily R & AW which must provide intelligence about a likely attack, whether across a broad or narrow front. Unfortunately the R & AW facility in the Kargil area did not receive adequate attention in terms of staff or technological capability. Hence intelligence collection, coordination and follow-up were weak.

The Intelligence Bureau (IB) is meant to collect intelligence within the country and is the premier agency for counter-intelligence. This agency got certain inputs on activities in the FCNA region which were considered important enough by the Director, IB to be communicated over his signature on June 2, 1998 to the Prime Minister, Home Minister, Cabinet Secretary, Home Secretary and Director-General Military Operations. This communication was not addressed to the three officials most concerned with this information, namely, Secretary (R & AW),who is responsible for external intelligence and had the resources to follow up the leads in the IB report; Chairman JIC, who would have taken such information into account in JIC assessments; and Director-General Military Intelligence. Director, IB stated that he expected the information to filter down to these officials through the official hierarchy. This did not happen in respect of Secretary (R & AW) who at that time was also holding additional charge as Chairman, JIC. The Committee feels that a communication of this nature should have been directly addressed to all the officials concerned.

The critical failure in intelligence was related to the absence of any information on the induction and de-induction of battalions and the lack of accurate data on the identity of battalions in the area opposite Kargil during 1998. Prisoners of War have disclosed the presence of 5, 6 and 13 NLI battalions and 24 SIND in the FCNA region from October 1998 onwards. The Indian Army has also assessed that elements of 5, 6 and 13 NLI were amongst the units that were initially used by Pakistan to launch the intrusions in April/May 1999. These units did not figure in the Order of Battle (ORBAT) supplied by R & AW to the DGMI dated April 1998. Since then, and until Indian troops came into contact with these battalions in May-June 1999, there was no information of their presence in the area.

R & AW issued another ORBAT on June 1, 1999 which also did not show any changes in the area opposite Kargil between April 1998 and May 1999. An analysis carried out by the Committee on the basis of information now available shows that there were in fact a number of changes in the ORBAT of Pakistani forces in the FCNA region during 1998/early 1999.

These changes included the turnover of some units, induction of two additional battalions over and above the 13 already in this Sector as reported by R & AW in April 1998 and the forward deployment of two battalions from Gilgit to Gultari and from Skardu to Hamzigund (near Olthingthang) respectively. In other words, if no de-inductions took place, for which the Committee lacks evidence, there was a net increase of two battalions in the FCNA region over and above R & AW's projections as well as forward deployment of two battalions within the sector during the period April 1998 to February 1999. The responsibility for obtaining information on them was primarily that of R & AW and, to a much lesser extent, that of DGMI and the Division or Brigade using their Intelligence and Field Surveillance Unit (IFSU) and Brigade Intelligence Team (BIT) capabilities.

The Kargil intrusion was essentially a limited Pakistani military exercise designed to internationalise the Kashmir issue which was tending to recede from the radar screen of the international community. It was, therefore, mainly a move for political and diplomatic gain. The armed forces play their war games essentially within military parameters. Unlike other countries, India has no tradition of undertaking politico-military games with the participation of those having political and diplomatic expertise. If such games had been practiced, then the possibility of limited military intrusions to internationalise the Kashmir issue might have been visualised.

One of the most realistic assessments of Kashmir developments as they unfolded during Pakistan's proxy war was "Operation TOPAC", a war game written by a team of retired Indian Army Officers in 1989. It is interesting to note that "Operation TOPAC" has since been mistakenly attributed even by high placed Indian officials and agencies to Gen. Zia-ul-Haq. This shows how close the authors of "Operation TOPAC" were able to get into the mind of the Pakistani establishment in relation to their aims in J & K.

As mentioned earlier, WASO did not provide intelligence inputs of significant value. Those of the Aviation Research Centre (ARC) of R&AW were no doubt extremely valuable. The Army makes six-monthly indents and, wherever necessary, special indents on the ARC.

These indents and their prioritization depend on the nature of the threat perception which, in turn, is shaped by inputs from R&AW. This circular process entails the Army having to depend upon its inputs from R&AW for its own threat assessment. In other words, the Indian threat assessment is largely a single-track process dominated by R&AW. In most advanced countries, the Armed Forces have a Defence Intelligence Agency with a significant intelligence collection capability. This ensures that there are two streams of intelligence which enable governments to check one against the other.

The Indian Intelligence structure is flawed since there is little back up or redundancy to rectify failures and shortcomings in intelligence collection and reporting that goes to build up the external threat perception by the one agency, namely R&AW, which has a virtual monopoly in this regard. It is neither healthy nor prudent to endow that one agency alone with multifarious capabilities for human, communication, imagery and electronic intelligence.

Had R&AW and DGMI spotted the additional battalions in the FCNA region that were missing from the ORBAT, there might have been requests for ARC flights in winter and these might have been undertaken, weather permitting. As it happened, the last flight was in October 1998, long before the intrusion, and the next in May 1999, after the intrusions had commenced. The intruders had by then come out into the open.

The present structure and processes in intelligence gathering and reporting lead to an overload of background and unconfirmed information and inadequately assessed intelligence which requires to be further pursued. There is no institutionalized process whereby R&AW, IB, BSF and Army intelligence officials interact periodically at levels below the JIC. This lacuna is perhaps responsible for R&AW reporting the presence of one additional unit in Gultari in September 1998 but not following it up with ARC flights on its own initiative.

Nor did the Army press R&AW specifically for more information on this report. The Army never shared its intelligence with the other agencies or with the JIC. There was no system of Army authorities at different levels from DGMI downwards providing feedback to the Agencies.

There is a general lack of awareness of the critical importance of and the need for assessed intelligence at all levels. JIC reports do not receive the attention they deserve at the political and higher bureaucratic levels. The assessment process has been downgraded in importance and consequently various agencies send very junior officials to JIC meetings. The DGMI did not send any regular inputs to the JIC for two years preceding the Kargil crisis.

The JIC was not accorded the importance it deserved either by the Intelligence Agencies or the Government. The Chairmanship of JIC had become the preserve of an IPS officer who was generally a runner-up for the post of Secretary (R&AW) or DIB. The post was in fact left unfilled for 18 months until December 1998. During this period, Secretary (R&AW) doubled as Chairman, JIC.

There are no checks and balances in the Indian intelligence system to ensure that the consumer gets all the intelligence that is available and is his due. There is no system of regular, periodic and comprehensive intelligence briefings at the political level and to the Committee of Secretaries. In the absence of an overall, operational national security framework and objective, each intelligence agency is diligent in preserving its own turf and departmental prerogatives.

III – The Nuclear Factor

President Zulfikar Ali Bhutto committed Pakistan to acquiring nuclear weapons at a meeting held in Multan on January 24, 1972 in the wake of the country’s defeat in the Bangladesh war. As has been highlighted by a number of eminent Pakistani writers, the primary motivation for this effort was to deter India’s conventional arms superiority. According to Pakistani perceptions, it was able to do so on three occasions. This was well before the Pokhran and Chagai tests in May 1998.

According to a statement made before the Committee, R&AW had assessed that by 1981-82, Pakistan had enough weapons grade enriched uranium to make one or two uranium weapon cores. Former President Venkataraman and the then Scientific Adviser, Dr. V.S. Arunachalam, both said that Indira Gandhi agreed to a nuclear weapons test in 1983 but called if off under US pressure.

A report published in 1984 indicated that Pakistan had obtained from the Chinese the design of its fourth nuclear weapon tested in 1966. It was therefore a proven design. By the early 1980s, Indian intelligence was aware of the China-Pakistan nuclear weapons deal. So also the US, as evident from a declassified document of 1983.

In 1987, Pakistan conveyed a nuclear threat to India at the time of Operation BRASSTACKS. This was officially communicated by Pakistan’s Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Zain Noorani to the Indian Ambassador in Islamabad, SK Singh. It was also communicated by the Pakistani nuclear scientist, Dr. A.Q. Khan to the Indian journalist Kuldip Nayyar.

In January 1990, Pakistan’s Foreign Minister, Sahibzada Yakub Khan, visited Delhi and spoke to the Indian Foreign Minister, I.K. Gujral and the Prime Minister V.P. Singh in terms which they regarded as verging on an ultimatum. Some time later, the Indian Air Force was placed on alert following the Pakistan Air Force being similarly ordered. The Indian Prime Minister inquired of the then Air Chief whether it was possible for the IAF to intercept hostile Pakistani aircraft carrying nuclear weapons. Air Chief Marshal Mehra replied that no such guarantee could be given and that the only logical answer for India was to acquire a nuclear deterrent of its own. American accounts describe Robert Gates’ visit to Islamabad in May 1990, and his warning to President Ghulam Ishaq Khan and General Aslam Beg against any rash action against India. The Pakistanis describe this as one more instance when their nuclear deterrent prevented Indian aggression. During this crisis, the Kahuta establishment was evacuated, a fact that the Indian mission in Islamabad communicated to Delhi. On the 1990 events referred to above, there are varying perceptions among Indian officials. The majority view is that there was an implied threat.

In August 1990, information was received from a sensitive intelligence source that in any future confrontation, Pakistan might use nuclear weapons as a first resort. V.P. Singh and I.K. Gujral have a vivid recollection of this report. In October 1990, the US imposed sanctions on Pakistan under the Pressler Amendment, implicitly confirming to the world that Pakistan possessed nuclear explosive capability.

The Committee was informed by former Air Chief Marshal Mehra that flight trials for the delivery of Indian nuclear weapons were conducted in 1990 and that efforts to adapt the delivery system to the weapon commenced even earlier. V.P. Singh said that he inherited the programme from Rajiv Gandhi and pursued it further. Gujral added that every Indian Prime Minister sustained the nuclear weapons programme. While all Indian Prime Ministers treated this programme as strictly confidential, they reassured the public that the country’s nuclear option was being kept open. On the other hand, Pakistan’s Prime Ministers, Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif, and its Chief of Army Staff, General Aslam Beg, openly talked of Pakistan having acquired nuclear weapons.

The 1998 Pokhran tests were the outcome of a policy of consensus on nuclear weapons development among Prime Ministers belonging to the Congress, Janata Dal, United Democratic Front and BJP. For reasons of security, none of these Prime Ministers took any one other than Chairmen of the Atomic Energy Commission (not all), and the Scientific Adviser to the Defence Minister into confidence. The Chiefs of Staff, senior Cabinet Ministers and senior civil servants were kept out of the loop.

The nuclear posture adopted by successive Prime Ministers thus put the Indian Army at a disadvantage vis-à-vis its Pakistani counterpart. While the former was in the dark about India’s nuclear capability, the latter as the custodian of Pakistani nuclear weaponry was fully aware of its own capability. Three former Indian Chiefs of Army Staff expressed unhappiness about this asymmetric situation.

Pakistan fully understands that nuclear deterrence can work both to its advantage and detriment. At the height of the Cold War, when mutual deterrence was in operation between the superpowers, it used to be argued by strategists that "salami slicing" of small pieces of territory which the adversary would not consider worth escalating to nuclear levels was always feasible. What Pakistan attempted at Kargil was a typical case of "salami slicing".

Since India did not cross the LOC and reacted strictly within its own territory, the effort to conjure up escalation of a kind that could lead to nuclear war did not succeed. Despite its best efforts, Pakistan was unable to link its Kargil caper with a nuclear flashpoint, though some foreign observers believe it was a near thing. The international community does not favour alteration of the status quo through nuclear blackmail as this would not be in the interest of the five major nuclear powers. Pakistan obviously overlooked this factor.

The P-5 statement of June 4, 1998 and the Security Council Resolution 11172 of June 6, 1998 condemned the Indian and Pakistani nuclear tests. It exhorted both countries to sign the CTBT and NPT and referred to Kashmir as a root cause of tension between them. This could have encouraged Pakistan to conclude that what its caretaker Prime Minster in 1993, Moeen Quershi, claimed as the objective of linking Kashmir with the nuclear issue had been achieved and that Pakistan was in a position to implement a strategy outlined as far back as 1980, namely, to seize Kashmir in a bold, brash move when the Indian leadership appeared weak and indecisive.

Some accounts claim that the Kargil intrusion was planned in 1997 and that preliminary reconnaissance and training of personnel commenced that year. If this is accepted, while Pakistan’s reliance on its nuclear deterrence to prevent India from escalating would still be important, the actual nuclear tests conducted in May 1998 would not in themselves be all that significant as nuclear deterrence between the two was in place as far back as 1990.

CI Operations, Kargil and Integrated Manpower Policy

In going on alert to deter any Pakistani escalation and then focussing on eliminating the intrusion at Kargil, the Army had to withdraw battalions deployed in J&K from their counterinsurgency role. This caused consternation in the State Government and some worry even to the paramilitary forces, which were largely reliant on the Army in this regard.

The heavy involvement of the Army in counterinsurgency operations cannot but affect its preparedness for its primary role, which is to defend the country against external aggression. This point has often been emphasised by Pakistani analysts.

Such a situation has arisen because successive Governments have not developed a long-term strategy to deal with the insurgency. The Army's prolonged deployment in a counterinsurgency role adversely affects its training programme, leads to fatigue and the development of a mindset that detracts from its primary role. However, the Ministry of Home Affairs, state governments and paramilitary forces tend to assume that the Army will always be there to combat insurgency.

This was vividly demonstrated when the Committee was referred to the Union Home Ministry's Action Plan for fighting military and the proxy war in J&K prepared in May 1998. This defined the role of the Army as being to ensure 'zero infiltration' across the LOC.

The paramilitary and Central Police Forces are not trained, raised and equipped to deal with trans-border terrorism by well-trained mercenaries armed with sophisticated equipment who are continuously infiltrating across the border/LOC. Over the years, the quality of these forces has not been appropriately upgraded effectively to deal with the challenge of the times and this has led to the increased dependence on the Army to fight insurgency.

The net result has been to reduce the role of the Indian Army to the level of a paramilitary force and the paramilitary forces, in turn, to the level of an ordinary police force. Pakistan has ruthlessly employed terrorism in Punjab, J& K and the North-East to involve the Indian Army in counterinsurgency operations and neutralise its conventional superiority.

Having partially achieved this objective, it has also persuaded itself that nuclear blackmail against India has succeeded on three occasions. A coherent counterstrategy to deal with Pakistan's terrorist-nuclear blackmail and the conventional threat has to be thought through.

The Committee believes that a comprehensive manpower policy is required to deal with this problem. In the present international security environment, proxy war and terrorism have become preferred means of hurting a neighbour's social, political and economic wellbeing. Given Pakistan's unrelenting hostility towards this country, it is necessary to evolve a long-term strategy to reduce the involvement of the Army in counterinsurgency and devise more cost-effective means of dealing with the problem.

There has also been criticism that redeployment of military units from CI duty in the Valley to the Kargil sector resulted in providing easy passage for a large number of hardened militants who were infiltrated by Pakistan across the Shamsabari Range into the Kupwara-Uri area and even South of the Pir Panjal.

The Unified Command was also reorganised, with the Director General Rashtriya Rifles being brought in from Delhi to replace GOC 15 Corps. The latter was relieved of this responsibility to enable him to devote full attention to his principal national defence task. However, within weeks of the conclusion of Operation Vijay, the status quo ante was restored. DG RR returned to Delhi and GOC 15 Corps resumed his place in the Unified Command.

The Committee also found Unified Command HQ's intelligence structure lacking in timely and continuous analysis and assessment of intelligence, which is critical of the success of CI operations.

More thought must be given to all these issues. Unified Command HQs have also been set up in Assam from time to time under different circumstances and with a somewhat different structure. But whether in J&K or Assam, there has sometimes been tension both between the Army and paramilitary/CPO/Police formations and between the civil and military authorities. This is an unhappy state of affairs and should not allowed to linger. The kind of manpower reorganisation the Committee proposes could provide a partial answer, but would still leave untouched the question of how best to structure Unified Command HQs in the future, wherever they might be required.

The decision taken two years ago to reduce the Indian Army's strength by 50,000 men and reinvest the savings on establishment costs in force modernisation, was a wise one. This reduction in numbers had no bearing on the Kargil crisis and it would be a gross misunderstanding of military realities to believe otherwise.

In spite of continuing counterinsurgency operations over the past many years, there has been no integrated equipment policy in respect of the Army, paramilitary and Central police forces. The manpower integration proposed would also ensure compatibility of equipment and render it easier for the Army and the other forces to operate side by side effectively when required to do so.

There is an equally pressing need to fashion an effective border management policy which covers not only terrorist infiltration, but illegal migration, smuggling and the flow of narcotics. These are all matters of national concern but are being looked at compartmentally. The inevitable result has been sub-optimal border management at a time when the narcotics trade has been playing a crucial role in Pakistan's promotion of cross-border terrorism.

Technology has added significantly to the potential of armies and terrorists. The AK-47 has transformed the lethal potential of the terrorist who has often outgunned the country's security forces in Punjab and J& K. The terrorist comes equipped with rapid fire, stand-off weapons, high explosives, wads of currency (real and fake) and sophisticated communications equipment. He can act alone and also as a member of an integrated team. He is highly motivated and often a person conditioned by years of fundamentalist schooling.

Despite the challenge of terrorism over the past many years, the Indian Army and other security forces have lagged behind in the quality of their surveillance and communication equipment although technologically superior equipment is readily available the world over. Only after the Kargil intrusion was direction finding equipment acquired in increasing numbers. Helicopters employed for air surveillance patrolling do not have sophisticated monitoring and sensing devices. The Kargil battle was fought with less than optimum communications capability.

While self-reliance and indigenisation are sound principles, the availability of critical equipment in time of combat is the supreme consideration that must govern acquisition policy. This does not appear to be the case at present and there is no mechanism to monitor that the process of equipment acquisition serves the best interests of the country.

The Defence Research and Development Organisation and the chain of defence laboratories under its jurisdiction is responsible for indigenising and constantly upgrading the country's weapons and equipment inventory and related supplies. The dilemma has always been to determine the correct balance between 'make or buy.' There are obvious constraints such as of foreign exchange and the non-availability of state-of-the-art technology from advanced nations which are at best only prepared to share these with their military allies. As a non-aligned power, India has not had access to some of the Western technologies that have flowed to Pakistan. Dual-use technology-denial regimes have also operated against India.

These considerations demand that the country develop a degree of self-reliance in defence-related technology and military hardware. Considerable progress has been made in this direction. The achievements in this field can neither be denied nor denigrated.

Nevertheless, a number of instances were brought to the notice of the Committee in respect of which there have been significant cost and time overruns in the development and induction of indigenous weapons and equipment for the three Armed Services. While extenuating circumstances can be cited, the fact is that the Services have had to do without such items whereas Pakistan has not been similarly handicapped. Some of these issues were in fact examined in detail by the Committee on Defence Expenditure (1990-91). This report has unfortunately not been made public and, the committee understands, many of its more substantial recommendations await implementation.

Media Relations and Information

If the media served the country well, much of the credit goes to the initiative it itself took and to some individuals within the Government and the Armed Forces. Information is power, especially in this Information Age. The media moulds national and international opinion and can be a potent force multiplier. This was evident at Kargil -- India's first television war.

All things considered, coverage by the print and electronic media was by and large satisfactory. Yet it was apparent that, with some exceptions, media personnel lacked training in military affairs and war reporting and that the Armed Services lacked training and preparedness to facilitate the task of the media and counter disinformation.

Defence Public Relations is routinely handled by the Ministry of Defence through regular Information Service cadres. This establishment is not equipped to handle media relations during war or even proxy war. The briefing function during the Kargil crisis was taken over by a triad of senior military and civil spokesmen. Army Headquarters set up an Information and Psychological Warefare Cell under an officer of the rank of Major General with direct access to the Army Chief. This enabled Army Headquarters both to monitor and disseminate information is a better calibrated manner than would have been the case otherwise.

Reporting on the campaign revealed a lack of public information about the command structure of the Armed Forces and how responsibilities are distributed within the national intelligence framework. While arrangements were made for official briefings at Delhi, there were inadequate arrangements at the Corps, Division and Brigade levels. Nor were there arrangements to brief officers and men at the ground level on daily developments nor to interface with the civil authorities.

The result was generation of a lot of inaccurate information such as the reported capture of a number of Indian Army bunkers (whereas the enemy only occupied one permanent patrol post which had earlier been vacated on account of extreme weather conditions), the existence of three-storeyed enemy bunkers equipped with television sets, and the purchase by the intruders of cement from the Dras-Kargil market.

A number of simple misperceptions became apparent in newspapers reports questioning the absence of the Army Chief in Poland during the early part of May 1999 and the Northern Army commander going to Pune about the same time. The early military appreciation was of limited infiltration in Kargil. Nevertheless, the Corps Commander, in whose area of responsibility the intrusion (as it was subsequently discovered to be) occurred, had acted promptly and vigorously to deal with even larger eventualities. There was no need to cancel the Army Chief's visit which had been long planned and was of some political significant.

The COAS remained in touch with developments at home and there was no vacuum in the higher military leadership because of his absence abroad during the early phase of Kargil developments. The Army Commander, in turn, went to Pune for a briefing from his predecessor, Lieutenant General S Padmanabhan, now Southern Army Commander. He too was in constant touch with his Command and HQ 15 Corps and had already set in motion various precautionary measures.

Some of all this is inevitable in the fog of war. But efforts have to be made to review information handling procedures within the Armed Forces and their public dissemination. The Army needs such improved public relations capability even otherwise when deployed on counterinsurgency duties. Public relations are presently managed by the Ministry of Defence and at the formation level by military officers who have no media background.

A comprehensive account of the Kargil operations remains to be brought out. Pakistani political and military leaders have repeatedly highlighted their nuclear capability and their will to use it. Accounts have also appeared in Pakistan of how India was thrice deterred by its nuclear capability. India's reticence in setting the record straight about the earlier conflicts and the developments in the nuclear field appear to have influenced the Pakistani mindset and led to the adventurous miscalculation over Kargil.

The first overall briefing on the Kargil situation in the Military Operations Room was given to the Defence and External Affairs Ministers on May 17 with the Chiefs of staff committee in attendance. This was followed by a meeting of the Cabinet Committee on Security chaired by the Prime Minister on May 18 and a briefing of the Prime Minister and Defence Minister on May 24, with the COSC in attendance, by when the magnitude of the Kargil intrusion had been more or less fully assessed. The Army Chief had returned from Poland by May 20 when the CCS met again on May 25, with the COSC in attendance, and the use of the air power was cleared.

War and proxy war do not leave the civil population untouched. Human rights violations, civilian casualties, destruction or commandeering of property, refugee movements and the disruption of infrastructure and livelihoods must be expected. This calls for the creation of a civil-military interface at various levels to deal with a whole range of problems on an emergence basis. Such liaison was lacking during the Kargil action and points to a deficiency that must be made good.

The outcome of the Kargil operation was both a military and diplomatic triumph for India. The Pakistani intruders were evicted with heavier casualties than those suffered by India. The sanctity of the LOC received international recognition and Pakistan was isolated in the comity of nations. While attending to such shortcomings as have been brought to light, the nation can be proud of the manner in which the Armed Forces and the people as a whole acquitted themselves.

Was Kargil Avoidable?

A Kargil-type situation could perhaps have been avoided had the Indian Army followed a policy of Siachenisation to plug unheld gaps along the 168 km stretch from Kaobal Gali to Chorbat La. This would have entailed establishing a series of winter cut-off posts with communications and other logistic support and specially equipped and trained troops to hold these positions and undertake winter patrolling despite risk of cold injuries and avalanche casualties which would have had to be accepted.

Such a dispersal of forces to hold uninhabited territory of no strategic value, would have dissipated considerable military strength and effort and would not have been at all cost-effective. If, however, it has had to be done now, such a policy can only be regarded as no more than a temporary expedient. The alternative should be a credible declaratory policy of swiftly punishing wanton and wilful violations of the sanctity of the LOC. This should be supplemented by a comprehensive space and aerial and based surveillance system.

Recommendations

The Findings bring out many grave deficiencies in India's security management system. The framework Lord Ismay formulated and Lord Mountbatten recommended was accepted by a national leadership unfamiliar with the intricacies of national security management. There has been very little change over the past 52 years despite the 1962 debacle, the 1965 stalemate and the 1971 victory, the growing nuclear threat, end of the cold war, continuance of proxy war in Kashmir for over a decade and the revolution in military affairs.

The political, bureaucratic, military and intelligence establishments appear to have developed a vested interest in the status quo. National security management recedes into the background in time of peace and is considered too delicate to be tampered with in time of war and proxy war. The Committee strongly feels that the Kargil experience, the continuing proxy war and the prevailing nuclearised security environment justify a thorough review of the national security system in its entirety.

Such a review cannot be undertaken by an over-burdened bureaucracy. An independent body of credible experts, whether a national commission or one or more task forces or otherwise as expedient, is required to conduct such studies which must be undertake expeditiously. The specific issues that required to be looked into are set out below.

National Security Council

The National Security Council, formally constituted in April 1999, is still evolving and its procedures will take time to mature. Whatever its merits, having a National Security Adviser who also happens to be Principal Secretary to the Prime Minister, can only be an interim arrangement. The Committee believes that there must be a full time National Security Adviser and it would suggest that a second line of personnel be inducted into the system as early as possible and groomed for higher responsibility.

Members of the National Security Council, the senior bureaucracy servicing it and the Service Chiefs need to be continually sensitised to assessed intelligence pertaining to national regional and international issues. This can be done through periodic intelligence briefings of the Cabinet Committee on Security with all supporting staff in attendance.​
 
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