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Guru Granth Sahib
Composition, Arrangement & Layout
ਜਪੁ | Jup
ਸੋ ਦਰੁ | So Dar
ਸੋਹਿਲਾ | Sohilaa
ਰਾਗੁ ਸਿਰੀਰਾਗੁ | Raag Siree-Raag
Gurbani (14-53)
Ashtpadiyan (53-71)
Gurbani (71-74)
Pahre (74-78)
Chhant (78-81)
Vanjara (81-82)
Vaar Siri Raag (83-91)
Bhagat Bani (91-93)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਝ | Raag Maajh
Gurbani (94-109)
Ashtpadi (109)
Ashtpadiyan (110-129)
Ashtpadi (129-130)
Ashtpadiyan (130-133)
Bara Maha (133-136)
Din Raen (136-137)
Vaar Maajh Ki (137-150)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗਉੜੀ | Raag Gauree
Gurbani (151-185)
Quartets/Couplets (185-220)
Ashtpadiyan (220-234)
Karhalei (234-235)
Ashtpadiyan (235-242)
Chhant (242-249)
Baavan Akhari (250-262)
Sukhmani (262-296)
Thittee (296-300)
Gauree kii Vaar (300-323)
Gurbani (323-330)
Ashtpadiyan (330-340)
Baavan Akhari (340-343)
Thintteen (343-344)
Vaar Kabir (344-345)
Bhagat Bani (345-346)
ਰਾਗੁ ਆਸਾ | Raag Aasaa
Gurbani (347-348)
Chaupaday (348-364)
Panchpadde (364-365)
Kaafee (365-409)
Aasaavaree (409-411)
Ashtpadiyan (411-432)
Patee (432-435)
Chhant (435-462)
Vaar Aasaa (462-475)
Bhagat Bani (475-488)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗੂਜਰੀ | Raag Goojaree
Gurbani (489-503)
Ashtpadiyan (503-508)
Vaar Gujari (508-517)
Vaar Gujari (517-526)
ਰਾਗੁ ਦੇਵਗੰਧਾਰੀ | Raag Dayv-Gandhaaree
Gurbani (527-536)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਿਹਾਗੜਾ | Raag Bihaagraa
Gurbani (537-556)
Chhant (538-548)
Vaar Bihaagraa (548-556)
ਰਾਗੁ ਵਡਹੰਸ | Raag Wadhans
Gurbani (557-564)
Ashtpadiyan (564-565)
Chhant (565-575)
Ghoriaan (575-578)
Alaahaniiaa (578-582)
Vaar Wadhans (582-594)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸੋਰਠਿ | Raag Sorath
Gurbani (595-634)
Asatpadhiya (634-642)
Vaar Sorath (642-659)
ਰਾਗੁ ਧਨਾਸਰੀ | Raag Dhanasaree
Gurbani (660-685)
Astpadhiya (685-687)
Chhant (687-691)
Bhagat Bani (691-695)
ਰਾਗੁ ਜੈਤਸਰੀ | Raag Jaitsree
Gurbani (696-703)
Chhant (703-705)
Vaar Jaitsaree (705-710)
Bhagat Bani (710)
ਰਾਗੁ ਟੋਡੀ | Raag Todee
ਰਾਗੁ ਬੈਰਾੜੀ | Raag Bairaaree
ਰਾਗੁ ਤਿਲੰਗ | Raag Tilang
Gurbani (721-727)
Bhagat Bani (727)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸੂਹੀ | Raag Suhi
Gurbani (728-750)
Ashtpadiyan (750-761)
Kaafee (761-762)
Suchajee (762)
Gunvantee (763)
Chhant (763-785)
Vaar Soohee (785-792)
Bhagat Bani (792-794)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਿਲਾਵਲੁ | Raag Bilaaval
Gurbani (795-831)
Ashtpadiyan (831-838)
Thitteen (838-840)
Vaar Sat (841-843)
Chhant (843-848)
Vaar Bilaaval (849-855)
Bhagat Bani (855-858)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗੋਂਡ | Raag Gond
Gurbani (859-869)
Ashtpadiyan (869)
Bhagat Bani (870-875)
ਰਾਗੁ ਰਾਮਕਲੀ | Raag Ramkalee
Ashtpadiyan (902-916)
Gurbani (876-902)
Anand (917-922)
Sadd (923-924)
Chhant (924-929)
Dakhnee (929-938)
Sidh Gosat (938-946)
Vaar Ramkalee (947-968)
ਰਾਗੁ ਨਟ ਨਾਰਾਇਨ | Raag Nat Narayan
Gurbani (975-980)
Ashtpadiyan (980-983)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਲੀ ਗਉੜਾ | Raag Maalee Gauraa
Gurbani (984-988)
Bhagat Bani (988)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਰੂ | Raag Maaroo
Gurbani (889-1008)
Ashtpadiyan (1008-1014)
Kaafee (1014-1016)
Ashtpadiyan (1016-1019)
Anjulian (1019-1020)
Solhe (1020-1033)
Dakhni (1033-1043)
ਰਾਗੁ ਤੁਖਾਰੀ | Raag Tukhaari
Bara Maha (1107-1110)
Chhant (1110-1117)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕੇਦਾਰਾ | Raag Kedara
Gurbani (1118-1123)
Bhagat Bani (1123-1124)
ਰਾਗੁ ਭੈਰਉ | Raag Bhairo
Gurbani (1125-1152)
Partaal (1153)
Ashtpadiyan (1153-1167)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਸੰਤੁ | Raag Basant
Gurbani (1168-1187)
Ashtpadiyan (1187-1193)
Vaar Basant (1193-1196)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸਾਰਗ | Raag Saarag
Gurbani (1197-1200)
Partaal (1200-1231)
Ashtpadiyan (1232-1236)
Chhant (1236-1237)
Vaar Saarang (1237-1253)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਲਾਰ | Raag Malaar
Gurbani (1254-1293)
Partaal (1265-1273)
Ashtpadiyan (1273-1278)
Chhant (1278)
Vaar Malaar (1278-91)
Bhagat Bani (1292-93)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕਾਨੜਾ | Raag Kaanraa
Gurbani (1294-96)
Partaal (1296-1318)
Ashtpadiyan (1308-1312)
Chhant (1312)
Vaar Kaanraa
Bhagat Bani (1318)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕਲਿਆਨ | Raag Kalyaan
Gurbani (1319-23)
Ashtpadiyan (1323-26)
ਰਾਗੁ ਪ੍ਰਭਾਤੀ | Raag Prabhaatee
Gurbani (1327-1341)
Ashtpadiyan (1342-51)
ਰਾਗੁ ਜੈਜਾਵੰਤੀ | Raag Jaijaiwanti
Gurbani (1352-53)
Salok | Gatha | Phunahe | Chaubole | Swayiye
Sehskritee Mahala 1
Sehskritee Mahala 5
Gaathaa Mahala 5
Phunhay Mahala 5
Chaubolae Mahala 5
Shaloks Bhagat Kabir
Shaloks Sheikh Farid
Swaiyyae Mahala 5
Swaiyyae in Praise of Gurus
Shaloks in Addition To Vaars
Shalok Ninth Mehl
Mundavanee Mehl 5
ਰਾਗ ਮਾਲਾ, Raag Maalaa
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Warily Watching The Arab Revolt
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<blockquote data-quote="Archived_Member16" data-source="post: 141287" data-attributes="member: 884"><p><strong><span style="font-size: 18px"><span style="color: navy">Warily watching the Arab revolt</span></span></strong></p><p> </p><p></p><p><span style="color: navy">By David Ignatius</span></p><p><span style="color: navy">Thursday, January 27, 2011; 8:00 PM </span></p><p> </p><p> </p><p><span style="color: navy">DAVOS, SWITZERLAND </span></p><p></p><p><span style="color: navy">It's a sign of the times that some Arab journalists attending the gathering of international power brokers here were spending their free time scanning Twitter messages about political protests back home. It's that kind of moment in the Arab world, when people are nervous about anything that is connected to the status quo. </span></p><p></p><p><span style="color: navy">The unrest that </span><a href="http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2011/01/14/AR2011011401131.html" target="_blank"><span style="color: navy">toppled a government in Tunisia</span></a><span style="color: navy"> has spread across the region, with big street demonstrations in </span><a href="http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2011/01/25/AR2011012500866.html" target="_blank"><span style="color: navy">Egypt</span></a><span style="color: navy">, </span><a href="http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2011/01/21/AR2011012102205.html" target="_blank"><span style="color: navy">Jordan</span></a><span style="color: navy"> and </span><a href="http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2011/01/27/AR2011012702081.html?hpid=topnews" target="_blank"><span style="color: navy">Yemen</span></a><span style="color: navy">. It's a movement that appears leaderless - more like a "flash mob." But it shares a common sensibility - the rising expectations of a younger generation that sees global change on the Internet and has momentarily lost its fear of corrupt, autocratic leaders. </span></p><p></p><p><span style="color: navy">"I think it's overdue," says Jamal Khashoggi, a Saudi journalist who runs the Alwaleed 24-hour news channel, speaking about the street protests in Egypt. "There were reasons for people to get angry 10 years ago, 20 years ago, and now it is here." Indeed, he says, "the Arab world has been seeking renaissance for the last hundred years" but has stalled the last several generations, caught between fear of authoritarian regimes and anger at their corruption. </span></p><p></p><p><span style="color: navy">It's an easy revolution to like, and U.S. officials have wisely endorsed the protesters' goals of openness and reform. But in truth, there's little America could do to bolster the octogenarian Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak, even if it wanted to. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton may endorse reform, </span><a href="http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2011/01/26/AR2011012608249.html" target="_blank"><span style="color: navy">as she did Wednesday</span></a><span style="color: navy">, but this is a post-American revolution, encouraged in part by a recognition of the limits of U.S. power. </span></p><p></p><p><span style="color: navy">The unrest follows a series of American failures in the region. President Obama promised change. But he couldn't bring Israel and the Palestinians to a peace agreement, and he couldn't counter Hezbollah in Lebanon or its patron, Iran. America is not the stopper in the bottle anymore, and the Arab man in the street knows it. </span></p><p></p><p><span style="color: navy">U.S. officials are encouraged by the fact that the protesters in Tunisia, Egypt and other Arab countries seem autonomous of the </span><a href="http://www.ikhwanweb.com/" target="_blank"><span style="color: navy">Muslim Brotherhood</span></a><span style="color: navy"> and other radical Islamic groups. But that may be false comfort; this process is still in its early stages. </span></p><p></p><p><span style="color: navy">History teaches that revolutions are always attractive in their infancy, when freedom is in the air and the rebellion seems spontaneous. But from the French and Russian revolutions to the Iranian uprising of 1979, the idealistic but disorganized street protesters usually give way to a manipulative revolutionary elite - the "Revolutionary Guard," as the Iranians like to call them. </span></p><p></p><p><span style="color: navy">This life cycle of revolution was evoked by scenes of protesters battling riot police in Tahrir Square in Cairo this week. The square's name means liberation, and it was named for Gamal Abdel Nasser's revolution against the monarchy in 1952. But one set of Egyptian autocrats was gradually replaced by another. </span></p><p></p><p><span style="color: navy">Tunisia's deposed president, Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali, lost his nerve, something that hasn't yet happened with Mubarak. On the very day he fled Tunis, Ben Ali is said to have called a member of the Saudi cabinet for advice. He was told to talk to the protesters, stop shooting and stay in the country. By that night </span><a href="http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2011/01/14/AR2011011401131.html" target="_blank"><span style="color: navy">he had fled</span></a><span style="color: navy"> to Jeddah. </span></p><p></p><p><span style="color: navy">One Arab intelligence analyst speaks of Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen and Jordan as "unviable countries," whose economies can't seem to grow fast enough to meet the demands of their rising young populations. Joe Saddi, the head of Booz-Allen's consulting operations in the Middle East, says that to succeed, Egypt needs India-level annual growth rates of 8 percent or more, rather than its recent 5 percent. </span></p><p></p><p><span style="color: navy">Lebanon is another step into the unknown, with Prime Minister </span><a href="http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2011/01/27/AR2011012702067.html" target="_blank"><span style="color: navy">Najib Mikati heading a new government</span></a><span style="color: navy"> dominated by Hezbollah, the Shiite militia. The Saudis, French and Americans have all bungled efforts to avoid this outcome; for now, they seem likely to let Lebanon stew in its internal political mess and foreign debt. Mikati may seek a middle path, in the classic Lebanese fashion. But one Arab foreign minister is said to have voiced privately what many suspect: The standoff between Hezbollah and its enemies will be resolved only by another war. </span></p><p></p><p><span style="color: navy">In the end, there's a sense of inevitability about this revolution, like a rotten gourd that finally bursts. One Egyptian business executive here warily summed up his feeling about regime change this way to an Arab friend: "Long term, it's good; short term, it's bad." But even that is a piece of optimism about an Arab future that's up for grabs. </span></p><p></p><p><a href="mailto:davidignatius@washpost.com"><span style="color: navy">davidignatius@washpost.com</span></a></p><p></p><p><strong><span style="color: navy">source:</span></strong></p><p><a href="http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2011/01/27/AR2011012705929_pf.html" target="_blank"><u><span style="color: navy">http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2011/01/27/AR2011012705929_pf.html</span></u></a></p></blockquote><p></p>
[QUOTE="Archived_Member16, post: 141287, member: 884"] [B][SIZE=5][COLOR=navy]Warily watching the Arab revolt[/COLOR][/SIZE][/B] [COLOR=navy]By David Ignatius[/COLOR] [COLOR=navy]Thursday, January 27, 2011; 8:00 PM [/COLOR] [COLOR=navy]DAVOS, SWITZERLAND [/COLOR] [COLOR=navy]It's a sign of the times that some Arab journalists attending the gathering of international power brokers here were spending their free time scanning Twitter messages about political protests back home. It's that kind of moment in the Arab world, when people are nervous about anything that is connected to the status quo. [/COLOR] [COLOR=navy]The unrest that [/COLOR][URL="http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2011/01/14/AR2011011401131.html"][COLOR=navy]toppled a government in Tunisia[/COLOR][/URL][COLOR=navy] has spread across the region, with big street demonstrations in [/COLOR][URL="http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2011/01/25/AR2011012500866.html"][COLOR=navy]Egypt[/COLOR][/URL][COLOR=navy], [/COLOR][URL="http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2011/01/21/AR2011012102205.html"][COLOR=navy]Jordan[/COLOR][/URL][COLOR=navy] and [/COLOR][URL="http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2011/01/27/AR2011012702081.html?hpid=topnews"][COLOR=navy]Yemen[/COLOR][/URL][COLOR=navy]. It's a movement that appears leaderless - more like a "flash mob." But it shares a common sensibility - the rising expectations of a younger generation that sees global change on the Internet and has momentarily lost its fear of corrupt, autocratic leaders. [/COLOR] [COLOR=navy]"I think it's overdue," says Jamal Khashoggi, a Saudi journalist who runs the Alwaleed 24-hour news channel, speaking about the street protests in Egypt. "There were reasons for people to get angry 10 years ago, 20 years ago, and now it is here." Indeed, he says, "the Arab world has been seeking renaissance for the last hundred years" but has stalled the last several generations, caught between fear of authoritarian regimes and anger at their corruption. [/COLOR] [COLOR=navy]It's an easy revolution to like, and U.S. officials have wisely endorsed the protesters' goals of openness and reform. But in truth, there's little America could do to bolster the octogenarian Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak, even if it wanted to. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton may endorse reform, [/COLOR][URL="http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2011/01/26/AR2011012608249.html"][COLOR=navy]as she did Wednesday[/COLOR][/URL][COLOR=navy], but this is a post-American revolution, encouraged in part by a recognition of the limits of U.S. power. [/COLOR] [COLOR=navy]The unrest follows a series of American failures in the region. President Obama promised change. But he couldn't bring Israel and the Palestinians to a peace agreement, and he couldn't counter Hezbollah in Lebanon or its patron, Iran. America is not the stopper in the bottle anymore, and the Arab man in the street knows it. [/COLOR] [COLOR=navy]U.S. officials are encouraged by the fact that the protesters in Tunisia, Egypt and other Arab countries seem autonomous of the [/COLOR][URL="http://www.ikhwanweb.com/"][COLOR=navy]Muslim Brotherhood[/COLOR][/URL][COLOR=navy] and other radical Islamic groups. But that may be false comfort; this process is still in its early stages. [/COLOR] [COLOR=navy]History teaches that revolutions are always attractive in their infancy, when freedom is in the air and the rebellion seems spontaneous. But from the French and Russian revolutions to the Iranian uprising of 1979, the idealistic but disorganized street protesters usually give way to a manipulative revolutionary elite - the "Revolutionary Guard," as the Iranians like to call them. [/COLOR] [COLOR=navy]This life cycle of revolution was evoked by scenes of protesters battling riot police in Tahrir Square in Cairo this week. The square's name means liberation, and it was named for Gamal Abdel Nasser's revolution against the monarchy in 1952. But one set of Egyptian autocrats was gradually replaced by another. [/COLOR] [COLOR=navy]Tunisia's deposed president, Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali, lost his nerve, something that hasn't yet happened with Mubarak. On the very day he fled Tunis, Ben Ali is said to have called a member of the Saudi cabinet for advice. He was told to talk to the protesters, stop shooting and stay in the country. By that night [/COLOR][URL="http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2011/01/14/AR2011011401131.html"][COLOR=navy]he had fled[/COLOR][/URL][COLOR=navy] to Jeddah. [/COLOR] [COLOR=navy]One Arab intelligence analyst speaks of Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen and Jordan as "unviable countries," whose economies can't seem to grow fast enough to meet the demands of their rising young populations. Joe Saddi, the head of Booz-Allen's consulting operations in the Middle East, says that to succeed, Egypt needs India-level annual growth rates of 8 percent or more, rather than its recent 5 percent. [/COLOR] [COLOR=navy]Lebanon is another step into the unknown, with Prime Minister [/COLOR][URL="http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2011/01/27/AR2011012702067.html"][COLOR=navy]Najib Mikati heading a new government[/COLOR][/URL][COLOR=navy] dominated by Hezbollah, the Shiite militia. The Saudis, French and Americans have all bungled efforts to avoid this outcome; for now, they seem likely to let Lebanon stew in its internal political mess and foreign debt. Mikati may seek a middle path, in the classic Lebanese fashion. But one Arab foreign minister is said to have voiced privately what many suspect: The standoff between Hezbollah and its enemies will be resolved only by another war. [/COLOR] [COLOR=navy]In the end, there's a sense of inevitability about this revolution, like a rotten gourd that finally bursts. One Egyptian business executive here warily summed up his feeling about regime change this way to an Arab friend: "Long term, it's good; short term, it's bad." But even that is a piece of optimism about an Arab future that's up for grabs. [/COLOR] [EMAIL="davidignatius@washpost.com"][COLOR=navy]davidignatius@washpost.com[/COLOR][/EMAIL] [B][COLOR=navy]source:[/COLOR][/B] [URL="http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2011/01/27/AR2011012705929_pf.html"][U][COLOR=navy]http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2011/01/27/AR2011012705929_pf.html[/COLOR][/U][/URL] [/QUOTE]
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