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Guru Granth Sahib
Composition, Arrangement & Layout
ਜਪੁ | Jup
ਸੋ ਦਰੁ | So Dar
ਸੋਹਿਲਾ | Sohilaa
ਰਾਗੁ ਸਿਰੀਰਾਗੁ | Raag Siree-Raag
Gurbani (14-53)
Ashtpadiyan (53-71)
Gurbani (71-74)
Pahre (74-78)
Chhant (78-81)
Vanjara (81-82)
Vaar Siri Raag (83-91)
Bhagat Bani (91-93)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਝ | Raag Maajh
Gurbani (94-109)
Ashtpadi (109)
Ashtpadiyan (110-129)
Ashtpadi (129-130)
Ashtpadiyan (130-133)
Bara Maha (133-136)
Din Raen (136-137)
Vaar Maajh Ki (137-150)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗਉੜੀ | Raag Gauree
Gurbani (151-185)
Quartets/Couplets (185-220)
Ashtpadiyan (220-234)
Karhalei (234-235)
Ashtpadiyan (235-242)
Chhant (242-249)
Baavan Akhari (250-262)
Sukhmani (262-296)
Thittee (296-300)
Gauree kii Vaar (300-323)
Gurbani (323-330)
Ashtpadiyan (330-340)
Baavan Akhari (340-343)
Thintteen (343-344)
Vaar Kabir (344-345)
Bhagat Bani (345-346)
ਰਾਗੁ ਆਸਾ | Raag Aasaa
Gurbani (347-348)
Chaupaday (348-364)
Panchpadde (364-365)
Kaafee (365-409)
Aasaavaree (409-411)
Ashtpadiyan (411-432)
Patee (432-435)
Chhant (435-462)
Vaar Aasaa (462-475)
Bhagat Bani (475-488)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗੂਜਰੀ | Raag Goojaree
Gurbani (489-503)
Ashtpadiyan (503-508)
Vaar Gujari (508-517)
Vaar Gujari (517-526)
ਰਾਗੁ ਦੇਵਗੰਧਾਰੀ | Raag Dayv-Gandhaaree
Gurbani (527-536)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਿਹਾਗੜਾ | Raag Bihaagraa
Gurbani (537-556)
Chhant (538-548)
Vaar Bihaagraa (548-556)
ਰਾਗੁ ਵਡਹੰਸ | Raag Wadhans
Gurbani (557-564)
Ashtpadiyan (564-565)
Chhant (565-575)
Ghoriaan (575-578)
Alaahaniiaa (578-582)
Vaar Wadhans (582-594)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸੋਰਠਿ | Raag Sorath
Gurbani (595-634)
Asatpadhiya (634-642)
Vaar Sorath (642-659)
ਰਾਗੁ ਧਨਾਸਰੀ | Raag Dhanasaree
Gurbani (660-685)
Astpadhiya (685-687)
Chhant (687-691)
Bhagat Bani (691-695)
ਰਾਗੁ ਜੈਤਸਰੀ | Raag Jaitsree
Gurbani (696-703)
Chhant (703-705)
Vaar Jaitsaree (705-710)
Bhagat Bani (710)
ਰਾਗੁ ਟੋਡੀ | Raag Todee
ਰਾਗੁ ਬੈਰਾੜੀ | Raag Bairaaree
ਰਾਗੁ ਤਿਲੰਗ | Raag Tilang
Gurbani (721-727)
Bhagat Bani (727)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸੂਹੀ | Raag Suhi
Gurbani (728-750)
Ashtpadiyan (750-761)
Kaafee (761-762)
Suchajee (762)
Gunvantee (763)
Chhant (763-785)
Vaar Soohee (785-792)
Bhagat Bani (792-794)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਿਲਾਵਲੁ | Raag Bilaaval
Gurbani (795-831)
Ashtpadiyan (831-838)
Thitteen (838-840)
Vaar Sat (841-843)
Chhant (843-848)
Vaar Bilaaval (849-855)
Bhagat Bani (855-858)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗੋਂਡ | Raag Gond
Gurbani (859-869)
Ashtpadiyan (869)
Bhagat Bani (870-875)
ਰਾਗੁ ਰਾਮਕਲੀ | Raag Ramkalee
Ashtpadiyan (902-916)
Gurbani (876-902)
Anand (917-922)
Sadd (923-924)
Chhant (924-929)
Dakhnee (929-938)
Sidh Gosat (938-946)
Vaar Ramkalee (947-968)
ਰਾਗੁ ਨਟ ਨਾਰਾਇਨ | Raag Nat Narayan
Gurbani (975-980)
Ashtpadiyan (980-983)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਲੀ ਗਉੜਾ | Raag Maalee Gauraa
Gurbani (984-988)
Bhagat Bani (988)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਰੂ | Raag Maaroo
Gurbani (889-1008)
Ashtpadiyan (1008-1014)
Kaafee (1014-1016)
Ashtpadiyan (1016-1019)
Anjulian (1019-1020)
Solhe (1020-1033)
Dakhni (1033-1043)
ਰਾਗੁ ਤੁਖਾਰੀ | Raag Tukhaari
Bara Maha (1107-1110)
Chhant (1110-1117)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕੇਦਾਰਾ | Raag Kedara
Gurbani (1118-1123)
Bhagat Bani (1123-1124)
ਰਾਗੁ ਭੈਰਉ | Raag Bhairo
Gurbani (1125-1152)
Partaal (1153)
Ashtpadiyan (1153-1167)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਸੰਤੁ | Raag Basant
Gurbani (1168-1187)
Ashtpadiyan (1187-1193)
Vaar Basant (1193-1196)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸਾਰਗ | Raag Saarag
Gurbani (1197-1200)
Partaal (1200-1231)
Ashtpadiyan (1232-1236)
Chhant (1236-1237)
Vaar Saarang (1237-1253)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਲਾਰ | Raag Malaar
Gurbani (1254-1293)
Partaal (1265-1273)
Ashtpadiyan (1273-1278)
Chhant (1278)
Vaar Malaar (1278-91)
Bhagat Bani (1292-93)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕਾਨੜਾ | Raag Kaanraa
Gurbani (1294-96)
Partaal (1296-1318)
Ashtpadiyan (1308-1312)
Chhant (1312)
Vaar Kaanraa
Bhagat Bani (1318)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕਲਿਆਨ | Raag Kalyaan
Gurbani (1319-23)
Ashtpadiyan (1323-26)
ਰਾਗੁ ਪ੍ਰਭਾਤੀ | Raag Prabhaatee
Gurbani (1327-1341)
Ashtpadiyan (1342-51)
ਰਾਗੁ ਜੈਜਾਵੰਤੀ | Raag Jaijaiwanti
Gurbani (1352-53)
Salok | Gatha | Phunahe | Chaubole | Swayiye
Sehskritee Mahala 1
Sehskritee Mahala 5
Gaathaa Mahala 5
Phunhay Mahala 5
Chaubolae Mahala 5
Shaloks Bhagat Kabir
Shaloks Sheikh Farid
Swaiyyae Mahala 5
Swaiyyae in Praise of Gurus
Shaloks in Addition To Vaars
Shalok Ninth Mehl
Mundavanee Mehl 5
ਰਾਗ ਮਾਲਾ, Raag Maalaa
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Martin Luther King Jr. Had More Than One Dream: His Reach Extended Beyond Civil Right
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<blockquote data-quote="Admin" data-source="post: 118995" data-attributes="member: 1"><p>The inspirational speeches of Martin Luther King Jr. ring out every year at this time, as they should. In their urgency — and undeniable beauty — his words embodied and galvanized the civil rights movement.</p><p></p><p>Yet in celebrating his life, it can be easy to forget how radical his vision was and to get too comfortable with what we think he stood for.</p><p></p><p>Our memory of King has become institutionalized with a national holiday that pushes us toward a comfort zone of feel-good idealism, especially in the age of President Obama. It is worth remembering that during King’s lifetime, few saw his greatness, and even allies thought he overstepped his bounds at times. They feared what he might unleash.</p><p></p><p>The NAACP, long the dominant organization in civil rights, looked warily upon King, his tactics and his "ambitious lieutenants," as one report at the time put it. There was sniping on small matters, too. One 1962 profile quoted an unnamed Southern black leader who said King was "woefully inadequate in organizational ability" and had taken on more than he could handle.</p><p></p><p>King’s concerns went beyond racial discrimination. He opposed the Vietnam War as early as 1965, and later called for a boycott of the war. He urged those called to military service to claim conscientious objector status. Other black leaders said his anti-war stance jeopardized the goal of racial equality, raised doubts about King’s loyalty to the United States, and revived fears that communists had infiltrated the civil rights movement. A 1967 survey showed that most blacks either believed King was wrong on the war, or were reserving judgment.</p><p></p><p>White journalists who embraced his work in the South were not eager to see him tackle urban issues in the North; they believed he did not understand big-city political machines and his message of nonviolence would have no resonance among militant blacks in the cities. But three months before the Newark riots, King gave warning that Newark and other cities were "powder kegs." News coverage of the riots, in The Star-Ledger and elsewhere, reveals that it was the media, not King, that was out of touch with cities and their black communities.</p><p></p><p>King also supported labor unions. His assassination in Memphis came a day after he rallied support for the city’s striking sanitation workers. Supporting unions was perhaps not so controversial in 1968, when they were generally stronger and more significant in private and political life than they are today. Still, it is notable that he warned blacks against adopting "middle class" disdain for unionism.</p><p></p><p>By 1967, King could see the rise of more militant black organizations and leaders, and wrote about the need for "responsible" militancy. He constantly addressed the great chasm between poor and rich in a wealthy nation, not just the persistence of racism. At the time of his death, he was planning the Poor People’s Campaign to draw attention to poverty in the United States.</p><p></p><p>The quotations and excerpts below — less familiar today than the "I have a dream" speech delivered at the Lincoln Memorial in August 1963 — illustrate these other dimensions of the minister’s activism.</p><p></p><p>King’s lyrical language should not obscure the difficult issues he tackled, and that remain unresolved more than 40 years after his death.</p></blockquote><p></p>
[QUOTE="Admin, post: 118995, member: 1"] The inspirational speeches of Martin Luther King Jr. ring out every year at this time, as they should. In their urgency — and undeniable beauty — his words embodied and galvanized the civil rights movement. Yet in celebrating his life, it can be easy to forget how radical his vision was and to get too comfortable with what we think he stood for. Our memory of King has become institutionalized with a national holiday that pushes us toward a comfort zone of feel-good idealism, especially in the age of President Obama. It is worth remembering that during King’s lifetime, few saw his greatness, and even allies thought he overstepped his bounds at times. They feared what he might unleash. The NAACP, long the dominant organization in civil rights, looked warily upon King, his tactics and his "ambitious lieutenants," as one report at the time put it. There was sniping on small matters, too. One 1962 profile quoted an unnamed Southern black leader who said King was "woefully inadequate in organizational ability" and had taken on more than he could handle. King’s concerns went beyond racial discrimination. He opposed the Vietnam War as early as 1965, and later called for a boycott of the war. He urged those called to military service to claim conscientious objector status. Other black leaders said his anti-war stance jeopardized the goal of racial equality, raised doubts about King’s loyalty to the United States, and revived fears that communists had infiltrated the civil rights movement. A 1967 survey showed that most blacks either believed King was wrong on the war, or were reserving judgment. White journalists who embraced his work in the South were not eager to see him tackle urban issues in the North; they believed he did not understand big-city political machines and his message of nonviolence would have no resonance among militant blacks in the cities. But three months before the Newark riots, King gave warning that Newark and other cities were "powder kegs." News coverage of the riots, in The Star-Ledger and elsewhere, reveals that it was the media, not King, that was out of touch with cities and their black communities. King also supported labor unions. His assassination in Memphis came a day after he rallied support for the city’s striking sanitation workers. Supporting unions was perhaps not so controversial in 1968, when they were generally stronger and more significant in private and political life than they are today. Still, it is notable that he warned blacks against adopting "middle class" disdain for unionism. By 1967, King could see the rise of more militant black organizations and leaders, and wrote about the need for "responsible" militancy. He constantly addressed the great chasm between poor and rich in a wealthy nation, not just the persistence of racism. At the time of his death, he was planning the Poor People’s Campaign to draw attention to poverty in the United States. The quotations and excerpts below — less familiar today than the "I have a dream" speech delivered at the Lincoln Memorial in August 1963 — illustrate these other dimensions of the minister’s activism. King’s lyrical language should not obscure the difficult issues he tackled, and that remain unresolved more than 40 years after his death. [/QUOTE]
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Martin Luther King Jr. Had More Than One Dream: His Reach Extended Beyond Civil Right
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