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Guru Granth Sahib
Composition, Arrangement & Layout
ਜਪੁ | Jup
ਸੋ ਦਰੁ | So Dar
ਸੋਹਿਲਾ | Sohilaa
ਰਾਗੁ ਸਿਰੀਰਾਗੁ | Raag Siree-Raag
Gurbani (14-53)
Ashtpadiyan (53-71)
Gurbani (71-74)
Pahre (74-78)
Chhant (78-81)
Vanjara (81-82)
Vaar Siri Raag (83-91)
Bhagat Bani (91-93)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਝ | Raag Maajh
Gurbani (94-109)
Ashtpadi (109)
Ashtpadiyan (110-129)
Ashtpadi (129-130)
Ashtpadiyan (130-133)
Bara Maha (133-136)
Din Raen (136-137)
Vaar Maajh Ki (137-150)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗਉੜੀ | Raag Gauree
Gurbani (151-185)
Quartets/Couplets (185-220)
Ashtpadiyan (220-234)
Karhalei (234-235)
Ashtpadiyan (235-242)
Chhant (242-249)
Baavan Akhari (250-262)
Sukhmani (262-296)
Thittee (296-300)
Gauree kii Vaar (300-323)
Gurbani (323-330)
Ashtpadiyan (330-340)
Baavan Akhari (340-343)
Thintteen (343-344)
Vaar Kabir (344-345)
Bhagat Bani (345-346)
ਰਾਗੁ ਆਸਾ | Raag Aasaa
Gurbani (347-348)
Chaupaday (348-364)
Panchpadde (364-365)
Kaafee (365-409)
Aasaavaree (409-411)
Ashtpadiyan (411-432)
Patee (432-435)
Chhant (435-462)
Vaar Aasaa (462-475)
Bhagat Bani (475-488)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗੂਜਰੀ | Raag Goojaree
Gurbani (489-503)
Ashtpadiyan (503-508)
Vaar Gujari (508-517)
Vaar Gujari (517-526)
ਰਾਗੁ ਦੇਵਗੰਧਾਰੀ | Raag Dayv-Gandhaaree
Gurbani (527-536)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਿਹਾਗੜਾ | Raag Bihaagraa
Gurbani (537-556)
Chhant (538-548)
Vaar Bihaagraa (548-556)
ਰਾਗੁ ਵਡਹੰਸ | Raag Wadhans
Gurbani (557-564)
Ashtpadiyan (564-565)
Chhant (565-575)
Ghoriaan (575-578)
Alaahaniiaa (578-582)
Vaar Wadhans (582-594)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸੋਰਠਿ | Raag Sorath
Gurbani (595-634)
Asatpadhiya (634-642)
Vaar Sorath (642-659)
ਰਾਗੁ ਧਨਾਸਰੀ | Raag Dhanasaree
Gurbani (660-685)
Astpadhiya (685-687)
Chhant (687-691)
Bhagat Bani (691-695)
ਰਾਗੁ ਜੈਤਸਰੀ | Raag Jaitsree
Gurbani (696-703)
Chhant (703-705)
Vaar Jaitsaree (705-710)
Bhagat Bani (710)
ਰਾਗੁ ਟੋਡੀ | Raag Todee
ਰਾਗੁ ਬੈਰਾੜੀ | Raag Bairaaree
ਰਾਗੁ ਤਿਲੰਗ | Raag Tilang
Gurbani (721-727)
Bhagat Bani (727)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸੂਹੀ | Raag Suhi
Gurbani (728-750)
Ashtpadiyan (750-761)
Kaafee (761-762)
Suchajee (762)
Gunvantee (763)
Chhant (763-785)
Vaar Soohee (785-792)
Bhagat Bani (792-794)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਿਲਾਵਲੁ | Raag Bilaaval
Gurbani (795-831)
Ashtpadiyan (831-838)
Thitteen (838-840)
Vaar Sat (841-843)
Chhant (843-848)
Vaar Bilaaval (849-855)
Bhagat Bani (855-858)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗੋਂਡ | Raag Gond
Gurbani (859-869)
Ashtpadiyan (869)
Bhagat Bani (870-875)
ਰਾਗੁ ਰਾਮਕਲੀ | Raag Ramkalee
Ashtpadiyan (902-916)
Gurbani (876-902)
Anand (917-922)
Sadd (923-924)
Chhant (924-929)
Dakhnee (929-938)
Sidh Gosat (938-946)
Vaar Ramkalee (947-968)
ਰਾਗੁ ਨਟ ਨਾਰਾਇਨ | Raag Nat Narayan
Gurbani (975-980)
Ashtpadiyan (980-983)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਲੀ ਗਉੜਾ | Raag Maalee Gauraa
Gurbani (984-988)
Bhagat Bani (988)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਰੂ | Raag Maaroo
Gurbani (889-1008)
Ashtpadiyan (1008-1014)
Kaafee (1014-1016)
Ashtpadiyan (1016-1019)
Anjulian (1019-1020)
Solhe (1020-1033)
Dakhni (1033-1043)
ਰਾਗੁ ਤੁਖਾਰੀ | Raag Tukhaari
Bara Maha (1107-1110)
Chhant (1110-1117)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕੇਦਾਰਾ | Raag Kedara
Gurbani (1118-1123)
Bhagat Bani (1123-1124)
ਰਾਗੁ ਭੈਰਉ | Raag Bhairo
Gurbani (1125-1152)
Partaal (1153)
Ashtpadiyan (1153-1167)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਸੰਤੁ | Raag Basant
Gurbani (1168-1187)
Ashtpadiyan (1187-1193)
Vaar Basant (1193-1196)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸਾਰਗ | Raag Saarag
Gurbani (1197-1200)
Partaal (1200-1231)
Ashtpadiyan (1232-1236)
Chhant (1236-1237)
Vaar Saarang (1237-1253)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਲਾਰ | Raag Malaar
Gurbani (1254-1293)
Partaal (1265-1273)
Ashtpadiyan (1273-1278)
Chhant (1278)
Vaar Malaar (1278-91)
Bhagat Bani (1292-93)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕਾਨੜਾ | Raag Kaanraa
Gurbani (1294-96)
Partaal (1296-1318)
Ashtpadiyan (1308-1312)
Chhant (1312)
Vaar Kaanraa
Bhagat Bani (1318)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕਲਿਆਨ | Raag Kalyaan
Gurbani (1319-23)
Ashtpadiyan (1323-26)
ਰਾਗੁ ਪ੍ਰਭਾਤੀ | Raag Prabhaatee
Gurbani (1327-1341)
Ashtpadiyan (1342-51)
ਰਾਗੁ ਜੈਜਾਵੰਤੀ | Raag Jaijaiwanti
Gurbani (1352-53)
Salok | Gatha | Phunahe | Chaubole | Swayiye
Sehskritee Mahala 1
Sehskritee Mahala 5
Gaathaa Mahala 5
Phunhay Mahala 5
Chaubolae Mahala 5
Shaloks Bhagat Kabir
Shaloks Sheikh Farid
Swaiyyae Mahala 5
Swaiyyae in Praise of Gurus
Shaloks in Addition To Vaars
Shalok Ninth Mehl
Mundavanee Mehl 5
ਰਾਗ ਮਾਲਾ, Raag Maalaa
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General
Pakistan on Fire and Its Effects on India
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<blockquote data-quote="Dalvinder Singh Grewal" data-source="post: 224287" data-attributes="member: 22683"><p>As for Imran he may remain in jail for a long time and disqualified from fighting elections. he claims his life to be in danger and that he may be killed with an injection. There is nothing impossible if the long history of Pakistan is seen.</p><p></p><p>The National Accountability Bureau issued a warrant on 9 May 2023 for the irregular acquisition of property, which has been deemed to fall under corrupt practices by a holder of public office, under Section 9 (a) of the NAB Ordinance, 1999. Pakistan estate dealer Malik Riaz had sold a property in Britain (ironically, after purchase from Nawaz Sharif's son). The National Crimes Office had frozen these funds. Later, after an out-of-court settlement, 190 million pounds were released for refund to the government of Pakistan. Part of this money was adjusted in the supreme court of Pakistan's account against Malik Riaz's dues. The balance was apparently set off, in violation of money laundering laws, for land grants to Imran's family and friends. These transactions happened in 2019 when Imran was PM. 458 kanals of land in Mouza Bakrala, Tehsil Sohawa, Jhelum district, and 240 kanals in Bani Gala, Islamabad (in the name of absconding business lady associate Farah Gogi) were gifted to Imran, ostensibly for setting up a university in the name of this trust. The properties are registered in the name of the Al Qadir Trust, of which both Imran and his wife, Bushra Bibi are the only trustees.</p><p>A small university campus was apparently set up in Sohawa, but very few students have enrolled and the university has not been recognized yet by Pakistan's education authorities.</p><p></p><p>NAB Deputy Prosecutor General Sardar Muzaffar Abbasi explained the circumstances of the issue of the warrant of arrest. Soon after retired General Nazir Ahmed Butt's appointment as NAB chairman in March 2023, inquiries on this foreign money trail into Pakistan were taken up in earnest. NAB had summoned Imran and Bushra Bibi in this case. After they avoided appearing, a warrant was issued. On appeal, the Islamabad high court ruled the NAB warrant illegal on minor procedural grounds a few days ago. This arrest ensued on a fresh NAB warrant on May 1, for which bail had not been obtained by Imran's legal team. The CJI initially reserved his verdict, but later at night issued a short order holding the <a href="https://www.rediff.com/news/report/pak-hc-upholds-imran-khans-arrest-says-all-legal-formalities-fulfilled/20230510.htm" target="_blank"><strong>arrest legal</strong></a>.</p><p>The noose had been slowly, but surely tightening. Imran kept taking advantage of an openly partial and benevolent judiciary, turning a blind eye to his repeated avoidance of indictment proceedings, as also easily getting anticipatory bail in several cases.</p><p></p><p><img src="https://im.rediff.com/news/2023/may/10pakistan-protest2.jpg?w=670&h=900" alt="" class="fr-fic fr-dii fr-draggable " style="" /></p><p></p><p>IMAGE: Imran Khan's supporters block a highway, during a protest against his arrest, in Karachi, May 9, 2023.</p><p>However, Imran seemed to have crossed a red line during his Lahore public meeting a few days ago, accusing the director general, counter intelligence (DG-C) in the Inter Services Intelligence directorate Major General Faisal Naseer of plotting to kill him. This statement elicited an angry response from the DG, Inter Services Public Relations Major General Ahmed Sharif Chaudhry.</p><p></p><p>The ISPR press release No. PR-55/2023-ISPR of May 8 accused Imran of leveling 'highly irresponsible and baseless allegations against a serving senior military officer without any evidence.'</p><p></p><p>It emphasised, 'This has been a consistent pattern (<em>of Imran and other PTI leaders</em>) for last one year wherein military and intelligence agencies officials' were targeted 'for the furtherance of political objectives.'</p><p></p><p>Imran Khan is likely to be produced on remand before a NAB court in Islamabad on May 10, when indictment in the Toshakhana case is also to be taken up in the additional sessions judge's court, Islamabad.</p><p></p><p>Even as the protests are tackled by law and order authorities, Imran is likely to face long incarceration. His disqualification to participate in future elections may follow, even as the judiciary gets the message and decides, as in the past, to throw in its cudgels of quasi-independence and conform to the doctrine of necessity. A more serious crackdown on PTI supporters under close martial law conditions cannot be ruled out.</p><p></p><p>Against this backdrop, though much bravado has been attached to Supreme Court Chief Justice Umar Ata Bandial's assertion that his order of elections in Punjab on May 14 still stands, elections to the national or provincial assemblies remain a far cry. If all goes smoothly in law and order terms, they could still be held in October 2023, but the current surcharged atmosphere suggests the contrary.</p><p></p><p><img src="https://im.rediff.com/news/2023/may/10pakistan-protest3.jpg?w=670&h=900" alt="" class="fr-fic fr-dii fr-draggable " style="" /></p><p>In Imran's absence, it may be difficult for second-stream PTI leaders to carry forward the populist momentum. Pervez Elahi, appointed President of the party recently, over the heads of other senior leaders like Pervez Khattak, and Shah Mehmood Quereshi, has never been known to confront the military establishment. A battle for succession to Imran's mantle may ensue. Meanwhile, a six-member PTI leadership committee has been formed, under Qureshi, to decide the future course of action. The above scenario could unravel only if dissensions within the army, which have been exaggerated by observers sympathetic to Imran in Pakistan, intensify. The ISPR notification of May 8 constituted a clear warning, backed by the collegiate leadership of senior generals who have rallied behind army chief, General Asim Munir.</p><p></p><p>Unconfirmed media reports suggest former DG, ISI, Lieutenant General Faiz Hameed (retd) is under informal house arrest. Former army chief General Qamar Javed Bajwa has been told to cut down on his interactions with the media. Other retired generals like Zahir ul Islam, Shuja Pasha, and Naeem Lodhi, who rallied to Imran's side in the recent past, may be under similar close watch.</p><p></p><p>History also suggests revolts from within or coup attempts against the army chief have never succeeded in Pakistan. Only time will tell if the promotion of a protégé like Imran will return to bite the omnipotent 'savior' institution this time.</p></blockquote><p></p>
[QUOTE="Dalvinder Singh Grewal, post: 224287, member: 22683"] As for Imran he may remain in jail for a long time and disqualified from fighting elections. he claims his life to be in danger and that he may be killed with an injection. There is nothing impossible if the long history of Pakistan is seen. The National Accountability Bureau issued a warrant on 9 May 2023 for the irregular acquisition of property, which has been deemed to fall under corrupt practices by a holder of public office, under Section 9 (a) of the NAB Ordinance, 1999. Pakistan estate dealer Malik Riaz had sold a property in Britain (ironically, after purchase from Nawaz Sharif's son). The National Crimes Office had frozen these funds. Later, after an out-of-court settlement, 190 million pounds were released for refund to the government of Pakistan. Part of this money was adjusted in the supreme court of Pakistan's account against Malik Riaz's dues. The balance was apparently set off, in violation of money laundering laws, for land grants to Imran's family and friends. These transactions happened in 2019 when Imran was PM. 458 kanals of land in Mouza Bakrala, Tehsil Sohawa, Jhelum district, and 240 kanals in Bani Gala, Islamabad (in the name of absconding business lady associate Farah Gogi) were gifted to Imran, ostensibly for setting up a university in the name of this trust. The properties are registered in the name of the Al Qadir Trust, of which both Imran and his wife, Bushra Bibi are the only trustees. A small university campus was apparently set up in Sohawa, but very few students have enrolled and the university has not been recognized yet by Pakistan's education authorities. NAB Deputy Prosecutor General Sardar Muzaffar Abbasi explained the circumstances of the issue of the warrant of arrest. Soon after retired General Nazir Ahmed Butt's appointment as NAB chairman in March 2023, inquiries on this foreign money trail into Pakistan were taken up in earnest. NAB had summoned Imran and Bushra Bibi in this case. After they avoided appearing, a warrant was issued. On appeal, the Islamabad high court ruled the NAB warrant illegal on minor procedural grounds a few days ago. This arrest ensued on a fresh NAB warrant on May 1, for which bail had not been obtained by Imran's legal team. The CJI initially reserved his verdict, but later at night issued a short order holding the [URL='https://www.rediff.com/news/report/pak-hc-upholds-imran-khans-arrest-says-all-legal-formalities-fulfilled/20230510.htm'][B]arrest legal[/B][/URL]. The noose had been slowly, but surely tightening. Imran kept taking advantage of an openly partial and benevolent judiciary, turning a blind eye to his repeated avoidance of indictment proceedings, as also easily getting anticipatory bail in several cases. [IMG]https://im.rediff.com/news/2023/may/10pakistan-protest2.jpg?w=670&h=900[/IMG] IMAGE: Imran Khan's supporters block a highway, during a protest against his arrest, in Karachi, May 9, 2023. However, Imran seemed to have crossed a red line during his Lahore public meeting a few days ago, accusing the director general, counter intelligence (DG-C) in the Inter Services Intelligence directorate Major General Faisal Naseer of plotting to kill him. This statement elicited an angry response from the DG, Inter Services Public Relations Major General Ahmed Sharif Chaudhry. The ISPR press release No. PR-55/2023-ISPR of May 8 accused Imran of leveling 'highly irresponsible and baseless allegations against a serving senior military officer without any evidence.' It emphasised, 'This has been a consistent pattern ([I]of Imran and other PTI leaders[/I]) for last one year wherein military and intelligence agencies officials' were targeted 'for the furtherance of political objectives.' Imran Khan is likely to be produced on remand before a NAB court in Islamabad on May 10, when indictment in the Toshakhana case is also to be taken up in the additional sessions judge's court, Islamabad. Even as the protests are tackled by law and order authorities, Imran is likely to face long incarceration. His disqualification to participate in future elections may follow, even as the judiciary gets the message and decides, as in the past, to throw in its cudgels of quasi-independence and conform to the doctrine of necessity. A more serious crackdown on PTI supporters under close martial law conditions cannot be ruled out. Against this backdrop, though much bravado has been attached to Supreme Court Chief Justice Umar Ata Bandial's assertion that his order of elections in Punjab on May 14 still stands, elections to the national or provincial assemblies remain a far cry. If all goes smoothly in law and order terms, they could still be held in October 2023, but the current surcharged atmosphere suggests the contrary. [IMG]https://im.rediff.com/news/2023/may/10pakistan-protest3.jpg?w=670&h=900[/IMG] In Imran's absence, it may be difficult for second-stream PTI leaders to carry forward the populist momentum. Pervez Elahi, appointed President of the party recently, over the heads of other senior leaders like Pervez Khattak, and Shah Mehmood Quereshi, has never been known to confront the military establishment. A battle for succession to Imran's mantle may ensue. Meanwhile, a six-member PTI leadership committee has been formed, under Qureshi, to decide the future course of action. The above scenario could unravel only if dissensions within the army, which have been exaggerated by observers sympathetic to Imran in Pakistan, intensify. The ISPR notification of May 8 constituted a clear warning, backed by the collegiate leadership of senior generals who have rallied behind army chief, General Asim Munir. Unconfirmed media reports suggest former DG, ISI, Lieutenant General Faiz Hameed (retd) is under informal house arrest. Former army chief General Qamar Javed Bajwa has been told to cut down on his interactions with the media. Other retired generals like Zahir ul Islam, Shuja Pasha, and Naeem Lodhi, who rallied to Imran's side in the recent past, may be under similar close watch. History also suggests revolts from within or coup attempts against the army chief have never succeeded in Pakistan. Only time will tell if the promotion of a protégé like Imran will return to bite the omnipotent 'savior' institution this time. [/QUOTE]
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