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Composition, Arrangement & Layout
ਜਪੁ | Jup
ਸੋ ਦਰੁ | So Dar
ਸੋਹਿਲਾ | Sohilaa
ਰਾਗੁ ਸਿਰੀਰਾਗੁ | Raag Siree-Raag
Gurbani (14-53)
Ashtpadiyan (53-71)
Gurbani (71-74)
Pahre (74-78)
Chhant (78-81)
Vanjara (81-82)
Vaar Siri Raag (83-91)
Bhagat Bani (91-93)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਝ | Raag Maajh
Gurbani (94-109)
Ashtpadi (109)
Ashtpadiyan (110-129)
Ashtpadi (129-130)
Ashtpadiyan (130-133)
Bara Maha (133-136)
Din Raen (136-137)
Vaar Maajh Ki (137-150)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗਉੜੀ | Raag Gauree
Gurbani (151-185)
Quartets/Couplets (185-220)
Ashtpadiyan (220-234)
Karhalei (234-235)
Ashtpadiyan (235-242)
Chhant (242-249)
Baavan Akhari (250-262)
Sukhmani (262-296)
Thittee (296-300)
Gauree kii Vaar (300-323)
Gurbani (323-330)
Ashtpadiyan (330-340)
Baavan Akhari (340-343)
Thintteen (343-344)
Vaar Kabir (344-345)
Bhagat Bani (345-346)
ਰਾਗੁ ਆਸਾ | Raag Aasaa
Gurbani (347-348)
Chaupaday (348-364)
Panchpadde (364-365)
Kaafee (365-409)
Aasaavaree (409-411)
Ashtpadiyan (411-432)
Patee (432-435)
Chhant (435-462)
Vaar Aasaa (462-475)
Bhagat Bani (475-488)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗੂਜਰੀ | Raag Goojaree
Gurbani (489-503)
Ashtpadiyan (503-508)
Vaar Gujari (508-517)
Vaar Gujari (517-526)
ਰਾਗੁ ਦੇਵਗੰਧਾਰੀ | Raag Dayv-Gandhaaree
Gurbani (527-536)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਿਹਾਗੜਾ | Raag Bihaagraa
Gurbani (537-556)
Chhant (538-548)
Vaar Bihaagraa (548-556)
ਰਾਗੁ ਵਡਹੰਸ | Raag Wadhans
Gurbani (557-564)
Ashtpadiyan (564-565)
Chhant (565-575)
Ghoriaan (575-578)
Alaahaniiaa (578-582)
Vaar Wadhans (582-594)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸੋਰਠਿ | Raag Sorath
Gurbani (595-634)
Asatpadhiya (634-642)
Vaar Sorath (642-659)
ਰਾਗੁ ਧਨਾਸਰੀ | Raag Dhanasaree
Gurbani (660-685)
Astpadhiya (685-687)
Chhant (687-691)
Bhagat Bani (691-695)
ਰਾਗੁ ਜੈਤਸਰੀ | Raag Jaitsree
Gurbani (696-703)
Chhant (703-705)
Vaar Jaitsaree (705-710)
Bhagat Bani (710)
ਰਾਗੁ ਟੋਡੀ | Raag Todee
ਰਾਗੁ ਬੈਰਾੜੀ | Raag Bairaaree
ਰਾਗੁ ਤਿਲੰਗ | Raag Tilang
Gurbani (721-727)
Bhagat Bani (727)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸੂਹੀ | Raag Suhi
Gurbani (728-750)
Ashtpadiyan (750-761)
Kaafee (761-762)
Suchajee (762)
Gunvantee (763)
Chhant (763-785)
Vaar Soohee (785-792)
Bhagat Bani (792-794)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਿਲਾਵਲੁ | Raag Bilaaval
Gurbani (795-831)
Ashtpadiyan (831-838)
Thitteen (838-840)
Vaar Sat (841-843)
Chhant (843-848)
Vaar Bilaaval (849-855)
Bhagat Bani (855-858)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗੋਂਡ | Raag Gond
Gurbani (859-869)
Ashtpadiyan (869)
Bhagat Bani (870-875)
ਰਾਗੁ ਰਾਮਕਲੀ | Raag Ramkalee
Ashtpadiyan (902-916)
Gurbani (876-902)
Anand (917-922)
Sadd (923-924)
Chhant (924-929)
Dakhnee (929-938)
Sidh Gosat (938-946)
Vaar Ramkalee (947-968)
ਰਾਗੁ ਨਟ ਨਾਰਾਇਨ | Raag Nat Narayan
Gurbani (975-980)
Ashtpadiyan (980-983)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਲੀ ਗਉੜਾ | Raag Maalee Gauraa
Gurbani (984-988)
Bhagat Bani (988)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਰੂ | Raag Maaroo
Gurbani (889-1008)
Ashtpadiyan (1008-1014)
Kaafee (1014-1016)
Ashtpadiyan (1016-1019)
Anjulian (1019-1020)
Solhe (1020-1033)
Dakhni (1033-1043)
ਰਾਗੁ ਤੁਖਾਰੀ | Raag Tukhaari
Bara Maha (1107-1110)
Chhant (1110-1117)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕੇਦਾਰਾ | Raag Kedara
Gurbani (1118-1123)
Bhagat Bani (1123-1124)
ਰਾਗੁ ਭੈਰਉ | Raag Bhairo
Gurbani (1125-1152)
Partaal (1153)
Ashtpadiyan (1153-1167)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਸੰਤੁ | Raag Basant
Gurbani (1168-1187)
Ashtpadiyan (1187-1193)
Vaar Basant (1193-1196)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸਾਰਗ | Raag Saarag
Gurbani (1197-1200)
Partaal (1200-1231)
Ashtpadiyan (1232-1236)
Chhant (1236-1237)
Vaar Saarang (1237-1253)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਲਾਰ | Raag Malaar
Gurbani (1254-1293)
Partaal (1265-1273)
Ashtpadiyan (1273-1278)
Chhant (1278)
Vaar Malaar (1278-91)
Bhagat Bani (1292-93)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕਾਨੜਾ | Raag Kaanraa
Gurbani (1294-96)
Partaal (1296-1318)
Ashtpadiyan (1308-1312)
Chhant (1312)
Vaar Kaanraa
Bhagat Bani (1318)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕਲਿਆਨ | Raag Kalyaan
Gurbani (1319-23)
Ashtpadiyan (1323-26)
ਰਾਗੁ ਪ੍ਰਭਾਤੀ | Raag Prabhaatee
Gurbani (1327-1341)
Ashtpadiyan (1342-51)
ਰਾਗੁ ਜੈਜਾਵੰਤੀ | Raag Jaijaiwanti
Gurbani (1352-53)
Salok | Gatha | Phunahe | Chaubole | Swayiye
Sehskritee Mahala 1
Sehskritee Mahala 5
Gaathaa Mahala 5
Phunhay Mahala 5
Chaubolae Mahala 5
Shaloks Bhagat Kabir
Shaloks Sheikh Farid
Swaiyyae Mahala 5
Swaiyyae in Praise of Gurus
Shaloks in Addition To Vaars
Shalok Ninth Mehl
Mundavanee Mehl 5
ਰਾਗ ਮਾਲਾ, Raag Maalaa
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Iranian Power Struggle Takes A Bizarre Turn
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<blockquote data-quote="Archived_Member16" data-source="post: 146357" data-attributes="member: 884"><p><span style="color: Navy"><strong><span style="font-size: 18px">Iran's Leadership Struggle Reveals Secular-Islamist Split </span></strong></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">World Politics Review</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">Jamsheed K. Choksy - 13 May 2011 </span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">At first glance, the power struggle currently taking place among Iran's ruling elites might seem bizarre. After all, it is not often that the chief executive of a 21st-century nation is accused of "witchcraft," "experimenting with exorcism" and "communicating with genies." Mullahs have tarred Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's administration as containing "deviants, devils and evil spirits." Ahmadinejad responded that his opponents have launched a "conspiracy" to undo socio-economic changes beneficial to most Iranians.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">At the heart of the widening dispute is Ahmadinejad's increasing independence from the system of "velayat-e faqih," or guardianship of the -- religious -- jurist, on which Iran's Shiite theocracy has been grounded since the 1979 revolution. The disputed presidential election in 2009, where protests initially targeted Ahmadinejad but swiftly turned to abolishing the theocratic state, opened this avenue of attack for Ahmadinejad. Now Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and other mullahs say they fear that Ahmadinejad has turned against guardianship of the jurist. In the process, Ahmadinejad is becoming less of a wildcard, while the Shiite clergy are appearing irrational.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">In essence, Iran's political battle is over two possible paths ahead: a continuation of the Islamic Republic with its Islamist system of governance or the emergence of a more secular nation with elected, nonclerical officials.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">The clergy have plenty of reasons to worry. The president has demanded that the mullahs refrain from stipulating societal norms, arguing that Islamic mores are not part of Iran's heritage. His allies, including Chief of Staff Esfandiyar Rahim Mashaei, have belittled clerical roles in politics as "unproductive" and "worthless." </span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">More recently, Ahmadinejad began purging his administration of supporters of velayat-e faqih. Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki was removed for opposing Ahmadinejad's attempts to restart nuclear negotiations and reconcile with the U.S. Intelligence Minister Hojjat-e Islam Heydar Moslehi was dismissed for reporting that the president's office stifles Islamist activities by the clergy. Khamenei subsequently reinstated him, invoking the supreme leader's authority to oversee Iranian politics, but Ahmadinejad made his objections clear by boycotting affairs of state.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">Although Ahmadinejad eventually returned to work after a 10-day standoff and several tense meetings with Khamenei, no real reconciliation has taken place. The mullahs persist in railing against the president, plotting to excise him and the secularist threat. Essentially the stage is being set to remove Ahmadinejad from office if he does not fall back in line with the fundamentalist mullahs.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">The ayatollahs had originally endorsed Ahmadinejad for the presidency in 2005, expecting him to be their puppet, and subsequently went along with the much-contested results of the 2009 election for the same reason. What the mullahs had not fully realized until now is that Ahmadinejad and his loyalists have little reason to support the system of velayat-e faqih, which is closed to nonclerics like them. For all that he's been reviled -- and rightfully so -- in the West, Ahmadinejad is now leading the fight for many of the changes the world would like to see in Iran. That is why Ahmadinejad is being denounced, in both religious and constitutional terms.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">Ahmadinejad's group frames its envisioned changes in a distinctly Iranian discourse about the relative merits of nationalism versus Islamism -- also the focus of a clash in 2010. Ahmadinejad, Mashaei and those who support them champion Iran's long history of secularism. They laud Zarathushtra, the prophet who founded the world's first monotheism in the second millennium B.C.; Cyrus the Great, who established the Persian Empire -- famous for its tolerance of diversity -- in the 6th century B.C.; and Ferdowsi, who composed Iran's national epic, which focused on truth, valor and national pride, in the 11th century. Islam pales compared to those achievements, they insist, and so does the theocratic state of modern Iran, which must therefore be reformed.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">The mullahs are aware that, in Iran, nationalism will likely trump other sentiments, even Shiite religious ones. Moreover, Ahmadinejad, Mashaei and others in the executive branch know enough about Iran's history to understand that Iranians have traditionally supported the removal of religious leaders from political office. For now, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps' leadership is divided on the matter. But, like the president, military commanders are rarely from clerical families and have historically sided with Iran's secular leadership.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">So the struggle for Iran's future is being forcefully joined by factions on both sides of the secular and clerical divide. The secularists, led by Ahmadinejad and his heir apparent, Mashaei, recognize the pressing need for Iran to rejoin the community of nations -- even at the expense of the Islamic Revolution. The fundamentalists, led by Khamenei, remain xenophobic and hostile to the West. They see the Islamic Revolution as the only means to keep themselves in power and their society under religious rule.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">Khamenei has urged the president not to create division in Iran, declaring there can be no "dual authority," only "unity of direction" under the supreme leader. A former mentor to Ahmadinejad, Ayatollah Mohammad Taqi Mesbah Yazdi, equated Ahmadinejad's choices to "an act of treason." Ayatollah Sadeq Larijani, head of Iran's judiciary, ruled that "refusal to obey the leader is against the law." Alleging that Ahmadinejad is not fulfilling his duties appropriately, members of parliament are seeking to impeach him. Attempts to thwart Ahmadinejad's secularization of Iranian society have extended to extraconstitutional actions too, with his supporters being arrested on charges of sorcery.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">Even if he survives in office, Ahmadinejad may not be the ideal person to lead Iran into a secular, representative future. His political legitimacy was contested by many Iranians after the last presidential election, and his inflammatory words have made him an outcast to the world's democratic leaders. However, his rebellion against the mullahs could very well set the stage for a modern equivalent of the Magophonia, when Darius the Great eliminated clergymen who had seized power in ancient Iran. That ancient event established a separation of church and state that endured until 1979 -- one that may be appearing on the horizon once again.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"><em>Jamsheed K. Choksy is a professor of Iranian, international and Islamic studies and is the former director of the Middle Eastern Studies Program at Indiana University. He also is a presidentially appointed and congressionally confirmed member of the National Council on the Humanities at the National Endowment for the Humanities. The views expressed are his own.</em></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"><strong>source:</strong> <a href="http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/8838/irans-leadership-struggle-reveals-secular-islamist-split" target="_blank">http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/8838/irans-leadership-struggle-reveals-secular-islamist-split</a> </span></p></blockquote><p></p>
[QUOTE="Archived_Member16, post: 146357, member: 884"] [COLOR="Navy"][B][SIZE="5"]Iran's Leadership Struggle Reveals Secular-Islamist Split [/SIZE][/B] World Politics Review Jamsheed K. Choksy - 13 May 2011 At first glance, the power struggle currently taking place among Iran's ruling elites might seem bizarre. After all, it is not often that the chief executive of a 21st-century nation is accused of "witchcraft," "experimenting with exorcism" and "communicating with genies." Mullahs have tarred Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's administration as containing "deviants, devils and evil spirits." Ahmadinejad responded that his opponents have launched a "conspiracy" to undo socio-economic changes beneficial to most Iranians. At the heart of the widening dispute is Ahmadinejad's increasing independence from the system of "velayat-e faqih," or guardianship of the -- religious -- jurist, on which Iran's Shiite theocracy has been grounded since the 1979 revolution. The disputed presidential election in 2009, where protests initially targeted Ahmadinejad but swiftly turned to abolishing the theocratic state, opened this avenue of attack for Ahmadinejad. Now Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and other mullahs say they fear that Ahmadinejad has turned against guardianship of the jurist. In the process, Ahmadinejad is becoming less of a wildcard, while the Shiite clergy are appearing irrational. In essence, Iran's political battle is over two possible paths ahead: a continuation of the Islamic Republic with its Islamist system of governance or the emergence of a more secular nation with elected, nonclerical officials. The clergy have plenty of reasons to worry. The president has demanded that the mullahs refrain from stipulating societal norms, arguing that Islamic mores are not part of Iran's heritage. His allies, including Chief of Staff Esfandiyar Rahim Mashaei, have belittled clerical roles in politics as "unproductive" and "worthless." More recently, Ahmadinejad began purging his administration of supporters of velayat-e faqih. Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki was removed for opposing Ahmadinejad's attempts to restart nuclear negotiations and reconcile with the U.S. Intelligence Minister Hojjat-e Islam Heydar Moslehi was dismissed for reporting that the president's office stifles Islamist activities by the clergy. Khamenei subsequently reinstated him, invoking the supreme leader's authority to oversee Iranian politics, but Ahmadinejad made his objections clear by boycotting affairs of state. Although Ahmadinejad eventually returned to work after a 10-day standoff and several tense meetings with Khamenei, no real reconciliation has taken place. The mullahs persist in railing against the president, plotting to excise him and the secularist threat. Essentially the stage is being set to remove Ahmadinejad from office if he does not fall back in line with the fundamentalist mullahs. The ayatollahs had originally endorsed Ahmadinejad for the presidency in 2005, expecting him to be their puppet, and subsequently went along with the much-contested results of the 2009 election for the same reason. What the mullahs had not fully realized until now is that Ahmadinejad and his loyalists have little reason to support the system of velayat-e faqih, which is closed to nonclerics like them. For all that he's been reviled -- and rightfully so -- in the West, Ahmadinejad is now leading the fight for many of the changes the world would like to see in Iran. That is why Ahmadinejad is being denounced, in both religious and constitutional terms. Ahmadinejad's group frames its envisioned changes in a distinctly Iranian discourse about the relative merits of nationalism versus Islamism -- also the focus of a clash in 2010. Ahmadinejad, Mashaei and those who support them champion Iran's long history of secularism. They laud Zarathushtra, the prophet who founded the world's first monotheism in the second millennium B.C.; Cyrus the Great, who established the Persian Empire -- famous for its tolerance of diversity -- in the 6th century B.C.; and Ferdowsi, who composed Iran's national epic, which focused on truth, valor and national pride, in the 11th century. Islam pales compared to those achievements, they insist, and so does the theocratic state of modern Iran, which must therefore be reformed. The mullahs are aware that, in Iran, nationalism will likely trump other sentiments, even Shiite religious ones. Moreover, Ahmadinejad, Mashaei and others in the executive branch know enough about Iran's history to understand that Iranians have traditionally supported the removal of religious leaders from political office. For now, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps' leadership is divided on the matter. But, like the president, military commanders are rarely from clerical families and have historically sided with Iran's secular leadership. So the struggle for Iran's future is being forcefully joined by factions on both sides of the secular and clerical divide. The secularists, led by Ahmadinejad and his heir apparent, Mashaei, recognize the pressing need for Iran to rejoin the community of nations -- even at the expense of the Islamic Revolution. The fundamentalists, led by Khamenei, remain xenophobic and hostile to the West. They see the Islamic Revolution as the only means to keep themselves in power and their society under religious rule. Khamenei has urged the president not to create division in Iran, declaring there can be no "dual authority," only "unity of direction" under the supreme leader. A former mentor to Ahmadinejad, Ayatollah Mohammad Taqi Mesbah Yazdi, equated Ahmadinejad's choices to "an act of treason." Ayatollah Sadeq Larijani, head of Iran's judiciary, ruled that "refusal to obey the leader is against the law." Alleging that Ahmadinejad is not fulfilling his duties appropriately, members of parliament are seeking to impeach him. Attempts to thwart Ahmadinejad's secularization of Iranian society have extended to extraconstitutional actions too, with his supporters being arrested on charges of sorcery. Even if he survives in office, Ahmadinejad may not be the ideal person to lead Iran into a secular, representative future. His political legitimacy was contested by many Iranians after the last presidential election, and his inflammatory words have made him an outcast to the world's democratic leaders. However, his rebellion against the mullahs could very well set the stage for a modern equivalent of the Magophonia, when Darius the Great eliminated clergymen who had seized power in ancient Iran. That ancient event established a separation of church and state that endured until 1979 -- one that may be appearing on the horizon once again. [I]Jamsheed K. Choksy is a professor of Iranian, international and Islamic studies and is the former director of the Middle Eastern Studies Program at Indiana University. He also is a presidentially appointed and congressionally confirmed member of the National Council on the Humanities at the National Endowment for the Humanities. The views expressed are his own.[/I] [B]source:[/B] [url]http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/8838/irans-leadership-struggle-reveals-secular-islamist-split[/url] [/COLOR] [/QUOTE]
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