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Guru Granth Sahib
Composition, Arrangement & Layout
ਜਪੁ | Jup
ਸੋ ਦਰੁ | So Dar
ਸੋਹਿਲਾ | Sohilaa
ਰਾਗੁ ਸਿਰੀਰਾਗੁ | Raag Siree-Raag
Gurbani (14-53)
Ashtpadiyan (53-71)
Gurbani (71-74)
Pahre (74-78)
Chhant (78-81)
Vanjara (81-82)
Vaar Siri Raag (83-91)
Bhagat Bani (91-93)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਝ | Raag Maajh
Gurbani (94-109)
Ashtpadi (109)
Ashtpadiyan (110-129)
Ashtpadi (129-130)
Ashtpadiyan (130-133)
Bara Maha (133-136)
Din Raen (136-137)
Vaar Maajh Ki (137-150)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗਉੜੀ | Raag Gauree
Gurbani (151-185)
Quartets/Couplets (185-220)
Ashtpadiyan (220-234)
Karhalei (234-235)
Ashtpadiyan (235-242)
Chhant (242-249)
Baavan Akhari (250-262)
Sukhmani (262-296)
Thittee (296-300)
Gauree kii Vaar (300-323)
Gurbani (323-330)
Ashtpadiyan (330-340)
Baavan Akhari (340-343)
Thintteen (343-344)
Vaar Kabir (344-345)
Bhagat Bani (345-346)
ਰਾਗੁ ਆਸਾ | Raag Aasaa
Gurbani (347-348)
Chaupaday (348-364)
Panchpadde (364-365)
Kaafee (365-409)
Aasaavaree (409-411)
Ashtpadiyan (411-432)
Patee (432-435)
Chhant (435-462)
Vaar Aasaa (462-475)
Bhagat Bani (475-488)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗੂਜਰੀ | Raag Goojaree
Gurbani (489-503)
Ashtpadiyan (503-508)
Vaar Gujari (508-517)
Vaar Gujari (517-526)
ਰਾਗੁ ਦੇਵਗੰਧਾਰੀ | Raag Dayv-Gandhaaree
Gurbani (527-536)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਿਹਾਗੜਾ | Raag Bihaagraa
Gurbani (537-556)
Chhant (538-548)
Vaar Bihaagraa (548-556)
ਰਾਗੁ ਵਡਹੰਸ | Raag Wadhans
Gurbani (557-564)
Ashtpadiyan (564-565)
Chhant (565-575)
Ghoriaan (575-578)
Alaahaniiaa (578-582)
Vaar Wadhans (582-594)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸੋਰਠਿ | Raag Sorath
Gurbani (595-634)
Asatpadhiya (634-642)
Vaar Sorath (642-659)
ਰਾਗੁ ਧਨਾਸਰੀ | Raag Dhanasaree
Gurbani (660-685)
Astpadhiya (685-687)
Chhant (687-691)
Bhagat Bani (691-695)
ਰਾਗੁ ਜੈਤਸਰੀ | Raag Jaitsree
Gurbani (696-703)
Chhant (703-705)
Vaar Jaitsaree (705-710)
Bhagat Bani (710)
ਰਾਗੁ ਟੋਡੀ | Raag Todee
ਰਾਗੁ ਬੈਰਾੜੀ | Raag Bairaaree
ਰਾਗੁ ਤਿਲੰਗ | Raag Tilang
Gurbani (721-727)
Bhagat Bani (727)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸੂਹੀ | Raag Suhi
Gurbani (728-750)
Ashtpadiyan (750-761)
Kaafee (761-762)
Suchajee (762)
Gunvantee (763)
Chhant (763-785)
Vaar Soohee (785-792)
Bhagat Bani (792-794)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਿਲਾਵਲੁ | Raag Bilaaval
Gurbani (795-831)
Ashtpadiyan (831-838)
Thitteen (838-840)
Vaar Sat (841-843)
Chhant (843-848)
Vaar Bilaaval (849-855)
Bhagat Bani (855-858)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗੋਂਡ | Raag Gond
Gurbani (859-869)
Ashtpadiyan (869)
Bhagat Bani (870-875)
ਰਾਗੁ ਰਾਮਕਲੀ | Raag Ramkalee
Ashtpadiyan (902-916)
Gurbani (876-902)
Anand (917-922)
Sadd (923-924)
Chhant (924-929)
Dakhnee (929-938)
Sidh Gosat (938-946)
Vaar Ramkalee (947-968)
ਰਾਗੁ ਨਟ ਨਾਰਾਇਨ | Raag Nat Narayan
Gurbani (975-980)
Ashtpadiyan (980-983)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਲੀ ਗਉੜਾ | Raag Maalee Gauraa
Gurbani (984-988)
Bhagat Bani (988)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਰੂ | Raag Maaroo
Gurbani (889-1008)
Ashtpadiyan (1008-1014)
Kaafee (1014-1016)
Ashtpadiyan (1016-1019)
Anjulian (1019-1020)
Solhe (1020-1033)
Dakhni (1033-1043)
ਰਾਗੁ ਤੁਖਾਰੀ | Raag Tukhaari
Bara Maha (1107-1110)
Chhant (1110-1117)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕੇਦਾਰਾ | Raag Kedara
Gurbani (1118-1123)
Bhagat Bani (1123-1124)
ਰਾਗੁ ਭੈਰਉ | Raag Bhairo
Gurbani (1125-1152)
Partaal (1153)
Ashtpadiyan (1153-1167)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਸੰਤੁ | Raag Basant
Gurbani (1168-1187)
Ashtpadiyan (1187-1193)
Vaar Basant (1193-1196)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸਾਰਗ | Raag Saarag
Gurbani (1197-1200)
Partaal (1200-1231)
Ashtpadiyan (1232-1236)
Chhant (1236-1237)
Vaar Saarang (1237-1253)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਲਾਰ | Raag Malaar
Gurbani (1254-1293)
Partaal (1265-1273)
Ashtpadiyan (1273-1278)
Chhant (1278)
Vaar Malaar (1278-91)
Bhagat Bani (1292-93)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕਾਨੜਾ | Raag Kaanraa
Gurbani (1294-96)
Partaal (1296-1318)
Ashtpadiyan (1308-1312)
Chhant (1312)
Vaar Kaanraa
Bhagat Bani (1318)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕਲਿਆਨ | Raag Kalyaan
Gurbani (1319-23)
Ashtpadiyan (1323-26)
ਰਾਗੁ ਪ੍ਰਭਾਤੀ | Raag Prabhaatee
Gurbani (1327-1341)
Ashtpadiyan (1342-51)
ਰਾਗੁ ਜੈਜਾਵੰਤੀ | Raag Jaijaiwanti
Gurbani (1352-53)
Salok | Gatha | Phunahe | Chaubole | Swayiye
Sehskritee Mahala 1
Sehskritee Mahala 5
Gaathaa Mahala 5
Phunhay Mahala 5
Chaubolae Mahala 5
Shaloks Bhagat Kabir
Shaloks Sheikh Farid
Swaiyyae Mahala 5
Swaiyyae in Praise of Gurus
Shaloks in Addition To Vaars
Shalok Ninth Mehl
Mundavanee Mehl 5
ਰਾਗ ਮਾਲਾ, Raag Maalaa
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<blockquote data-quote="Archived_Member16" data-source="post: 141330" data-attributes="member: 884"><p><strong><span style="color: #ff0000">Globe Editorial</span></strong></p><p> </p><p><strong><span style="font-size: 18px"><span style="color: #002060">Mubarak doesn’t get it </span></span></strong></p><p> </p><p><span style="font-size: 10px"><strong><span style="color: #002060">From Saturday's Globe and Mail - January 29, 2010 </span></strong></span></p><p> </p><p><span style="color: #002060">Public order in Egypt – the watchword and raison d'être of Hosni Mubarak – is crumbling, after a day of mass protest and a night of defiance of a national curfew. The protesters' grievances have focused on Mr. Mubarak, and they will not go away with the sacrifice of his hand-picked Prime Minister. However it organizes itself in this volatile time, the regime needs to respond with an end to the emergency law and with greater freedom, including truly democratic reforms.</span></p><p> </p><p><span style="color: #002060">The abdication of leadership was shameful and total. Ludicrously, Mr. Mubarak took credit for the protests, saying the freedoms he allowed made them possible, despite laws that prohibit such assembly, and a record of suppression of organized political parties demonstrated as recently as this November's parliamentary elections. He presented himself as a pharaoh figure, as the only possible, legitimate ruler of Egypt, standing above the unseemly conduct of his government. He proposed no new meaningful reforms or plans for a democratic succession.</span></p><p> </p><p><span style="color: #002060">Mr. Mubarak is apparently counting on an old assumption – that Egyptians are fundamentally passive, bowing to unchallenged authority if that authority can buy quiescence by keeping prices low for such staples as food and gas. Surely events have proved such a posture inadvisable.</span></p><p> </p><p><span style="color: #002060">These protests were different from the proto-democratic movements of Egypt's recent past, which rarely registered more than a thousand protesters. The turnout on Friday was in the tens of thousands. Women joined in surprising numbers. It will be a great challenge for any regime to completely bottle up the popular sentiment – both frustration and hope – that has been unleashed.</span></p><p> </p><p><span style="color: #002060">Egypt matters because it is the Arab world's largest country, its cultural and geopolitical heart, and an essential bulwark that allows for Israel's continued peaceful existence and for a taming of radical Islamism. Not only do its people deserve a peaceful, orderly transition to democracy; its allies must insist on it. And if Tunisians help to inspire the Egyptians, Egyptians could provide an incalculable inspiration to the rest of the Arab world.</span></p><p> </p><p><span style="color: #002060">There are many minefields ahead, as opportunistic radicals and religious hardliners will seek to tap into these largely leaderless movements for illiberal purposes.</span></p><p> </p><p><span style="color: #002060">Egyptians, however, are already showing a patriotic resilience. According to reports last night, the headquarters of the ruling National Democratic Party were torched and ransacked. But the nearby Museum of Egyptian Antiquities was surrounded by protesters, as they sought to protect its contents</span></p><p><span style="color: #002060">.</span></p><p><span style="font-size: 10px"><span style="color: #002060"><strong>source: </strong></span></span><a href="http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/opinions/editorials/mubarak-doesnt-get-it/article1887060/" target="_blank"><u><span style="font-size: 10px"><span style="font-size: 10px"><span style="color: #002060">http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/opinions/editorials/mubarak-doesnt-get-it/article1887060/</span></span></span></u></a></p><p> </p><p><span style="color: #002060">**********************************************************************************************</span></p><p> </p><p><strong><span style="color: #ff0000">Editorial</span></strong></p><p> </p><p><strong><span style="font-size: 18px"><span style="color: #002060">Freedom for the Arab world</span></span></strong></p><p> </p><p><strong><span style="color: #002060">National Post · Saturday, Jan. 29, 2011</span></strong></p><p> </p><p><span style="color: #002060">Democracy has been the dominant form of political organization in Canada and other Englishspeaking countries for so long that we often forget just how historically unusual it is. Until the establishment of Europe's first Parliaments and constitutions, strongman rule was simply part of the human condition. For several billion people on the planet, it still is.</span></p><p> </p><p><span style="color: #002060">During the 20th century, democracy gradually spread to other parts of the world, including such giants as India and Japan. Toward the end of the century, political freedom came also to much of South America, Indonesia, South Korea, the former Soviet bloc (excluding Belarus and, under Vladimir Putin, Russia itself ), and even, fitfully and bloodily, sub-Saharan Africa.</span></p><p> </p><p><span style="color: #002060">Yet throughout all this, a single corner of the globe stubbornly persisted as a black hole on freedom's map: At the dawn of the 21st century, not a single nation in the 22-member Arab League could be described as a true Western-style democracy.</span></p><p> </p><p><span style="color: #002060">What explains this anomaly? Arabists emphasize Western colonialism and U.S. support for convenient autocrats (such as Egypt's besieged Hosni Mubarak). But many other parts of the world that are now flourishing democracies were once colonized, too. Moreover, some parts of the Arab world, including Saudi Arabia, were never subject to colonial occupation.</span></p><p> </p><p><span style="color: #002060">Another explanation revolves around oil -- a commodity that tends to enrich and empower the small elite that controls its extraction, without providing much in the way of jobs and upward mobility to the masses. Yet Syria, which has little oil, is just as autocratic as Libya, which has plenty. So that doesn't provide a complete answer either.</span></p><p> </p><p><span style="color: #002060">Others have focused on the influence of Islam. Unlike Christendom, Islamic civilization has never embraced the doctrine of separation between church and state, nor religious pluralism, nor equality between men and women, nor individualism -- all essential components of modern democracy.</span></p><p> </p><p><span style="color: #002060">And yet, Muslim Indonesia is a democracy; as is (with several asterisks) Muslim Turkey. Even Iran has a strong grassroots democratic movement, albeit one crushed under the Ayatollahs' jackboots. So it cannot be said that Islam is entirely incompatible with democracy. </span></p><p><span style="color: #002060">Perhaps the only complete explanation is that democracy simply has been alien to Arab political culture for a host of reasons, including those listed above. But that culture is changing -- and it is changing fast.</span></p><p> </p><p><span style="color: #002060">When the history of the Arab democratic revolution is written -- whether in a month, a year or a decade -- a sacrosanct place will be reserved for Mohammed Bouazizi, the 26-year-old Tunisian street peddler who immolated himself last month after enduring a litany of abuses from the country's unaccountable bureaucrats and police. His plight symbolized the quiet, simmering sense of imprisonment felt by millions of his countrymen -- and his name was on the lips of the protesters who brought down the nation's government. The fuse that he lit has made its way to powder kegs in Algeria, Yemen, Jordan and -- most significantly -- Egypt, by far the most populous state in the Arab world.</span></p><p> </p><p><span style="color: #002060">Yet Mr. Bouazizi's tragic, desperate act did not take place in a vacuum. For years, Arabs have been learning that dictatorship -- whether under Nasser-cloned nationalists or Saudi-style Wahabbists -- is not the only way. They know this from surfing the Internet, and watching Al Jazeera and other satellite television networks, which show them scenes their leaders do not want them to see; scenes such as Iraqis going to the polls after Saddam Hussein had been deposed by George W. Bush's armies in 2003. They also watched the casting out of Lebanon's Syrian occupiers in 2005. These are scenes that make pharaohs shudder.</span></p><p> </p><p><span style="color: #002060">These new media have been saturated with incendiary coverage of Israel, too, of course. But viewers also have seen the other side of the coin: Hamas turning Gaza into a fundamentalist appendage to Iran, not to mention the corruption of Yasser Arafat's Palestinian Authority. Since 9/11, viewers also have seen al-Qaeda terrorists perpetrate carnage against Muslim civilians far more horrible than any outrage committed by Israelis. This helps explain why Islamists seem to be on the margin of this week's protests: Most ordinary citizens want freedom, not an Arab version of the Taliban.</span></p><p> </p><p><span style="color: #002060">It is telling that neither the North African protesters nor their autocratic targets are mentioning any of the usual anti-Israeli conspiracy theories in their media war. The Jewish state, long a demagogic obsession in the region, has disappeared from the headlines entirely.</span></p><p></p><p><span style="color: #002060">This is a sign of a people that finally appears to be taking control of its own destiny, and so no longer needs outsiders to blame.</span></p><p> </p><p><span style="color: #002060">No one knows how the drama in Egypt -- or any other Arab nation -- will unfold in the short term. Political revolutions are unpredictable. But in the long run, we all know how this drama will one day end: With the Arab world joining the rest of the globe on the march to democracy. And the images that fill our TV screens today suggest that destination may be closer than many Arabs only recently dared hope. </span></p><p> </p><p><span style="color: #002060">The hearts of all free people are with the protesters. May their campaign be victorious, short and bloodless.</span></p><p> </p><p><span style="color: #002060"><strong>source:</strong> </span><a href="http://www.nationalpost.com/opinion/Freedom+Arab+world/4188587/story.html" target="_blank"><u><span style="color: #002060">http://www.nationalpost.com/opinion/Freedom+Arab+world/4188587/story.html</span></u></a></p></blockquote><p></p>
[QUOTE="Archived_Member16, post: 141330, member: 884"] [B][COLOR=#ff0000]Globe Editorial[/COLOR][/B] [B][SIZE=5][COLOR=#002060]Mubarak doesn’t get it [/COLOR][/SIZE][/B] [SIZE=2][B][COLOR=#002060]From Saturday's Globe and Mail - January 29, 2010 [/COLOR][/B][/SIZE] [COLOR=#002060]Public order in Egypt – the watchword and raison d'être of Hosni Mubarak – is crumbling, after a day of mass protest and a night of defiance of a national curfew. The protesters' grievances have focused on Mr. Mubarak, and they will not go away with the sacrifice of his hand-picked Prime Minister. However it organizes itself in this volatile time, the regime needs to respond with an end to the emergency law and with greater freedom, including truly democratic reforms.[/COLOR] [COLOR=#002060]The abdication of leadership was shameful and total. Ludicrously, Mr. Mubarak took credit for the protests, saying the freedoms he allowed made them possible, despite laws that prohibit such assembly, and a record of suppression of organized political parties demonstrated as recently as this November's parliamentary elections. He presented himself as a pharaoh figure, as the only possible, legitimate ruler of Egypt, standing above the unseemly conduct of his government. He proposed no new meaningful reforms or plans for a democratic succession.[/COLOR] [COLOR=#002060]Mr. Mubarak is apparently counting on an old assumption – that Egyptians are fundamentally passive, bowing to unchallenged authority if that authority can buy quiescence by keeping prices low for such staples as food and gas. Surely events have proved such a posture inadvisable.[/COLOR] [COLOR=#002060]These protests were different from the proto-democratic movements of Egypt's recent past, which rarely registered more than a thousand protesters. The turnout on Friday was in the tens of thousands. Women joined in surprising numbers. It will be a great challenge for any regime to completely bottle up the popular sentiment – both frustration and hope – that has been unleashed.[/COLOR] [COLOR=#002060]Egypt matters because it is the Arab world's largest country, its cultural and geopolitical heart, and an essential bulwark that allows for Israel's continued peaceful existence and for a taming of radical Islamism. Not only do its people deserve a peaceful, orderly transition to democracy; its allies must insist on it. And if Tunisians help to inspire the Egyptians, Egyptians could provide an incalculable inspiration to the rest of the Arab world.[/COLOR] [COLOR=#002060]There are many minefields ahead, as opportunistic radicals and religious hardliners will seek to tap into these largely leaderless movements for illiberal purposes.[/COLOR] [COLOR=#002060]Egyptians, however, are already showing a patriotic resilience. According to reports last night, the headquarters of the ruling National Democratic Party were torched and ransacked. But the nearby Museum of Egyptian Antiquities was surrounded by protesters, as they sought to protect its contents[/COLOR] [COLOR=#002060].[/COLOR] [SIZE=2][COLOR=#002060][B]source: [/B][/COLOR][/SIZE][URL="http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/opinions/editorials/mubarak-doesnt-get-it/article1887060/"][U][SIZE=2][SIZE=2][COLOR=#002060]http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/opinions/editorials/mubarak-doesnt-get-it/article1887060/[/COLOR][/SIZE][/SIZE][/U][/URL] [COLOR=#002060]**********************************************************************************************[/COLOR] [B][COLOR=#ff0000]Editorial[/COLOR][/B] [B][SIZE=5][COLOR=#002060]Freedom for the Arab world[/COLOR][/SIZE][/B] [B][COLOR=#002060]National Post · Saturday, Jan. 29, 2011[/COLOR][/B] [COLOR=#002060]Democracy has been the dominant form of political organization in Canada and other Englishspeaking countries for so long that we often forget just how historically unusual it is. Until the establishment of Europe's first Parliaments and constitutions, strongman rule was simply part of the human condition. For several billion people on the planet, it still is.[/COLOR] [COLOR=#002060]During the 20th century, democracy gradually spread to other parts of the world, including such giants as India and Japan. Toward the end of the century, political freedom came also to much of South America, Indonesia, South Korea, the former Soviet bloc (excluding Belarus and, under Vladimir Putin, Russia itself ), and even, fitfully and bloodily, sub-Saharan Africa.[/COLOR] [COLOR=#002060]Yet throughout all this, a single corner of the globe stubbornly persisted as a black hole on freedom's map: At the dawn of the 21st century, not a single nation in the 22-member Arab League could be described as a true Western-style democracy.[/COLOR] [COLOR=#002060]What explains this anomaly? Arabists emphasize Western colonialism and U.S. support for convenient autocrats (such as Egypt's besieged Hosni Mubarak). But many other parts of the world that are now flourishing democracies were once colonized, too. Moreover, some parts of the Arab world, including Saudi Arabia, were never subject to colonial occupation.[/COLOR] [COLOR=#002060]Another explanation revolves around oil -- a commodity that tends to enrich and empower the small elite that controls its extraction, without providing much in the way of jobs and upward mobility to the masses. Yet Syria, which has little oil, is just as autocratic as Libya, which has plenty. So that doesn't provide a complete answer either.[/COLOR] [COLOR=#002060]Others have focused on the influence of Islam. Unlike Christendom, Islamic civilization has never embraced the doctrine of separation between church and state, nor religious pluralism, nor equality between men and women, nor individualism -- all essential components of modern democracy.[/COLOR] [COLOR=#002060]And yet, Muslim Indonesia is a democracy; as is (with several asterisks) Muslim Turkey. Even Iran has a strong grassroots democratic movement, albeit one crushed under the Ayatollahs' jackboots. So it cannot be said that Islam is entirely incompatible with democracy. [/COLOR] [COLOR=#002060]Perhaps the only complete explanation is that democracy simply has been alien to Arab political culture for a host of reasons, including those listed above. But that culture is changing -- and it is changing fast.[/COLOR] [COLOR=#002060]When the history of the Arab democratic revolution is written -- whether in a month, a year or a decade -- a sacrosanct place will be reserved for Mohammed Bouazizi, the 26-year-old Tunisian street peddler who immolated himself last month after enduring a litany of abuses from the country's unaccountable bureaucrats and police. His plight symbolized the quiet, simmering sense of imprisonment felt by millions of his countrymen -- and his name was on the lips of the protesters who brought down the nation's government. The fuse that he lit has made its way to powder kegs in Algeria, Yemen, Jordan and -- most significantly -- Egypt, by far the most populous state in the Arab world.[/COLOR] [COLOR=#002060]Yet Mr. Bouazizi's tragic, desperate act did not take place in a vacuum. For years, Arabs have been learning that dictatorship -- whether under Nasser-cloned nationalists or Saudi-style Wahabbists -- is not the only way. They know this from surfing the Internet, and watching Al Jazeera and other satellite television networks, which show them scenes their leaders do not want them to see; scenes such as Iraqis going to the polls after Saddam Hussein had been deposed by George W. Bush's armies in 2003. They also watched the casting out of Lebanon's Syrian occupiers in 2005. These are scenes that make pharaohs shudder.[/COLOR] [COLOR=#002060]These new media have been saturated with incendiary coverage of Israel, too, of course. But viewers also have seen the other side of the coin: Hamas turning Gaza into a fundamentalist appendage to Iran, not to mention the corruption of Yasser Arafat's Palestinian Authority. Since 9/11, viewers also have seen al-Qaeda terrorists perpetrate carnage against Muslim civilians far more horrible than any outrage committed by Israelis. This helps explain why Islamists seem to be on the margin of this week's protests: Most ordinary citizens want freedom, not an Arab version of the Taliban.[/COLOR] [COLOR=#002060]It is telling that neither the North African protesters nor their autocratic targets are mentioning any of the usual anti-Israeli conspiracy theories in their media war. The Jewish state, long a demagogic obsession in the region, has disappeared from the headlines entirely.[/COLOR] [COLOR=#002060]This is a sign of a people that finally appears to be taking control of its own destiny, and so no longer needs outsiders to blame.[/COLOR] [COLOR=#002060]No one knows how the drama in Egypt -- or any other Arab nation -- will unfold in the short term. Political revolutions are unpredictable. But in the long run, we all know how this drama will one day end: With the Arab world joining the rest of the globe on the march to democracy. And the images that fill our TV screens today suggest that destination may be closer than many Arabs only recently dared hope. [/COLOR] [COLOR=#002060]The hearts of all free people are with the protesters. May their campaign be victorious, short and bloodless.[/COLOR] [COLOR=#002060][B]source:[/B] [/COLOR][URL="http://www.nationalpost.com/opinion/Freedom+Arab+world/4188587/story.html"][U][COLOR=#002060]http://www.nationalpost.com/opinion/Freedom+Arab+world/4188587/story.html[/COLOR][/U][/URL] [/QUOTE]
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