KARGIL-A POST-MORTEM
INTRODUCTION
- General
- Name
- History
- Geography
- Socio-culture
- Economy
- Political Situation
General:
“Emerald amongst the white pearls of the Himalayas”, “The Happy Valley” and “Super-Switzerland of Asia” are some of the appellations given to the Kashmir over the centuries. The Mughal King Jehangir was so bewitched by the natural splendour of the valley that he exclaimed in ecstasy, “If there is a paradise on earth, it is here, it is here.’ Lush green valleys, abundance of flowers and fruits and shimmering springs and translucent lakes make Kashmir a visitors’ paradise.
Name:
According to a legend, the area between Baramulla and Anantnag was 80x25 miles lake occupied by a demon Jalodbawa. He used to change the course of the water of lake according to his will, causing frequent floods in lower plains. An ascetic named Kashyap when came to the area was told of the devastation caused by the demon. He requested Lord Vishnu to save the plains from the floods. Lord Vishnu killed Jaldobawa in a battle, and cut the mountains around to drain the lake into a river. The Lord asked Kashyapa to bring better people from plains to settle them in the area. Kashyapa brought learned people from Benaras and other parts of India and settled them in the newly created valley. The reclaimed land came to be known as Kasyapamir on the name of Kashyapa and later Kashmir.
History:
The oldest records about the History of Kashmir are available in Neel Mat Purana, in which details from 6th to 8th Century are found recorded. Another book Raj Tringini written by Pandit Kalhan in 8 parts in 11th-12th Century AD has records of history upto 1140 A.D. A book Raja Bali written by Raja Jone has details upto 1412 A.D. Jena Raja Raj Trangini written by Pandit Sriwara has records from 1459 to 1486 A.D. Some of the other books describing the History of Kashmir are Twareekh-I-Hindustan (Urdu), Valley of Kashmir and Story of Kashmir both in English.
As per these records Kashmir was ruled by the following in ancient times:
Rulers of Kashmir Period in Yrs
1. Hindu Kings 2526 B.C. -1342 A.D. 3868
A. Gonundia Dynasty first time from 2526 B.C. -169 B.C. 2357
B. Vikramditiya and other Dynsties 167 B.C. - 25 A.D. 192
C. Gonundia Dynasty second time 25 A.D. - 596 A.D. 571
D. Hindu Karkoota Dynasty 596 A.D. - 816 A.D. 260
E. Utpla Dynasty 857 A.D. - 938 A.D. 83
F. Yashash Kara & Others 940 A.D. - 981 A.D. 64
G. Lohara Dynasty first 1004 A.D.- 1090 A.D. 97
H. Lohara Dynasty Second time 1102 A.D. -1129 A.D. 48
J Other Hindu Kings 1129 A.D.- 1342 A.D 213
2. Sultan Kings 1343 A.D.- 1585 A.D. 242
3. Mughal Rule 1585 A.D.- 1751 A.D. 166
4. Afghan Rule 1752 A.D.- 1819 A.D. 67
5. Sikh Rule 1819 A.D.-1846 A.D. 27
6. Dogra Rule 1846 A.D.-1948 A.D. 102
7. Indian Rule 1948 A.D.- till date.
Hindu Kings:
80 Gonundia kings ruled Kashmir for over 3000 years; first time from 2526 to 169 B.C. and second time from 25 A.D. to 596 A.D.
[1] The period of the rule of some of the kings of ancient Kashmir from 1182 BC to 1342 AD found from historical records are shown in table at Appendix ‘A’.
Damodar 1, Yashwanti Rani, Gonundia II, Luv-Kush, Kahigindra, Surinder, Godhar, Swaran, Janak, Sachinada, Ashok, Julka, Damodar II, Abhoh, Manua & Gonundia III are some of the famous kings of Gonudia dynasty.
King Ashok was a very gentle and known philonthropist. The public was very happy during his rule. He adopted Buddhism and established many Bodh Mathhs. He established the first city of Kashmir and named it Srinagri. It is now known as Purnadish. His son
Julka barred Buddhism and expelled all Buddhists from Kashmir. He opened embassies in various neighbouring countries and established proper justice and finanacial management systems. A later king Jaska again reintroduced Buddhism in Kashmir.
Durlabhka/ Partap Datia II (632-682AD) annexed Punchh and Rajauri.
Lalita Datia I (697-733 AD) constructed many temples with Gold domes. He also constructed numerous canals for watering of the land.
Awanti Varma (857-884 AD) was a very peace loving king. The public was the happiest in his period. Soya an engineer under him improved the flow of Jhelum by removing the silt in the entire zone. He adopted a noble method of taking out the silt. He threw some golden coins at different places in the river and advertised it widely. The people dug out the silt to find out these golden coins. He supervised this digging out deep ensuring that the silt does not come back to the river. This way he saved the surrounding areas from floods. Soya also constructed a canal from lake Wular to Khanabal, resulting in increase in production. He established Soyapur later known as Sopur, on his name.
Shankar Varma (884-903 AD) established Sunderpura now known as Pattan.
Rani Deeda (981-1003 AD) was a very capable queen but enraged at the death of her son she killed all her grandsons and handed over the kingdom to her nephew thereby changing the dynasty over to Loharas
King Harsh (1090-1102 AD); He improved the administration and introduced gold, silver and copper coins on his name. He became greedy and collected all wealth from temples and Boddh maths, but he died penniless.
The Lohara dynasty rule
(1102-1129A.D.) was full of turmoil inviting intruders. Invaders burnt Srinagar during the rule of King Sushal. During the rule of King Sam Dev and his brother Udhyan Dev, Zulakdar Khan Tatar attacked Kashmir, burnt remaining Srinagar and adjoining towns. After the death of King Sam Dev, Ranchan Shah, a Tibetan managed to kill the General Ram Chand and took over the control of Kashmir. He got converted into Islam with a new name Sadar-ud-Deen. His rule was of limited duration as Udyan Dev, brother of Sam Dev returned from Afghanistan and took over the reins. Kota Rani the queen of Sam Dev who was forcibly married first to Rachan Shah after the death of Sam Dev and then to Udhyan Dev, became the ruler for a brief period when Arva, A Turk attacked Kashmir. Udhyan Dev fled but the Queen Kota Rani took over the control of the kingdom and defeated the attacker. Meanwhile Udhyan Dev also returned and ruled upto 1342 AD. After his death his General Shah Mirza took over the Kingdom and wanted to marry Kota Rani forcibly which the queen refused and committed suicide.
The kings connected with establishing various cities/towns are Luv : Lolav, Ashok: Srinagar, Kanashak : Kanshakpura, Hasak: Hasakpura, Jasak: Jasakpura, Parvarsain Dooja: reshaped Srinagar as Parvarpura, Partap II: Tapar, Awanti: Awantipura and Siyapyr (Sopur), Shakar varman: Sunderpur (later known as Pattan),
Shah Mirza crowned himself Sultan under the name of Sultan Shams-ud-Deen. He established a Muslim kingdom and ruled from 1343 to 1349 A.D. The period of rule of other Sultans is given at Appendix ‘B’.
Most of these Sultans ruled for periods from 3 to 10 years, however, Sultan Zain-ul-Abideen, also known as Badshah, ruled for 50 years i.e., 1420 to 1470 A.D. He cared for the Kashmiri public and ensured justice and progress. His development works included opening of workshops for paper, silk and match-boxes, digging of copper mines and use of Dal lake as a source of irrigation and constructing of Zainagir, Lachhman Kool and Chakdal canals. He provided facilities for trading by improving communication, sending ambassadors to neighbouring countries and by improvind the methodology of trade. He constructed a bridge on Jhelum at Zainakadal and a causeway from Inderkot to Sopur. He added Nushera, Zainpura, Zainkot and Zainalankar colonies in Srinagar. He improved the administration, made it more active and effective and removed corruption. The Brahmins who had left Kashmir valley due to the atrocities of earlier rulers were brought back and settled well. He changed the official language of Kashmir from Sanskrit to Persian. His period is known as the golden period of Kashmir. Another well known Sultan is Sultan Yusuf Shah (1580-1585 A.D.) who improved the lot of Kashmiris.
Mughal Rule
King Akbar was very keen to capture Kashmir. He attacked Kashmir in 1582 but was defeated. However, in 1585 Akbar’s forces under Mir Qasim again attacked Kashmir with greater strength. The last Sultan, Yusuf Shah was captured and sent to Bihar jail where he died in 1592 A.D. Akbar established Governorship in Kashmir and visited Kashmir in 1589, 1592 and 1597. He stopped the taxes and forced labour from Hindus and gave them high offices. He toned up the administration. Akbar had 4822 cavaliers and 92400 Infantry in Kashmir.
[2] However Kashmir was devasted by floods. His successor Jehangir also visited Kashmir numerous times and died in Kashmir in 1627. He increased the beauty of Kashmir by adding gardens and a few canals. When he was asked about his views about Kashmir, he said, “ If there is a heaven on earth, it is this alone, it is this alone and it is this alone.”
During Shah Jehan’s rule (1628 A.D. – 1658 A.D.) his local governor levied Zazia tax on Hindus. On a complaint, the Governor was changed. The new Governor Zafar Khan not only reduced taxes but also improved the trade and business. Another Governor Ali Mardan took keen interst in improvement of rest houses and forts. He added Chashma Shahi to Srinagar. Aurangzeb (1658-1707 A.D.) was anti-Hindu. He issued ordes for forcible conversion of the Hindus into Islam. 14 Governors ruled Kashmir during his period. Governor Saif Khan (1664-1667A.D.) got the land surveyed, reduced pay of government staff and stopped production of opium. Governor Ibrahim’s (1678-1685 A.D.) period was of turmoil and fights between Shia and Sunni Muslims and of floods and earthquakes. Fazalkhan (1698-1701 A.D.) discontinued taxes on salt and earthen pots. He constructed schools, madrasas and rest houses. Prophet Mohammed’s hair ‘Hazrat Bal’ was brought from Beejapur to Srinagar during his Governorship. Governors Abdul and Mula Sharief caused atrocities on Kashmiris frequently and burnt Hindu settlements including Kailash Puri. Aurangzeb visited Kashmir in 1665 A.D. with 50,000 soldiers through Peer Panchal for the first and last time till he died in 1701 A.D.
The later Governors were Muslim fanatics who made the living of Hindus in Kashmir, a hell. Governor Afg (1748-1752 A.D.) was a real terror. During his period Ahmed Shah Abdali attacked Kashmir and made it a part of his rule in 1752 A.D. 28 Afghan Governors controlled Kashmir from 1752 to 1819 A.D. The Bambay and Khakhe Qabailies of Muzzaffarabad district raided the valley frequently, created terror by burning hutments and looted the rich. Mohammed Muzaffar Khan, an Army Officer with Sultan of Pakhli captured Darawa, Karnah and Pakhli, made Mozaffrabad as his capital and created his own small Sultanate. The Sultanate thus created by Bambay Sultans remained a satellite of Kshmir state. Sultans Aibat Khan, Mirza Khan, Hassan Ali Khan I, Zabardasat Khan, Muzzaffar Khan, Hassan Khan, Rehmat Khan, Mommed Barkat Khan, Hassan Ali Khan II also known as jagirdar of Boi and Abdul Qayuum Khan managed the affairs of this areas as chieftains till 1947.
With the advent of Ahmed Shah Durrani in 1752, Kashmir became a part of Afghansitan as did the rest of North India. This ended Mughal era. Pathan Governors were more cruel than the Mughal Governors. These Pathan Governors forcibly converted Hindus into Islam and tortured those who did not submit.
Sukhjeevan Mal (1754-1762) who improved the lot of Kashmiris was an exception. He created his own army of 30,000 Hindus and Sikhs and recruited 2000 Sikhs specially from Pothohar. He opened the Hindu temples for worship and stopped all special taxes on Hindus. The King of Afghanistan did not accept this; got him captured and killed him mercilessely. Islamic fanaticism increased further. During the rule of Azad Khan (1782-85), Hindus, particularly Brahmins, were used as load carriers. He annexed Poonchh. With the change of rule in Afghanistan, Governor Abdulla Khan (1796-1807) was removed by Sher Mohammad appointing his son Ata Mohammad as Governor (1897-1813). His successor Azam Khan (1813-1819) proved a real terror for Hindus. He enforced the order on banning turban and shoes by Hindus. The Brahmins migrated to Punjab in large number during his Governorship. His brother Jabad Khan (1819) was the last Afghan Governor.
Sikh Rule
Maharaja Ranjit Singh’s army captured Kashmir in July 1819 and annexed Kashmir with Sikh Kingdom with its capital at Lahore. Sikh army under Kanwar Kharak Singh, Genreal Deewan Chand and General Hari Singh Nalwa fought marvellously to defeat Jabad Khan. Kashmir remained under Sikh Rule till 1846 and was ruled through 10 Governors i.e., Deewan Moti Ram (1819-20), Hari Singh Nalwa (1820-21), Deewan Moti Ram 2nd time (1821-24), Deewan Chuni Lal (1824-26), Deewan Kirpa Ram (1826-30), Behma Singh Ardli (1830-31), Kanwar Sher Singh (1831-34), Mian Singh (1834-41), Sheikh Ghulam Mahi-ud-Din (1841-45) and Sheikh Imam Deen (1846).
During the Sikh rule all the special taxes on Hindus and Sikhs were discontinued. The ban on Hindus and Sikhs on wearing turban and shoes was also removed. Cow slaughter was banned. Temples were repaired and Gurdwaras were constructed to commemorate the visit of Gurus. Revenue collection system was improved. Number of forts and bridges were constructed. The trade was opened to Punjab and the rest of India; trade thus flourished. The improvement in general administration and welfare measures taken by the Governors, specially Kanwar Sher Singh improved the lot of Kashmiris. During his rule the snow -fall was so heavy that all movement became difficult. He took special measures to evacuate the troubled and provided food and shelt er free to them. Agriculture systems were improvised and improved. The area remained generally peaceful during Sikh Raj and the public was happy at the measures adopted. Ladakh area was captured after a hard battle. The chieftains of Ghori the Bombay Sultans who often created troubles were subjugated and piquet's were established in Muzzaffrabad. The Jammu area was put under Raja Gulab Singh in 1820.
Dogra Rule under British Empire
Since the advent of Sikhs in J & K the sequence of events are given in Appendix ‘C’. After the death of Maharaja Ranjit Singh and the annexation of Punjab as well Jammu & Kashmir by the British, Maharaja Gulab Singh purchased the area of Jammu & Kashmir from the British under the treaty of 1846. The Raja was the local head of Jammu & Kashmir under the British rule. Maharajas Gulab Singh (1846-57), Ranbir Singh (1857-85) and Partap Singh (1885-1949) ruled the state of Jammu & Kashmir peacefully for over 103 years.
Mahraja Gulab Singh extended his kingdom to China border and established proper control over the entire area. He recaptured Muzaffarabad from the Boi Sultan but gave it to him after a due warning to pay taxes in time. Maharaja Ranbir Singh opened many schools and post offices and enacted legislation to improve the legal system.
Mahraja Partap Singh was deeply religious.He remained in meditation and religious worship for most of his time. Though the British interference increased yet some improvement were brought. He got Kohala - Domel road and bridges at Kohala and Domel constructed in 1888.
During the rule of Maharaja Hari Singh, Primary education was made free and compulsory for all. 3000 schools were opened. Many hospital and dispensaries were opened. Tobacco was banned for children upto the age of 14. The land was given to the tillers. The minimum age for marriage was made as 18 years for boys and 14 years for girls. Demorcracy was introduced into the state. State assembly came into being in 1934. Out of 75 members 40 members were to be selected by the public. He created three new battalians i.e., 7, 8, and 9 Jammu & Kashmir Infantry Battalions in 1942 A.D. to ensure safety in the north-east region. He got the census of the state done in 1941. The population of Jammu & Kashmir during 1941 cesnus was: Muslims 3101247, Hindus 80965, Sikhs 65903, Boddhi 40696, Christians 3086 Jains and others 1519. The state was divided into 5 regions based on language as under:
Punjabi speaking areas: Districts of Mozaffarabad, Punchh, Mirpur and Ranbirpura Tehsil.
Dogri: Districts of Kathua, Jammu, Udhampur and Riasi.
Kashmiri: Baramula, Anantnag and Srinagar.
Ladakhi: District Ladakh
Dardi (Gilgiti): Gilgit, Gilgit Agency, Gorez, Drass and Asrot
Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) was one of the 565 princely states of India on which the British paramountcy lapsed at the stroke of midnight on 15 August 1947. By the terms agreed upon for the partition of the Indian subcontinent between India and Pakistan, the rulers of princely states were given the right to opt for either Pakistan or India or- with certain reservations- to remain independent. The ruler of J & K, Maharaja Hari Singh did not exercise the option to join either of the two dominions, and instead, wanted a Standstill Agreement pending final decision on his state's accession.
Finding direct danger to Srinagar from Qabailies and the situation having gone out of his control, Maharaja Hari Singh requested troops from Maharaja of Patiala. He also sent his Deputy Prime Minister Sri Ram Lal Batra on October 23, with a letter for Lord Mountbatten and Pt. Jawahar Lal Nehru with an appeal for assistance. Along with Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and Home Minister Vallabhbhai Patel, Mountbatten decided that Indian troops could be committed only if Hari Singh acceded to India, in exercise of his powers under the Independence of India Act.
On October 25, V.P. Menon flew to Srinagar to obtain Hari Singh’s signature on the Instrument of Accession and on 26 Oct 1947, the Maharaja signed the Instrument of Accession in favour of India. This instrument was accepted by the then Governor General of India, Lord Mountbatten, on 27 Oct 1947, thereby making J & K a legal and constitutional part of the Union of India. The agreement entered is given at Appendix ‘D’.
Meanwhile the First Patiala Sikh Regiment reached Srinagar on 27 October 1947 by air and halted the advance of Qabailies beyond Srinagar Airport. They pushed the Qabailies towards Baramulla. On the same day regular Indian Army troops were also rushed to the state to drive out the Pakistanis. The pushing back of the intruders continued thereafter.
This proxy war started by Pakistan through Qabailies, led to a full-scale war between India and Pakistan by November 1947, on till December, recapturing most of the territory. However some one-third of the disputed territory was still left with Pakistan. At Mountbatten’s suggestion, and by some accounts in the face of Vallabhbhai Patel’s strenuous objections, the Indian Cabinet referred the entire conflict to the United Nations Security Council. On 01 Jan 1948, India took up the issue of Pak aggression in J & K to the UN and a ceasefire was negotiated in January 1948. On August 13,1948, the Security Council submitted a signal resolution that was to shape the terms of India-Pakistan engagement on Kashmir for a considerable period.
The August 13 resolution, which both India and Pakistan agreed to honour, had three parts (Appendix ‘D’). The first part called for a cease-fire to come into force. The second part mandated that “since the presence of troops of Pakistan constitutes a material change since it was represented by the Government of Pakistan before the Security Council, the Government of Pakistan agrees to withdraw its troops.” Pakistan was also committed “to use its best endeavour” to secure the withdrawal of tribesmen and its other nations present there for the purposes of war, Section B of this second part of the resolution held that when the United Nations Commission for India and Pakistan (UNCIP) certified that Pakistani tribesmen and troops had withdrawn, India would withdraw from the State all but a minimum level of forces needed to maintain law and order. Subsequently, Part Three of the resolution mandated, the future of Jammu and Kashmir would be decided “in accordance with the will of the people.”
The cease-fire actually came into operation on 01 Jan 1948, leaving approximately 84,000 sq. km of Jammu and Kashmir under Pakistan control.
On 17 October 1949, the Indian Constituent Assembly adopted Article 370 of the Constitution, ensure a special status for Jammu & Kashmir. An interim constitution for the state of Jammu & Kashmir came into effect in November 1951
On 24 July 1952, an agreement was reached between Sheikh Abdullah, the then Prime Minister of J & K and the Government of india which provided for the state’s autonomy within India. Sheikh Abdullah later planned underhand to reach an agreement with Pakistan as well. He was thereafter removed and imprisoned for conspiracy. Bakshi Gulam Mohammed replaced him on 9 August 1953. The Government of India and Pakistan agreed to appoint a plebisite administrator by the end of April 1954. . With Muslims comprising a majority of the population in Kashmir Valley, one could easily have expected communal politics to develop but the people of this Valley, through centuries of their history had developed tolerance and peaceful coexistence, irrespective of different religious beliefs. The National Conference led by Mr. Sheikh Abdullah, a popular Kashmiri leader, believed in nationalism based on community interests and not on religion. Mr. MA Jinnah tried but failed to win the sympathies of the Muslims of Kashmir for his two-nation theory. Perhaps a plebiscite, soon after the partition of India and Pakistan, would have been overwhelmingly favorable to India. However, Pakistan never withdrew troops from North-West Kashmir which soon was declared by Pakistan as a state of Pakistan union.
However, Pakistan never withdrew its troops, scuttling the implementation of the August 13 Security Council Resolution. Finding Pakistan adamant on not vacating the Pakistan Occupied Kashmir and not allowing the pre-conditions for plebiscite to be fulfilled, the Jammu & Kashmir State Constituent Assembly in 1956 adopted a constitution with the provision that Jammu & Kashmir was thereafter an integral part of Union of India. A series of U.N. resolutions were passed to bring about progress, but with little effect. On December 2, 1957, for example, the Security Council passed a resolution expressing concern over the lack of progress in realising earlier resolution, after Sweden’s representative, Gunnar V. Jarring, submitted a report which “explore(d) what was impeding their full resolution.” Significantly, this 1957 resolution constituted the last instance of the U.N. considering the future of Jammu and Kashmir in a serious manner -until the Security Council’s most recent call for India-Pakistan dialogue on the issue.
India and Pakistan were left to conduct bilateral talks on Kashmir from December 27, 1962. Almost sabotaged at the outset by Pakistan’s decision to hand over 2,060 square miles of territory in its part of Kashmir to China, the talks dragged on desultorily, and collapsed after six rounds.
Having failed to secure Jammu & Kashmir through negotiations, Pakistan planned covert activities for creating unrest in J & K to show the world that J & K people are not actually with India and India has manipulated the state constituent assembly to pass the clause of integration with India. First such Pak inspired activities was violence and demonstrations across the valley on 27 December 1963 when the holy relic of Hazrat Mohammed was found missing from Hazrat Bal shrine. The holy relic was recovered on 4 January 1964. Sheikh Abdullah was also released on 8 April and the conspiracy case against him was dropped. Discussions were held between Prime minister of India Shri Jawahar Lal Nehru and Sheikh Abdullah on 29 April. At the instance of Nehru, Sheikh Abdullah went to Pakistan on 27 May. Meanwhile articles 356 and 357 were extended to J & K. This led to protest demonstrations in the state on 21 December.
Taking a cue from Hazrat Bal and December 1964, demonstrations in J & K, Pakistan thought of exploiting the situation through inciting the local public against India. Then came the idea of another Proxy war on the same line as that on 1947. Having failed to create anti-India feelings among public, Pakistan sent armed infiltrators across the LC under the code name OP Gibraltar on 5 August 1965 and in September across the international border near Chhamb.
Pakistanis tried out strategy of proxy war OP Gibraltar in 1965, which failed miserably. This again led to the famous war of 1965 which came into end on 23 September 1965 through a USSR brokered ceasefire.
In 1970-71, Pakistan resorted genocide in the erstwhile East Pakistan to suppress the large scale uprising by the people against West Pakistan authoritarianism. .India helped the Bengalis in terms of economic and political support as the great refugee influx from east Pakistan was become a great financial burden for India and above all creating a security risk. India helped the East Bengal freedom fighters Mukti Bahini which created lot of problems for Pakistan. To divert public opinion all over the world Pakistan resorted to air strikes against India It too resulted in the famous Bangladesh war of 1971. Pakistani forces surrendered in two weeks and East Bengal was liberated with a new name Bangladesh. Shimla Accord was signed between India and Pakistan on 4 July 1972 according to which, “both governments agree that their respective heads will meet again at a mutually convenient time in the future and that, in the meanwhile, the representatives of the two sides will meet to discuss further the modalities and arrangements for the establishment of a durable peace and normalization of relations, including the repatriation of prisoners of war and civilian internees, a final settlement of Jammu & Kashmir and the resumption of diplomatic relations.” The last line left the door open on Kashmir.
Meanwhile the Kashmir Accord was signed on 3 November 1974, by G. Parthasarathy, for Indira Gandhi and Mirza Afzal beg for Sheikh Abdullah. Sheikh Abdullah was sworn in as Chief of J & K on 25 February 1975 with the support of Congress Legislature Party. However Congress withdrew its support and Sheikh Abdullah resigned on 27 March 1977. As a result the state assembly was dissolved and the state had free and fair elections on 30 June. The nation Conference bagged 47 out lof 76 seats. Sheikh Abdullah took over as Chief Minister.
Having found Kashmir out of his hand General Zia-ul-Haque, ex Chief of Army Staff General Zia-ul-Haque an ex-Army Chief of Staff who took over the reins of Pakistan as military dictator planned to take the revenge of Bangla Desh defeat. He planned operation Tupac, a key proxy war operation in 1978. His main aim was to capture Kashmir and merge it with Pakistan and avenge Pakistani defeat in 1971. Operation Tupac was to be conducted over a period of 20 years and in four parts. In part one he had planned to send terrorists to Jammu and Kashmir, create unrest among the general public and fail the civil administration.
[3]
Sheikh Abdullah nominated his son Farooq Abdullah as his political heir on 23 January 1981 and died on 8 September 1982. Farooq Abdullah took over as Chief Minister after him. Farooq Abdullah led the National Conference to a convincing victory in Assembly Elections in 1983. As against his association with Congress party he invited opposition parties to a conclave at Srinagar within months of becoming the Chief Minister. The Congress party started a campaign to discredit the election. This resulted in his worsening of relations with Indira Gandhi who appointed Jagmohan as the Governor in April, 1984.. Farooq Abdullah’s government was dismissed on 02 July 1984 and his brother-in-law G.M. Shah was sworn in as the Chief Minister. G.M. Shah too was dismissed on 7 March 1986 and was replaced by Sheikh Abdullah in November 1986 after having reached at an accord with Rajiv Gandhi, the then Prime Minister of India. However the alliance of National Conference and National Congress lost considerable support in the valley.
This was a turning point for the Islamic fundamentalists. In Jan 1987 they united to form a Muslim United Front. Their aim was to oppose NC-Congress alliance. Farooq won the elections but with the charges of rigging. This also started a wave of protests in the valley and anti-India demonstrations were staged. At least ten people were killed in police firing. The protests continued and by August 1988 there was frequent curfew in the valley.
Meanwhile Pakistan succeeded in a proxy war in Afghanistan where it trained Taliban and trained them to fight the legitimate Afghan regime. Pakistan ISI remained at the hub of affairs, recruiting, training, arming, directing, control and providing necessary administrative support. Pakistan foreign office provided the necessary outside liaison with the Muslim world and propagated the cause of Taliban through Pakistani media. This proxy war resulted in a declared war between the Taliban and the ruling coalition. Taliban captured and ruled 80% of Afghan territory and Pakistan maintained its hegemony over Taliban.
Once Pakistan tasted its success through Taliban and was relatively free from Afghanistan it found Kashmir to be ripe for launching Operation Tupac. It upgraded its assistance in Kashmir and floated Jammu & Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) and a few other militant organization. JKLF became quite active in militant activities.
The proxy war in J & K heated up gradually in 1989. The violence began two bombs were thrown at the police by JKLF activities. The incidents followed by grenade attacks by militants. In July, Gen K V Krishna rao governor and in August Yusuf Halwai and NC worker was shot dead by militants. On 8 December, within days of V P Singh becoming prime Minister, Rubaiya Sayeed daughter of the Home Minister, Mufti Mohammed Sayeed was kidnapped by the JKLF. She was released on 13 December in exchange of 5 JKLF leaders. Release of prisoners resulted in victory celebrations by JKLF and creation of Anti-India feelings. This resulted in curfew in Kashmir valley and fiver persons getting killed in police firing.
Finding the situation worsening in J & K, Jagmohan was appointed Governor for a second time on 19 January 1990 while Farooq resigned. Terrorist continued their activities unabated. 35 people were killed on 20 January, when protesters were fired upon from both sides of the Gawakadal bridge. On 13 February Lassa Koul, director of Srinagar Door darshan, was killed by militants. In March, a mass exodus of Kashmiri Pundits took place. Massive protest marches continued in Srinagar. The security forces tried to stop them with police firing as a result more people were killed. On 21 May, Jagmohan resigned as governor. Girish Chandra Saxena, a former head of RAW (Research and Analysis Wing) was appointed Governor. However the violence continued unabated, becoming endemic. A situation of virtual civil war existed in the Valley in 1991. JKLF has been very active with direct support and guidance from Pak ISI. India however was able to create a dent in JKLF, weaning away certain elements. Finding JKLF slipping lout of its hands Pakistan created another terrorist outfit Hizbul Mujahideen. It also withdrew support to JKLF.
The BJP's Ekta Yatra (march for unity) on 26 January 1992 was allowed to hoist the National Flag in Lal Chowk, under total curfew and massive security. Nevertheless, the violence continued, spreading to areas of Jammu province like Doda. The Hizbul Mujahideen, the Pakistan backed terrorist organization increased its strength dramatically and differences surface between it and the JKLF. Pakistan created number of other militant organizations and also stepped up propaganda against India through its media and also through diplomatic channels. Allegations of human rights violations by the security forces increased as do charges of corruption.
In a freak incident, forty people were killed in Sopore by security forces who in retaliation to killing of their two men burnt down a section of the town in January 1993. The valley was in near fire again. Pakistan cashed on the situation by inciting Kashmiris and sending more terrorists in to the valley. In March, General K V Krishna Rao was again made Governor in March 1993. The death of a police constable, Riyaz Ahmed, in army custody in April started a strike by state policemen. In October the militants managed to occupy Hazratbal shrine. Security forces surrounded the shrine. The protest all over the valley created the tense situation. In one such tense moment, Security forces opened fire on protesters in Bij Behara killing sixty people. This worsened the situation even further and the militants increased their numbers. ISI also increased its activities in other parts of India.
Prime Minister Narasimha Rao tried to tie up the situation byo starting a political process in the Valley. He released militant leaders like Yasin Malik and Shabir Shah in 1994. Pakistan activated more terrorist outfits, with increased number of foreign militants. The total activities was named 'jihad' and the Islamic Fundamentalists were fed on the promise that Kashmir will soon be an Islamic state.
Indian Government took some economic and political measures to stop the increasing violence and terrorist activities
. In 1995, Jammu and Kashmir was declared backward state under the new industrial policy and entrepreneurs were exempted from income tax by 5 years. Terrorists however remained active. In May 1995 Chrar-e-Sharief town was set ablaze along with the 14th century Chrar-e-Sharief shrine by militants led by a foreign mercenary Mast Gul. In July, 5 foreign tourists are abducted from Pahalgam by a militant group (Al Faran).
India stepped up operations against militants and increased political and economic activity
. In March 1996, 33 top militants were killed, virtually annihilating JKLF (Aman) Group during an encounter with security forces at Hazratbal. Govt announced setting up of a State Human Rights Commission in January 1997. In Feb, Rs 7200 crore (US $ 1714.28 Million) economic package was announced for J&K. In Mar, elections to the Legislative Council were held with National Conference winning all but one seat which went to BJP In April elections for 6 parliamentary seats were held successfully. In September election to the State Assembly were conducted successfully. Democracy thus returned to the valley.
Irritated at the political leverage to India Pakistan stepped its activities again in 1998. This was to increase infiltration of foreign militants in the valley. Indian Security forces increased vigilance. Percentage of foreign militants killed went up to 47 percent in 1998, there by indicating a sense of despondency in Pak ISI and Pro Pakistan groups. 23 Kashmiri Hindus were killed by militants at Wandhama village in Srinagar District In Jan. New situation arose In May 1998, with India and Pakistan exploding Nuclear devices to establish their status as Nuclear powers in the region. July to Oct saw increased cross border firing by Pakistan to internationalize the Kashmir problem.
India however, tried to prove that situation was normal. The Prime Minister, Mr. IK Gujral on 27 Jan 99 inaugurated first National Winter Games. In Feb, Indian and Pakistan Prime Ministers met at Lahore and signed a Joint Declaration expressing resolve to settle all contentious issues between the two countries including Kashmir problem, through bilateral dialogue.
As the Lahore declaration was being signed Gen Musharraf the Pak Army Chief was preparing for infiltration into J & K. Not finding desired success due to stiff resistance by Indian security forces and Kashmiri Muslims not aligning with the terrorists, Pakistan sent its own forces which infiltrated and occupied Kargil heights with an aim of cutting Srinagar-Leh highway, cutting off northern Kashmir, encouraging demoralized terrorist outfits, internationalizing Kashmir issue and gaining a footage for any future dialogue.. This resulted in Kargil War. India even prepared itself for a major war with Pakistan. Pakistan succeeded in averting war by approaching USA. USA brokered ceasefire between Pakistan and India did not last long as without wasting much time Pakistan stepped up its proxy war which has since been continuing unabated.
India was surprised in Kargil despite the fact that India knew that Pakistan had planned such an operation. It had not prepared itself for such infiltration and had not kept its proper surveillance and vigilance along the borders.
India has failed to project the Pakistan’s aggression through proxy wars at international level and has not trained itself to fight a proxy war effectively despite over 50 years experience of proxy wars by now.
India has recently termed this proxy war system as cross border terrorism, which has been easily countered by Pakistan saying that there is no border in Kashmir but a LoC.
Judging from the ongoing proxy war in J & K even after Kargil and the past pattern of wars between India and Pakistan in which each proxy war followed regular war; a more aggressive and determined limited war can still be expected
Pakistan has since been actively aiding and abetting terrorism through ISI not only in J & K but also in rest of India. It is involved in training and financing terrorist groups in the East and South India. Pakistan’s main aim is to, ‘bleed India through thousand wounds’. It has made Indian Security Forces and J & K bleed profusely. The costs of countering this proxy war have been extensive in terms of human lives, financial expenditure and loss of peace.
Pakistan has continuously stepped up its propaganda. Any minor event in Kashmir valley is highlighted on Pakistan TV. 50% footage on Pakistan TV is of this proxy war; the riots, strikes, killings, firing etc. It has also been propagating that India is not meeting the commitment of bilateral negotiations. India has not been reacting as needed and kept on harping that India will enter into negotiations with Pakistan if Pakistan stopped cross border terrorism. It however, has not done anything worthwhile to highlight Pakistan’s proxy war against India. It tried to speak to the people of J & K. It even tried to have talks with Pakistani sponsored and funded Hurriyat, an umbrella organization of various terrorist groups. As the talks did not materialize India thought of the opportunity offered by Pakistan for talks. Accordingly in July 2001, Pakistani Chief Executive was invited to India.
This helped General Musharraf to consolidate his position and to become President of Pakistan the position only India legitimized under prevailing circumstances. General Musharraf came with a set one-point agenda i.e., Kashmir. Despite of India having declared J & K as an integral part of India, and to enter into dialogue only if terrorism from across the border was stopped, India agreed to enter into negotiations with Pakistan on issues including J & K. This not only vindicated Pakistan’s stand that Kashmir is an issue but also negated the earlier stands taken by India that J & K is not a disputed territory and its merger non-negotiable.
Talks with Pakistan failed but Gen Musharraf used the media extensively and effectively in India and Pakistan to highlight Pakistan’s view point that Kashmir is a disputed territory. Neither cross border terrorism no proxy war waged by Pakistan was adequately highlighted by India.
If the history of J & K is analyzed following facts emerge prominently:
Kashmir has been ruled by Indian Hindu Kings for over 4000 years and by invading Muslim rulers for about 450 Years.
Islam was introduced in Kashmir through forcible conversion of Hindus.
Islam is not the only religion in Kashmir; other religions include Hindus, Sikhs and Buddhists.
Punjabi/Dogri is the predominant language; Dardi, Kashmiri and Ladakhi follow.
Basic culture of J & K people remains Indian.
After partition of India in 1947, Kashmir Government and Indian Government reached a proper agreement for merger of J & K with India. Pakistan started a proxy war in J & K in 1947 in a well-planned manner to grab it; through the Qabailies; assisted, directed and controlled by regular Pakistan Army. This proxy war resulted in a war by November 1947 between India and Pakistan and continued till 1948. A UNO brokered agreement did not materialize as Pakistan did not meet its commitment of withdrawing forces and tribals from J & K.
Pakistan waged proxy wars again in 1965, and 1988 against India; All these proxy wars culminated into regular wars. ‘Op Tupac’ planned by Gen. Zia has been religiously followed by Pakistan Government. Kargil appeared to be the last phase of the operation i.e., the limited war.
India was surprised in Kargil despite the fact that India knew that Pakistan had planned such an operation. It had not prepared for such infiltration and had not kept its proper surveillance and vigilance along the borders.
India has failed to project the Pakistan’s aggression through proxy wars at international level and has not trained itself to fight a proxy war effectively despite over 50 years experience of proxy wars by now.
India has recently termed this proxy war system as cross border terrorism, which has been easily countered by Pakistan saying that there is no border in Kashmir but an LoC.
Judging from the ongoing proxy war in J & K even after Kargil and the past pattern of wars between India and Pakistan in which each proxy war followed regular war; a more aggressive and determined limited war can still be expected.
The Land. More than 90% of Jammu & Kashmir State is mountainous. The physiography of the territory as a whole is divided into seven zones that are closely associated with the structural components of the western Himalayas. From south-west to north-east these zones consist of the low-lying Jammu and Punch plains, the thickly forested (coniferous) Himalayan foothills (2000 to 7000 feet or 600 to 2100 m), the Pir heavily glaciated Panjal Range (average12500 feet or 3350 m), the Valley of Kashmir at an elevation of 5,300 feet or 1,600m, the complex central Great Himalayas ranges (more than 20,000 ft or 6,100m), the upper Indus Valley (11,000 feet or 3,350 m), the Ladakh plateau and the Karakoram Range.( more than 25,000 feet or 7,600m). The Indus, Jhelum, Chenab and Tawi are the major rivers and Dal and Wular are the major lakes. The climate varies from alpine in the northeast to subtropical to the southwest. Annual average precipitation ranges from 3 inches (75cm) in the north to 45 inches (1,150 cm) in the south-west.
The plains. The narrow zone of plains country in the Jammu region is characterized by interlocking sandy alluvial fans that have been deposited by streams discharging from the foothills and by a much-dissected pediment (eroded bedrock surface) covered by loams and losses (wind-deposited silt) of the Pleistocene Epoch (i.e., those about 10,000 to 1,600,000 years old). Rainfall is low, amounting to about 15 or 20 inches (380 to 500 millimeters) a year, and it occurs mainly in the form of heavy but infrequent rain showers in the summer (June of September), when the monsoon winds blow. The countryside has been almost entirely denuded of trees, and thorn scrub and co{censored} grass and the dominant forms of vegetation.
The Foothills. The foothills of the Himalayas, rising from 2,000 to 7000 feet (610 to 2,134 meters), form outer and inner zones. The outer zone consists of sandstones, clays, silts and conglomerates, influenced by Himalayan folding movements and eroded to form long ridges and valley (dunes). The inner zone consists of more massive sedimentary rock, including red sandstones of the Miocene Epoch (about 5.3 to 23.7 million years old) that has been folded, fractured, and eroded to form steep spurs and plateau remnants. River valleys are deeply incised and terraced, and faulting has produced a number of alluvium-filled basins, such as those of Udhampur and Punch. Rainfall increases with elevation, and the lower scrubland gives way to pine forests at higher altitudes.
The Pir Panjal Range. The Pir Panjal Range constitutes the first mountain rampart associated with the Himalayas. It has an average crest line of 12,500 feet, with individual peaks, rising to 15,000 feet. Consisting of an ancient rock core of granites, gneisses, quartz rocks, and slates, it has been subject to considerable uplift and fracturing and was heavily glaciated during the Pleistocene Epoch. The range receives considerable precipitation in the forms of winter snowfall and summer rain and has extensive areas of pasture above the tree line.
The Valley. The Valley of Kashmir is a deep, asymmetrical basin lying between the Pir Panjal and the western end of the Great Himalayas ranges at an average altitude of 5,300 feet. During the Pleistocene it was occupied at times by a lake, known as Lake Karewa, and is now filled by lacustrine sediments and alluvium deposited by the upper Jhelum River. Soil and water conditions vary considerably. The climate is characterized by an annual rainfall of about 30 inches, some of which is derived from the summer monsoon winds and some from winds associated with winter low-pressure systems. Snowfall often is with rain and sleet: Temperature is considerably modified by altitude; at Srinagar average minimum temperatures of about 28 F9-2 C occur in January and average maximum temperatures of 88 F (31 C) in July. Up to 7,000 feet, woodlands of deodar cedar, blue pine, walnut, willow, elm, and poplar occur: from 7,000 to 10,5000 feet coniferous forests with fir, pine, and spruce are found; from 10,5000 to 12,000 feet birch is dominate: and above 12,000 feet there are meadows with rhododendrons and dwarf willows as well as honeysuckle.
The Great Himalayas zone. Geologically complex and topographically immense, the Great Himalayas contain ranges reaching more than 20,000 feet in altitude and deeply entrenched, remote valleys. The region was heavily glaciated in the Pleistocene, and remnant glaciers and snowfields are still present. The zone receives some rain from the south-west monsoon winds in the summer months- and the lower slopes are forested-but the mountains constitute a climatic divide, representing a transition from the monsoon climate of the Indian sub-continent to the dry, continental climate of Central Asia.
The Upper Indus Valley: Valley of the Upper Indus River is a well-defined feature that follows the geological strike (structural trend) westward from the Tibetan border to the point in the Pakistani sector where it rounds the great mountainous mass of Nanga Parbat to run southward in deep gorges cut across the strike. In its upper reaches the river is flanked by gravel terraces, each tributary builds an alluvial fan out into the main valley. The town of Leh in the Indian sector stands on such a fan, 11,500 feet above sea level, with a climate characterized by almost total lack of rainfall, intense insolation (exposure to the Sun’s rays), and great diurnal and annual ranges of temperature. Life depends on melt water from the surrounding mountains, and vegetation is Alpine (i.e., above the limit of tree growth), growing on thin soils.
The Karakoram Range. The great granite-gneiss massifs of the Karakorum which straddle the Indian and Pakistani sectors, contain some of the world’s highest peaks, including K2, with an altitude of 28251 feet (8,611 meters); at least 30 other peaks exceed 24,000 feet. The range, which is still heavily glaciated, rises starkly from dry, desolate plateaus characterized by extremes of temperature and shattered rock debris. The Karakoram region is aptly named the “roof of the world.”
Siachen Glacier : The Siachen (the place of roses) glacier, 72 km, in the East Karakoram is one of the longest glaciers in the Himalaya and Karakoram. It has number of peaks, side valleys and at its head lies the Indira Col, the divide between South and Central Asia. The Nubra River drains the glacier and ultimately joins the Shayok river near Khaksar. On the west lies the West Karakoram (now under Pakistani control) and towards the east is the Shayok basin, forming the border with China. The northern slopes of the Indira Ridge leads to the Shaksgam valley.
Political Divisions
Jammu & Kashmir is situated in the northern part of the Indian subcontinent, in the vicinity of the Western Himalayan mountain ranges. Formerly one of the largest princely state of India, it is bounded on the north-east by the Uyghur Autonomous Region of Sinkiang and Tibet (The Tibet Autonomous Region) in China, on the south by Indian state of Himachal Pradesh and Punjab and on the north-west and west by a Pakistani-Occupied portion of the territory marked by Line of Control which has remained a flash point ever since the independence of India.
As Jammu & Kashmir’s boundary has been a subject of regular change, it is important to know the events leading to these changes in brief and then to describe the actual geography of the state.
Kashmir originally consisted of the northern top of undivided India, between Russia in the North, China in northeast, Tibet in East, Punjab in the South and West and Afghanistan in the northwest. In 1947 when India was divided into the present Indian and Pakistan states, the erstwhile princely states were asked to decide as to which state they would join. Kashmir was then ruled by Maharaja Hari Singh. As the Maharaja remained undecided, Pakistan planned to capture it by force. It sent its forces under the guise of Qabailies who occupied northeastern parts of Kashmir and then descended onto Srinagar. Having seen the imminent danger of forceful occupation of Kashmir by Pakistan, Maharaja Hari Singh agreed to accede Kashmir to India. On his immediate request Indian forces were dispatched to Kashmir, who valiantly fought and recovered most of the area from these invaders.
Meanwhile the Indian Prime Minister also appealed to U.N.O. for vacation of Kashmir from Pakistani Forces. The war between the two countries halted through a UNO brokered peace talk and the occupation of the occupied areas remained with Pakistan temporarily through a line of control popularly known as LoC, till a decision was reached.
In undivided India, Kashmir included the following important divisions: Kashmir valley, Jammu, Ladakh, Baltistan & Gilgit Agency
The last division and some portions of Kashmir valley still remain with Pakistan while the remaining Kashmir Valley, Jammu and Leh are with India. All these five regions are of heterogeneous character having varied culture, religions and languages. The northern part has high mountain ranges with heights varying from 3000 to 6000 meters.
SOCIO-CULTURE
The People: Population of J & K is 7, 718,700 as per 1991 census and less than 1% of India’s total population. The sex ratio is 923 females against 1000 men and the density is 76 men per sq. km. The people in Kashmir can be divided into four religious groups, Muslims (2/3rd) in Kashmir valley, Buddhists in Leh-Ladakh region and Dogra Hindus (30%) in Jammu region with a sprinkling of Sikhs in Kashmir valley and Jammu areas. King Ashoka introduced Buddhism (c.265-238 BC) in the region. Hinduism replaced Buddhism gradually. A succession of Hindu dynasties ruled over Kashmir until 1346 AD when it came under the Muslim rule From the 9th to the 12th century AD, the region appears to have achieved considerable prominence as a center of Hindu culture. It was brought under the Muslim rule in the 14th century, and it remained so for some five centuries until Sikh and then Dogra (hill Rajput) rulers assumed control in the 19th Century; it was annexed to the Sikh kingdom of the Punjab in 1819 and to the Dogra kingdom of Jammu in 1846. The (Hindu) Dogra dynasty ruled the region until 1947, when British India was partitioned into India and Pakistan. Urdu, Kashmir and Dogri are the official languages of Kashmir. Kashmiri, Dogri, Gojri, Punjabi, Urdu, Balti, Dardi, Pahari and Ladakhi are the languages spoken in different parts of J & K.
Education is free at all levels. Literacy rates, particularly in Ladakh, are lower than the national average. The two major institutes of higher education are, the University of Kashmir at Srinagar and the University of Jammu at Jammu, both founded in 1969. Medical services are provided by hospitals and dispensaries scattered throughout the state. There is somewhat lesser accessibility to health care in Ladakh, Influenza; respiratory ailments such as asthma, and dysentery are common health problems. Cardiovascular diseases, cancers, and tuberculosis are on the increase in the Valley of Kashmir.
People are primarily settled in village hutments alongside rivers for water and communication requirements and at the hilltops for security reasons. Srinagar in Kashmir valley and Jammu in Dogra region are the two major towns of the state with Leh in Ladakh developing into a township.
Rural settlements: Physiographic diversity is matched by the considerable variety of human occupation in the territory. In the plains and foothills, agricultural settlements have resulted from colonization movements from the Punjab region extending over a long period; both the people and their culture are similar to those of adjacent parts of the Punjab and other lowlands to the west. Where alluvial soils and the availability of water for irrigation make agriculture possible in the duns and lower valleys, the population is sustained by crops of wheat and barley, which are gathered in the spring (rabi) harvest, and of rice and corn (maize) gathered in the late summer (Kharif) harvest, as well as by keeping livestock. The upper sections of the valleys support a sp{censored}r population that depends on a mixed economy of corn, cattle, and forestry; seasonal migration to higher pastures in the spring is necessary for the production of milk and clarified butter, or ghee, or southern lowland markets. In winter the hill dwellers return to lower areas to work in government-owned forests and timber mills. Agricultural hamlets and nucleated villages predominate, and towns such as Jammu and Udhampur function essentially as market centres and administrative headquarters for the rural populations and estates in the vicinity.
The Jammu region:- Jammu, winter capital of the maharajas and second-largest city of the Indian sector, was traditionally the seat of Dogra power. Of the total population of Jammu, more than two-thirds are classed as Hindus; of these the greater part live in the southestern portion of the region. Culturally, ethnically, and linguistically, they are closely related to the Punjabi-speaking peoples in Punjab State (India), many speaking the Dogri language. The majority of the Sikhs also live in the Jammu region. To the northwest, however, the proportion of Muslims increases, with Muslims constituting a dominant majority in the area around the western town of Punch.
Kashmiris of the Valley and Highlands. The Valley of Kashmir with its surrounding highland (Kashmir proper) has always retained something of its own individuality. The vast majority of the people are Muslim; culturally and ethnically, the closest links are with peoples in the northwestern highlands of the Gilgit district in the Pakistani sector. The Kashmiri language is influenced by Sanskrit and belongs to the Dardic branch of Indo-Aryan languages also spoken by the various hill tribes of Gilgit. The great majority of the population resides in the lower reaches of the Valley. Srinagar, Jammu & Kashmir’s largest city is located on the Jhelum River.
Ladakh. The Great Himalayas are an ethnic and cultural, as well as physical, divide. Ladakh (sometimes called “Little Tibet”), to the northeast, is thinly populated. To the east, around Leh, the inhabitants are predominantly Buddhists of Tibetan ancestry and language (Ladakhi). In the region around Kargil to the west, however, the population is predominantly Muslim, most belonging to the Shi’ite branch of Islam.
Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (PoK) is a quasi-state in the Pakistani-occupied sector of Jammu and Kashmir, in the northwestern part of the Indian subcontinent. PoK is neither a province nor an agency of Pakistan but has a government of its own that is regarded by Pakistan as “independent,” even though it is protected by and economically and administratively linked to Pakistan. The Pakistani Supreme Court in early September was constrained to note the denial of the basic human right to these people to affect their own representatives. It has approximately 650 square miles (1,680 square km) area and consists of an area shaped stretch of territory bordering the India’s Jammu and Kashmir on the east, the Pakistani states of Punjab on the south and southwest and North-West Frontier Province on the west, and the Gilgit and Baltistan agencies of Pakistan on the north.
Northern Pakistan occupied Kashmir comprises foothills of the Himalayas rising to Jamgarh peak (15,531 feet [4,734 m); south of this are the north-western reaches of the Pir Panjal Range, which has an average crest line of 12,500 feet (3,800 m). The Jhelum River and its upper tributaries, including the Punch River, have cut deeply incised and terraced valleys through these mountain ranges; the Jhelum also constitutes most of the western boundary of PoK. The southern part of the territory consists of a narrow zone of plains' country in the Punch region that is characterized by interlocking sandy alluvial fans. Thorn scrub and co{censored} grass are the dominant forms of vegetation in the south: this scrubland gives way to pine forests at higher elevations in the north.
Wheat, barley, corn (maize), millet, and livestock are raised in the lower valleys and support relatively high population densities. In the more sp{censored}ly settled upper valleys, corn, cattle, and forestry are the economic mainstays. There are deposits of marble near Muzaffarabad and Mirpur, graphite at Mohriwali, and other reserves of bauxite, silica, chalk and low-grade coal; Household industries produce carved wooden objects, textiles, and durries carpets. The government of PoK has its headquarters at Muzaffarabad, which is linked by road with Abbottabad to the Southwest. Mirpur is the major town in the southern part of the territory.
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Administration and Social Conditions: Before its division, the territory as a whole was composed of the provinces of Jammu, Kashmir, and the border states-Ladakh, Baltistan, and the Gilgit Agency. The districts of Muzaffarabad, Kotli, and Mirpur, as well as part of Punch, now form the state of Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (PoK), while Baltistan, Astor, and the Gilgit Agency now constitute the Northern Areas-all of this area in the Pakistani-controlled sector. The districts of Ladakh (Leh), Anantnag, Baramulla, Srinagar, Pulwama, Badgam, Kupwara, and Kargil in Srinagar province and the districts of Jammu, Mathua, Udhampur, Rajauri, Doda, and part of Punch of Jammu province form the Indian-held sector and are represented in the Indian Parliament as the state of Jammu and Kashmir. Srinagar is the summer capital while Jammu is the winter capital of the state. The state is distributed in 14 districts.
Analysis: Considering Geography, political divisions and socio-culture of J & K we find that: J & K consists of Jammu, Kashmir, Ladakh, Baltistan and Gilgit Agency. Kashmir valley is a very small part of J & K. Any matter relating to J & K has to be discussed in its entirety and not in parts e.g., Kashmir valley which is just a small part. When we say Kashmir it is actually J & K and not Kashmir valley alone. Maharaj Hari Singh ceded J & K to India.
J & K population consists of Muslims of all faiths, Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhist and some sprinkling of Christians. As per 1941 census of the state after Muslims come Hindus & Sikhs in nearly equal numbers. To regard Kashmir valley Muslims as the true representatives of J & K will be gross misrepresentation of the population. Ladakhi, Gilgit and Jammu Muslims do not have commonalities and have differences in faiths as well.
To declare Kashmir as a Muslim state will be a gross injustice to the people of J & K who belong to all faiths and have been living amicably and cordially till the problems of terrorism & proxy war was imposed by Pakistan in J & K. The responsibility of a government is to grant equal rights to all citizens. But the experience in almost all Muslim states has shown that other communities are not granted equal right as is the case of Pakistan, Afghanistan and Gulf Countries. In Afghanistan
the destruction of ancient Buddhist monuments and imposing identity symbols on Hindus are gross violation of the law of equity and justice.
The culture of J & K has deep roots in Indian culture; the languages close to Indian languages and the area geographically meshed in northern part of India. To take a part say Kashmir valley breaks the contiguity of the area.
Economy
Jammu & Kashmir’s per capita state domestic product at current prices is Rs 3,420. It has road length of 14,429 km. and a rail route of 77 km. The majority of the population pursues subsistence agriculture and grows rice, corn (maize) wheat, barley, pulses, oilseeds and tobacco on terraced slopes. In the valley of Kashmir large orchards produce apples, pears, perches, mulberries, walnuts and almonds. Saffron is produced only in Kashmir in the entire subcontinent.
Resources and Agriculture: - The territory has limited mineral and fossil fuel resources, much of it being concentrated in the Jammu region. Small reserves of natural gas are fond near Jammu, and bauxite and gypsum deposits occur in the Udhampur district. Other minerals include limestone, coal, zinc and copper.
Occupation: - The majority of the Kashmiri population is occupied in agriculture of diverse kinds, each adapted to local conditions. Rice, the staple crop, is planted in May and harvested in late September. Corn, millet, pulses (legumes such as peas, beans, and lentils), cotton, and tobacco are- with rice- the main summer crops, while wheat and barley are the chief spring crops. Many temperate fruits and vegetables are grown in areas adjacent to urban markets or in well-watered area with rich organic soils. In the Valley of Kashmir large orchards produce apples, pears, peaches, walnuts, almonds, and cherries. The Valley of Kashmir is the sole producer of saffron in the Indian subcontinent. Lake margins are particularly favoured, and intensive cultivation of vegetables and flowers is practised in reclaimed marshland or on artificial floating gardens. The pressure of population on land is everywhere apparent, and all available resources are utilized. The lakes and rivers provide fish, water chestnuts, hydroelectric power, and transport and are a tourist attraction. The mountains supply many kinds of timber and pasture for sheep and dairy cattle.
Cultivation in Ladakh is restricted to such main valley as those of the Indus, Shayok, and Suru rivers, where it consists of small-irrigated plots of barley, buckwheat, turnips, and mustard. Plants introduced in the 1970s by Indian researchers have given rise to orchards and vegetable fields. Pastoralism-notably yak herding-long has been a vital feature of the Ladakh economy” ; sheep and goat farming, as well as cattle breeding, have been encouraged. The Kashmir goat, which is raised in the region, provides cashmere (also called pashmina) for the production of fine textiles.
Animal life: Wild animals include the Siberian ibex, the Ladakh urial (a species of wild sheep with a reddish coat), the rare hangul (or Kashmir stag) found in Dachigam National Park, black and brown bears, and many game birds, including vast numbers of migratory ducks.
Trade and Industry: All the principal towns, including Leh, and a majority of the villages are electrified, and hydroelectric and thermal generating plants have been constructed to provide power for industrial developing based on local raw materials. Major power stations are at Chineni and Salal and on the upper Sind and lower Jhelum rivers. Land reforms have been undertaken, grain production increased, and the quantity of major exports-timber, fruits and dry nuts, and handicraft products- vastly expanded since 1947. Metal-ware, precision instruments, sporting goods, furniture, embroidery, matches, and resin and turpentine are the major industrial products of the state.
Srinagar possesses many specialized agricultural markets, retail shopping centres, and associated industries. The industries have developed from rural crafts and include handloom weaving of local silk, cotton, and wool, carpet weaving, wood-carving, and leather work. Such industries, together with silverwork and copper work and jewellery, were stimulated by the presence of the royal court and the tourist trade but also owe something to the important position achieved by Srinagar in west Himalayan trade. In the past the city acted as an entrypoint for the products of the Punjab region east of the Karakoram, Pamir, and Ladakh ranges on the other. Routes still run northwestward into Gilgit via the Raj Diangan Pass and northeastward via the Zoji Pass to Leh and beyond. Handicraft manufacture also is important in Ladakh, particularly the production of cashmere shawls, carpets, and blankets.
Transportation and Tourism: The Indian union (central) government has made a huge investment in developing highways and communications in Jammu and Kashmir. As a result of the India-Pakistan dispute over Kashmir, the route through the Jhelum valley from Srinagar to Rawalpindi (Pakistan) was blocked. This made it necessary to transform a longer and more difficult cart road through Banihal Pass into an all-weather highway in order to link Jammu with the Valley: included was the construction of the Jawahar Tunnel (1959), one of the longest in Asia. This road, however, is often made impassable by severe weather, which causes shortages of essential commodities in the Valley. A road also connects Srinagar with Kargil and Leh. Jammu is the terminus of the Northern Railway of India. Srinagar and Jammu are connected by air to Delhi and other Indian cities, and there is service between Srinagar and Leh.
Considerable improvements also have been made in facilities for tourists, although the potential is still largely untapped. Tourism has had a significant socio-economic impact on Ladakh, which was largely isolated from outsiders until the 1970s. In addition to historical and religious sites, visitor destinations include such snow-sports centres as that at Gulmarg south of Baramula in the Pir Panjal Range and the hot mineral springs at Chumathang near Leh.
The proxy war has been however very expensive for India, not only in terms of disturbed conditions, loss of valuable lives as loss of tourism and trade but also overall financial burden for managing the costly proxy war.
The Pakistan-sponsored terrorist violence has taken a toll of 9,151 civilians and 5,101 security personnel besides inflicting an estimated damage worth Rs 2,000 crore to private property.
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Political situation
The state of Jammu and Kashmir retains a special status within the union government: the rest of the states follow the Indian constitution, but Jammu and Kashmir has its own constitution (adopted in 1956) that affirms the integrity of the state within the Republic of India. The union government has direct legislative powers in matters of defence, foreign policy, and communications within the state and has indirect influence in matters of citizenship, Supreme Court jurisdiction, and emergency powers.
Under the constitution of Jammu and Kashmir, the President of India appoints the governor of the state. Executive power rests in the elected chief minister and the council of ministers. The legislature consists of two houses: the Legislative Assembly (Vidhan Sabha) of 77 members, representing constituencies: and the Legislative Council (Vidhan Parishad) of 36 members. The state directly sends four elected representatives to the Lok Sabha and two members, elected by the combined Legislative Assembly and Council, to the Rajya Sabha of the Indian Parliament. The High Court consists of a chief justice and two or more other judges, who are appointed by the president of India.
After the initial bungling, in the 50s, India took up a resolute stand on the Kashmir issue, making it absolutely clear that the solution of the problem lay in Pakistan vacating the territory it had illegally occupied. The Indian delegate at the United Nations went even a step further when he exposed the vested interest the West had in keeping the Kashmir issue alive. “Kashmir is a cold war issue; it is part of the desire to forge a ring around the Soviet Union, part of the policy of what is called “containment”.
To a large extent, so-called Kashmir problem has been exacerbated by the open partisanship shown by the West, more particularly, Britain and United States towards Pakistan within the United Nations and outside. USA even went a step further by turning a deaf ear to India’s steady complaint right from 1989 over Pakistan’s systematic attempts to create a reign of terror in the valley by promoting militant outfits from across the border who indulged in kidnapping and carnage. It began with the kidnapping of the daughter of India’s then Home Minister Mufti Mohd. Sayeed followed by selective killings, disrespect to the Indian tri-color, the flight from the Valley of the Pandit community, bomb explosions, storming of mosques and other places of worship, killing of our security personnel, attacks on media-persons, etc. None knows the fate of the Western tourists kidnapped a few years ago, though the decapitated body of one tourist was found in between. Terrorism robbed Kashmir of its earnings through inland and international tourism.
American Interests: Hopes of a resolution of the question of Jammu and Kashmir’s status virtually receded from the world’s collective consciousness for two decades. But Pakistan’s emergence as a key front in the U.S. assault on Soviet influence in Afghanistan changed that situation. By the mid-1980s, Pakistan was working on Operation Tupac, a revised version of its 1947 and 1965 enterprises, this time built around a sustained low-intensity conflict in Kashmir followed by a mass uprising.
If only any historian delves into the history of the Indian subcontinent, he would discover that Pakistan became a “terrorist” state not in 1989, but way back as early as 1947, the year a state based on the concept of a state religion was born as India’s neighbor. To a large extent the East, more particularly USA, has helped Pakistan become, a terrorist State by pampering it politically and militarily right from the beginning. So much so, now that the Kargil conflict seems to be escalating day by day, the “irresponsible” (a phrase used by the G-8 summit in Cologne) Pakistani leadership is even talking of pressing the nuclear button as an ultimate weapon in its insidious attempt to ‘internationalize’ the so-called Kashmir issue. Be it in 1947 or 1965 or 1971 or 1989 (when Pakistan launched its proxy war or its trans-border terrorism) or right now in 1999, it was and is Pakistan that created the Kashmir problem.
The U.S is not an honest broker in the process of peace. If Balkanization was a bad word until recently, Madeline Albright and the U.S. Department of State seemed to have adjudged it to be a worthwhile strategy in the Balkans itself. Now Bush has compared Kashmir to Kosovo in his recent statement. USA always propagated Kashmir as a disputed territory and freedom and self determination as the solutions; the version of Pakistan stand. The Pakistanis and the Pakistan- trained militants are perhaps cheered by the U.S. stand on Kosovo (and the U.S. fraternization with the Kosovo Liberation Army). Both should read the preface to Noam Chomsky’s recently republished Fateful Triangle: The United States, Israel and the Palestinians, in which he reports on the fate of the Kurds and Iraqi Shias. In order to isolate Iran, the U.S. will ensure that the Shia people of southern Iraq and the Kurds are not allowed to create homelands. In Kosovo, however, the U.S. enacts the principal of self-determination, perhaps in order to ensure the eastward expansion of its power through a refurbished North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Self-determination, in U.S. eyes, is only acceptable if it accords with the overall strategic objectives of the U.S.
If U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Gibson Lanpher and others seemed to speak for India now, U.S. officials seemed equally eager to keep the pot of Kashmir on the boil in order to facilitate an active U.S. entry into matters of state in South Asia. Bush taking a cue from his previous administration is further disturbing. Even though India negated that the talks with Musharraf were under no duress from USA, the facts speak otherwise. Even President Musharraf stated this before the Agra summit. The pressure of USA on India is thus a disturbing; India must not bow to balkanization.
Chinese interest. The conflicts within the state were heightened by tensions at the periphery between China and India. After the Chinese communist conquest of Tibet and the resurgence of Chinese power in Sinkiang, Chinese forces penetrated into the north-eastern parts of Ladakh; by 1956-57 they had completed a military road through Aksai Chin to provide better communication between Sinkiang and western Tibet. The belated discovery of the existence of this road by Indian patrols led to border clashes that culminated in the Sino-Indian war in October 1962. “China requested Pakistan in 1962 to settle its dispute by engaging Indian troops in Kashmir but Pakistan missed a golden chance to win a military victory” wrote Major general Rafi-ud Din a former Chief of Special Operations in the Inter Service Intelligence (ISI) who retired in 1993 wrote in The News
[6] The north-eastern part of Ladakh has been occupied by China since the conflict. India refused to negotiate with China on the alignment of the Ladakhi boundary in this area, and the incident contributed significantly to the diplomatic rift between the two countries that only began to heal in the late 1980s. China was facilitated by Pakistan by giving atrategic heights in northern Kashmir and
by allowing China to build a road into Pakistan through J & K territory. This was a clear violation of all agreements reached from 1948 onwards. Pakistan had no right to gift away territory of J & K on which it had no legal jurisdiction.
In turn China helped Pakistan by providing military aid, missiles and even the know how about the atomic bomb. In addition it provided material, diplomatic and moral support to Pakistan throughout. China has thus proved to be the most trusted friend of Pakistan.
India’s stand: As far as India is concerned it has all along taken an unambiguous stand that Kashmir is as much a part of India as Tamil Nadu or Rajasthan and the so-called problem of Kashmir emanates from the invasion of a part of Kashmir by Pakistan in 1947. The problem would cease to exist the moment Pakistan vacates its aggression.
Pakistan’s Stand: Pakistan, built on the two-nation theory, argues that since the majority of the population of Kashmir is Muslim, it should belong to Pakistan. A pluralistic society like India which is home to many religions and languages, does not accept the concept of a state based on religion. Political analysts contend that a “fundamentalist” state like Pakistan that has fanned the flames of communal divide and has fostered the Taliban movement- an obscurantist crusade that has stifled basic human freedoms in Afghanistan at the behest of its Pakistani godfather - would have invented some other genie to harass India even if there were no Kashmir.
At the signing of the Simla Agreement on July 2, 1972, India wanted the Kashmir issue to be settled first. Pakistan Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Butto appealed that the Kashmir issue not be treated as the core one after Pakistan's military defeat in the 1971 war. Three decades later, General Parvez Musharraf called Kashmir the core issue. Prime Minister Vajpayee is willing to discuss Kashmir, but as part of a composite dialogue.
At the time of the Vajpayee-Musharraf summit on July 15, in Agra, both countries had diametrically opposite views on the Kashmir issue.
Positions on Kashmir
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INDIA
- Does not consider the Kashmir issue a dispute. Insists that Pakistan give back PoK under its control. It considers cross border terrorism as the key issue and asks Pakistan to stop it before any meaningful dialogue.
- India says that the UN resolutions are no longer applicable. This position has been supported by UN Secretary General Kofi Anan.
- India is willing to discuss Kashmir in a bilateral mode with Pakistan under the Simla Agreement.
- According to India, Kashmir can be talked about only as part of a composite dialogue covering a range of issues like Siachen, terrorism, Sir Creek, Wular Barrage, etc. The framework for such composite talks is already in existence.
- India wants the Line of Control in Kashmir to be made a line of peace and tranquillity. This means that Pakistan stop its cross-border terrorism.
- Sees Pakistan's offer of a no-war pact meaningless, considering it is materially supporting a low-intensity war in Kashmir.
| PAKISTAN
- Wants India to acknowledge that the Kashmir issue is a dispute. Desires that the dispute be settled under the 1948 and 1949 UN resolutions. It denies its role in cross border terrorism. It also denies the role of ISI in any of the operation in India.
- Pakistan wants that if a plebiscite under the UN resolutions is not acceptable, then the people of Kashmir (Valley) be granted the right to self-determination.
- Pakistan's position is opportunist. Its stand that the Hurriyat, which claims to represent the people of Kashmir, be included as a third party in talks is equivocal.
- Wants to discuss Kashmir dispute as the core issue. After pressure from the international community it has relented to fall in line with India's proposal of a composite dialogue. Gen. Musharraf still maintains that no dialodue can be started without it
- Claims that the terrorists are not under its control. In a cleaver ploy it has suggested that international observers be deputed to assess its position on the LoC.
- Desires a no-war pact because it fears that India's threshold of tolerance may snap, leading to an all-out war.
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The rise of terrorism in 1989 put an effective end to India-Pakistan bilateral initiative. Prime Minister I.K.Gujral and Nawaz Sharif sought to revive a process of dialogue, but their initiative proved of limited utility owing to a variety of reasons. What shape future dialogue on Jammu and Kashmir will take is far from clear.
[7]
The current crisis has less to do with the accession of 1948 and far more to do with events that began in the early 1980s. Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah died on September 8,1982, an incident that put into disarray the mild form of stability constitute by the skill of the Sheikh and the relatively careful governance from Delhi. This history can be developed with the four ages which originated in the political venality both of Indira Gandhi’s Congress and of Farooq Abdullah’s National Conference (1983-88) created the upsurge of young Kashmiris for azaadi manifested in the Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (1998-91); Pakistan’s usurpation of the revolt through the offices of the Hizbul Mujahideen and other Pakistan-oriented organisations (1991-93) and then into a proxy war fought by Pakistan through its ISI-trained mayhem Mujahideen (foreign, mainly Afghan, mercenaries) and the Indian forces. The Pakistani bombardment of Kargil, which began in April 1997, falls into this fourth phase.
Evidence of the “present ness” of the conflict can be seen in the emboldened Pakistani ISI and in the rise of the Hindu Right in India. If the ISI sent a group of rag-rag fighters into Kashmir in 1948 and 1965, by the late 1980s it was a very different outfit. “Steeled by the Afghan war,” the ISI systematically planned for action in Kashmir from 1984. It trained those opposed to India and allowed the insurgency “in Kashmir to ripen so that the fruit would fall of its own accord into Pakistani laps”
[8]. In February 1990, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, the Afghan militant, told a crowd at Peshawar that India in Kashmir might face the same fate as the Soviets in his native land.
[9]. The confidence of the Afghan campaign provided the ISI with personnel and prestige for its Kashmir intrigues.
Simultaneously, the rise of the Hindu Right in India alienated many Kashmiri Muslims from what some militants, following Jamaat founder Maulana Mehdhoodi, called the “Theo democracy” of India. The Vishwa Hindu Parishad’s Shilanyas campaign of 1989, L.K. Advani’s Rath Yatra of 1991, Murli Manohar Joshi’s Ekta Yatra of late 1991, and the demolition of the Babri Masjid in 1992 all contributed to the growth of militancy in Kashmir. “When the band of fellow travelers and fanatics reached Delhi,” Joshi writes of the BJP cadres, “it became clear that instead of uniting the country, the Ekta Yatra had succeeded in uniting the militants in the valley”
[10]. The strengthened resolve of the militants provided the ISI with a vast opening for its infiltrators. The shenanigans of the Sangh Parivar and the ruthlessness of the ISI came together to foment the present fierce crisis.
In this conflict, over 20,000 people have died and a vast number has been affected in myriad ways. “Kashmiris are paying the highest price in this conflict, caught between the grindstones of the Pakistani Mujahideen and the Indian security forces”
[11] As with conflicts in Punjab and elsewhere, the gun became the arbiter of political differences. Kashmiri militants wielded the gun to kill their opponents and become the sole political agency in the region; the marginal Jamaat, for instance, emerged as a player in Kashmir “courtesy of the gunmen of the Hizbul Mujahideen”
[12]. The Border Security Force (BSF), the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) and the Army took charge of operations as the civilians found negotiations faltering. “Excessive force” became the normal principle of the men with the guns. In this scenario, those politicians eager for a solution without weapons fled (with the exception of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) leader Yusuf Tarigiami and Mohammed Shaffi Bhat
[13]. The militarization of the conflict provides no avenue for a solution.
Only plausible solution to the imbroglio is for the Indian Government to win “back the hearts and minds of the Kashmiri Muslims in the valley”
[14]. The current caretaker government seems to be unprepared ideologically and institutionally for such an endeavor. Unable to engage a “swadeshi” foreign policy, the BJP looks toward the United States for salvation from a dilemma that neither of them can fathom.
The kidnapping of Dr. Rubaiya Sayeed (daughter of Mufti Mohammed Sayeed), the Hazratbal stand-off of 1993, the destruction of Charar-e-Sharief, the Doda fracas, and the beheading of tourists are important events of the recent past. The ISI encouraged the creation of many groups rather than one united front principally because it wished to make counter-insurgency all the more difficult to handle for the Indian security forces. If one group was destroyed, this did not mean that the entire panoply of pro-Pakistan militants would be put into danger. A detailed account of the Lashkar-e-Taiba would have been useful, given Ahmed Rashid’s revelations that the group has infiltrated the highest echelons of the Pakistani Army. The Dukhtaran-e-Millat, the women’s wing of the Jamaat, which was formed in 1987 and which emerged in force after the Chhanpora rape of March 1990
[15].
Just as Pakistan cannot be trusted, India has to take with a pinch of salt the superficial American concern about Pakistan’s responsibility in creating the latest crisis. The slight tilt towards India is more tactical and expedient; in case India is compelled to cross the LoC to wipe out the intruders, there is every possibility of USA changing its stand all on a sudden. We have on record that countries like Israel and USA have developed their own code of taking on the enemy and they would do anything to destroy the enemy at a place of their choice. Several years ago Israel chose to destroy Iraq’s nuclear reactor to prevent an Arab nation from becoming nuclear. For long Israel has been calling the shots in Lebanon. Likewise, USA stormed a Sudanese chemical factory and the hideout of Bin Laden in Afghanistan-Pakistan sector when American embassies in two African countries were razed to the ground by alleged Arab terrorists. But what is good for USA and Israel my not be considered appropriate for India. Here is Pakistan that has not only violated the LoC, but threatens nuclear strike against India if India refuses to resolve the Kashmir issue. And the American army chief discusses a proposal to provide a “safe corridor” for the intruders. And what on earth is the compensation that can never be paid for the immense sacrifices made by our soldiers to defend our nation.
“The recent military action should be seen as part of a continuing pattern of Pakistani involvement in J & K since 1989. One phase of involvement reached its peak in the early part of 1990, but this was contained soon after. The second phase started in 1992, when Pakistan began to push in different terrorist groups such as the Lashkar-e-Toiba or the Harkat-uI-Ansar”.
The Prime Minister said this phase reached its peak in the period 1993-95 and was focused in the valley and once India succeeded in containing this, the action moved to other parts of J & K, particularly in selected districts of Jammu and in the regions adjoining the Line of Control.
The Prime Minister described the current infiltration as qualitatively new as their numbers were higher. Further, this time they were holding territory rather than seeking to infiltrate into the valley or other parts of Kashmir.
He said this was also the first time that Pakistan was holding out a military change to the Shimla agreement by seeking to alter the Line of Control.
Talking about the constraints faced by India, Mr. Vajpayee said the terrain gave them significant military advantage, since they were entrenched along the ridges in a 140 km stretch, from Mushkoh valley and Dras in the west to Batalik and Turtak in the east. The initial ground action, therefore, was slow and costly in casualties. This is why we decided to bring in air power to pound the armed intruders. We are satisfied with the progress made so far. I am sure all of you will join me in applauding the performance of our armed forces that have already brought us significant success, he told the leaders of different political parties. The Tribune, June 29, 199
After three elections in two years the Kashmir Valley today bears all the attributes of normalcy. Schools opened in the middle of March after the long winter recess. Towns and cities witness the hustle and bustle of daily routine. Rural areas today are largely free of 'cordon and search'. Electricity is available throughout the Valley after the Uri Hydel-project went on stream. The Charar-e- Sharief shrine of the Sufi patron saint of the Valley, destroyed by the militants in 1995, is under reconstruction and is likely to be completed by autumn. Cricket is played vigorously in village greens on a clear day. The winter has been comparatively mild and spring has set in early.
[16]
This USA brokered temporary peace helped Pakistani troops to retrieve safely. However this never deterred Pakistan from keeping its ISI active and terrorists striking at will. The pure Pakistan outfit LeT has been even more active and so is the ISI backed Hizzub who have since continued at endless killings, without caring for human values.
There are discordant notes as well. Srinagar and some of the major towns still shut off when the Hurriyat calls for a bandh. This is not very unusual among peace loving Kashmiris, ever keen to avoid giving an excuse for unnecessary violence. Anti-militant operations are still pursued, though less frequently, in the main by the special teams of the local police and the para-military.
The peace moves by Prime Minister of India and the declaration of cease-fire and its extension from time to time has actually relieved the Kashmiri population of tensions and has started showing its active interest in genuine peace. The Indian Kashmiri insurgents have nearly stopped their activities to give the peace a chance. The insurgency is now centred on the Pakistani intruders primarily Lashkar-e-Toiba, Harkat-ul-Ansar and Jaish-e-Mohammad. Popular support to the movement has abated to a point where spontaneous acts of violence by terrorists are no longer possible. The people are both wary and full of mistrust. The militants' propaganda does not carry conviction. Press in the Valley now attempts to provide both sides of the story rather than routinely issue statements on behalf of the militants. But, acts of terrorism will not come to a sudden end, unlike in the Punjab. The local police are yet to establish themselves, although they have come a long way. The terrain allows militants a degree of freedom, as in the hills of Northeast India, which will permit them to carry on their desperate acts for some time. There is still no shortage of volunteers from the Islamic world or from Pakistan. It is true their costs have doubled. From an amount of two lakhs of Rupees for a two-year contract in the Valley, the sum is now four lakhs. Increasingly the persons are hard core serving or ex-soldiers of the armed forces from across the LOC, such as those involved in the Wandhama massacre near Ganderbal on the eve of the Republic Day. The ISI handlers today monitor their activities even more closely than before.
The Security Forces job, then, is far from over. This summer will witness a desperate attempt by Pakistan to escalate violence. Border infiltration has been substantially curbed. Foreign terrorists now enter the State through neighbouring countries and not across the LOC. Their tactics will increasingly rely on use of improvised explosive devices, acts of violence against minorities and selective and random killings of key persons. To prevent such acts will require all the skill and commitment that the security forces can muster. There can be no question of a reduction of forces for the time being. Equally, this should be a priority for the coming winter to provide them rest and respite.
It is time then to think of the next stage in Kashmir. The real solution lies in the ability of the State to provide "good governance". A phrase much overused today, but which in reality encapsulates the responsibility of the State to its citizens. It is a sad commentary that this continues to be largely absent in the Valley. There are many excuses perhaps. Most important is that the Administration has become used to non-performance and non-accountability during the long period of President's rule. Yet, the utter lack of commitment of local politicians is a cause for concern. Corruption has again reached the levels that prevailed earlier. Faith in politicians, not politics, is very low. This was reflected both in the people's generally spontaneous participation in the elections, this time with no state coercion and their strong warning to the National Conference.
There are signs of the possible emergence of a new political force in the Valley. One that is independent of the National Conference, but by no means extremist in its orientation. This was reflected in Mufti Mohammed Sayeed's success at Anantnag. Credit goes to his daughter Mehbooba, herself a state assembly member, and her dynamic mobilization of the people. This was further reflected in the near success of Muzaffar Beg, an independent candidate in Baramula and an emerging political personality in the State, against Saifulla Soz. If elections in the future continue to be genuine and the people's desires are truly reflected in the poll results, there is no cause for undue concern.
The courage and determination of the Indian soldier and the honour given to them by their countrymen have been unparalleled in the world history. On the other hand the treachery of Pakistan too is unparalleled as only a short period before the two Prime Ministers signed the peace accord known as Lahore declaration. The meticulous tactical planning and conduct of the infiltration with complete and total surprise by the Pakistan Army are as laudable as extreme bravery of Indian troops and diplomatic effectiveness of the Indian Government. However certain very important questions remained to be answered. These are:-
Knowing fully well that time and again Pakistan is resorting to proxy war causing immense damage to Indian men, money, materials, morale, peace and cohesion, why not a concrete or permanent solution ever planned?
Why did not India learn the lessons from previous proxy wars?
Why is proxy war not made the part of regular study at military training institutions and regular training?
Why could not a cap put to proxy war once for all?
Why could not the Kargil War be put to a logical end?
Why were the Indian’s caught napping in Kargil?
Who were to be actually blamed for Kargil fiasco and why are they not punished?
This requires an honest post-mortem. Any post mortem must have the specific objective of preventing any future Kargil: “A post mortem must be in terms of a national perspective and not a party perspective and not a party perspective. Any political party which indulges in a motivated, partisan post mortem will reduce its credibility in the eyes of Indian citizen.”
[17]
The Indian Government constituted an enquiry committee to find answer to only a few of the questions at the tactical level. The national strategy in the event of a proxy war was not brought under the preview. The Kargil Review Committee, headed by Mr. Subramaniam gave a 228-page report, which was tabled in Lok Sabha on 24 Feb 2000 by the then Defence Minister Mr. George Fernandez. The committee had overwhelming evidence that the Pakistani armed intrusion came as a surprise to all. “The committee did not come across any agency or individual who was able to clearly assess before the event the possibility of a large-scale Pakistani military intrusion across the Kargil heights.” What was conceived was the limited possibility of infiltration and enhanced artillery exchanges in this sector.
The Subramaniam committee came out with 25 glaring deficiencies in the country’s security set-up, aptly titled, “From Surprise to Reckoning”, recommended that such a review should be taken by an independent body of credible experts and done expeditiously.
The committee came heavily on the three Service Chiefs for not being in close touch with the Government and said, “The Chiefs of Staff have assumed the role of operational commanders of their respective forces rather than that of the Chiefs of Staff to the Prime Minister and Defence Minister.” The Premier Minister and the Defence Minister do not have the benefit of the views and expertise of the Army Commanders and their equiValleynt in the Navy and the Air Force. So that higher level defence management decisions are more consensual and broad-based.
The committee also held all intelligence agencies, including the Director General of Military Intelligence (DGMI), responsible for not being able to detect the intrusion or even the excessive movement of troops on the other side of the border. It also said that the Joint Intelligence committee (JIC) was neither informed about the possibility of intrusion nor was it accorded the importance it deserved either by the intelligence agencies or the Government.
The committee was of the view that a Kargil-type situation could perhaps have been avoided had the Indian Army followed a policy of Siachenisation to plug upheld gaps along the 168-km stretch from Kaobal Gali to Chorbat La.
No study has been carried out about our strategic failure in the Proxy War. The commission has neither considered proxy war in its broader perspective nor the role of strategists therein, even though nothing moves without the prior sanction of these top administrators i.e., the Prime Minister, Defence Minister or Defence Secretary. The Service Chiefs are reduced to mere figureheads and a very remote place in the hierarchy of the nation in a gradually decline of their positions. The simple paradigm that,” Defence Forces be kept as far away as possible from the doors of power, to avoid any military take over” has gradually allowed the political bosses and bureaucracy to belittle the Army Chiefs where they have to obtain the permission of secretaries to speak to the Defence Minister or Prime Minister and wait for hours to meet them, even though they are supposed to be the Chiefs of Staff to these authorities.
There is no denying the fact that the Kargil was a great political and strategic failure. Operation ‘Surprised’ was cleverly named Operation Vijay and media managed to befool the public. It is the second time that India had to fight the entire battle on its own land to recapture it from the enemy who captured it with simple ease, because we under estimated the enemy and strategically paid lesser attention to proxy war and Kargil despite the fact that there were reports as far back as October 1998 that such an infiltration is likely. Not even the minimum essential troops or weapons, equipments and clothing were provided to the troops. We lowered the guard and relaxed after Lahore Declaration as we did after signing of Panchsheel with China. We learnt no lessons from our failures and this resulted into humiliating surprise.
As is well known, the commissions are generally detailed to cover up the faults of those who detail them and to buy time and assuage the feelings of upsurge in general public. For these commissions the terms of references are so framed that they do not touch the real guilty. By the time the findings are made public, the public generally forgets the past. They are always eager to know the facts immediately after the event.
As the Lahore declaration was being prepared Gen. Musharraf was busy preparing for Kargil offensive. This large scale infiltration by 5 Pak Battalions occupying strategic Kargil Heights was a blatant summersault on all agreements. India gave a befitting answer by evacuation the intruders from all the occupied heights and killing most of them. As per Smt. Benazir Bhutto Pakistan had more than 1000 causalities. India’s losses too were large in terms of causalities (over 400 dead) finances and prestige damage as India was found sleeping (or intoxicated in the spirit of agreement).
American brokered peace did not last long as Pak again stepped up its proxy war, aiming at Indian Armed Forces through Pakistan’s terrorist organizations Lashkar-e-Tayyiba (LeT) and Hizab-ul-Mujah-I-Deen the two terrorists outfits directly controlled by Pakistan Government through its ISI, a Defence Services Intelligence organization.
Pakistan Government’s involvement is direct in the proxy war; but one fails to understand as to why India has failed to project Pakistan as an aggressor state involved in prolonged war with India. It has also failed to suitably retaliate even when it was absolutely necessary. Fully knowing well that Pakistani troops had crossed Indian borders, India did not go across the border even to destroy the terrorist training centers which was a minimum requirement to stop further influx. By remaining passive and too defensive, India has not only fallen in the eyes of the world but has kept itself involved with a very small country; neglecting the most serious threats from bigger countries like China. Its development too has relatively suffered due to heavy financial commitments and political attention towards continuing proxy war.
On the other hand Pakistan is happy achieving its aim; keeping a country many more times its size and strength bogged down in a muddle; bleeding India not through 1000 but millions of cuts; causing attrition on Indian Security Forces and keeping the Kashmir cauldron burning projecting the fire and smoke internationally through its media.
Musharraf’s sticking on Kashmir and India on Cross Border Terrorism failed the talks. The Vajpayee-Musharraf summit on 14-15 July 2001 also failed even to sign a joint declaration. This failure of talks is likely to encourage ISI, terrorists and other hardliners resulting in stepped up violence and more heat in proxy war. Had India been vocal in declaring Pakistan’s Proxy War with India as the key issue the impact would have been different. The world Cross Border Terrorism has been linked by Pakistan with ‘war for freedom’ of Kashmiris. Had India insisted on discussing Proxy War by Pakistan on India and would have properly propagated the case at the world screen, the word War would have gained more footage than the word ‘terrorism’.
It is in this direction that the Pakistan’s proxy wars in addition to Operation Kargil are studied here. The analysis is strictly from the point of a defence analyst meant to highlight the importance of ending proxy wars of Pakistan for the citizens of India and the world at large.
The background covers geography, history, economy, socio-culture and strategic importance of Kashmir. Pakistan’s information and proxy war are touched briefly deliberating upon the terrorist groups causing unrest. The aims, objectives, forces levels, the infiltration plan and execution by Pak Army regulars and the operations to evict these Army intruders by the valiant Indian Army are studied in detail. Events are listed out sequentially. and the valour of the soldiers are briefly touched upon.
The post-mortem of the role of various key players, strategists, intelligence agents, Generals, Officers and soldiers, different arms and the services, equipment and weapons Indian vis-à-vis Pakistani are studied in detail. Also covered are post-Kargil situation in Kashmir, likelihood of future wars between the two and the nuclear and missile threats.
[1] Sarwan Singh Shaktiman, Kashmir te Sikh, 1995, p. 1-14.
[2] Kashmir Through The Ages, p. 58
[3] The Tribune, Saturday, June 26,1999
[4] Encyclopedia Britannica, Vol.2. Ed.15th, 1997,P. 753
[5] The Indian Express, Date: October 15, 1998.
[6] The Tribune, Monday, Sept.13, 1999, p.9
[7] July 3,1998 p.12-13, The roots of the conflict
[8] p. 17
[9] p. 178
[10] p.100
[11] P. 448.
[12] P. 51.
[13] P. 215.
[14] P. 448.
[15] Frontline, July 30,1999 pp. 72-73,
[16] Maj. Gen. Dipankar Banerjee (Retd.), Kashmir Today
[17] Outlook, July 26, 1999 p.28-30
