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Guru Granth Sahib
Composition, Arrangement & Layout
ਜਪੁ | Jup
ਸੋ ਦਰੁ | So Dar
ਸੋਹਿਲਾ | Sohilaa
ਰਾਗੁ ਸਿਰੀਰਾਗੁ | Raag Siree-Raag
Gurbani (14-53)
Ashtpadiyan (53-71)
Gurbani (71-74)
Pahre (74-78)
Chhant (78-81)
Vanjara (81-82)
Vaar Siri Raag (83-91)
Bhagat Bani (91-93)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਝ | Raag Maajh
Gurbani (94-109)
Ashtpadi (109)
Ashtpadiyan (110-129)
Ashtpadi (129-130)
Ashtpadiyan (130-133)
Bara Maha (133-136)
Din Raen (136-137)
Vaar Maajh Ki (137-150)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗਉੜੀ | Raag Gauree
Gurbani (151-185)
Quartets/Couplets (185-220)
Ashtpadiyan (220-234)
Karhalei (234-235)
Ashtpadiyan (235-242)
Chhant (242-249)
Baavan Akhari (250-262)
Sukhmani (262-296)
Thittee (296-300)
Gauree kii Vaar (300-323)
Gurbani (323-330)
Ashtpadiyan (330-340)
Baavan Akhari (340-343)
Thintteen (343-344)
Vaar Kabir (344-345)
Bhagat Bani (345-346)
ਰਾਗੁ ਆਸਾ | Raag Aasaa
Gurbani (347-348)
Chaupaday (348-364)
Panchpadde (364-365)
Kaafee (365-409)
Aasaavaree (409-411)
Ashtpadiyan (411-432)
Patee (432-435)
Chhant (435-462)
Vaar Aasaa (462-475)
Bhagat Bani (475-488)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗੂਜਰੀ | Raag Goojaree
Gurbani (489-503)
Ashtpadiyan (503-508)
Vaar Gujari (508-517)
Vaar Gujari (517-526)
ਰਾਗੁ ਦੇਵਗੰਧਾਰੀ | Raag Dayv-Gandhaaree
Gurbani (527-536)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਿਹਾਗੜਾ | Raag Bihaagraa
Gurbani (537-556)
Chhant (538-548)
Vaar Bihaagraa (548-556)
ਰਾਗੁ ਵਡਹੰਸ | Raag Wadhans
Gurbani (557-564)
Ashtpadiyan (564-565)
Chhant (565-575)
Ghoriaan (575-578)
Alaahaniiaa (578-582)
Vaar Wadhans (582-594)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸੋਰਠਿ | Raag Sorath
Gurbani (595-634)
Asatpadhiya (634-642)
Vaar Sorath (642-659)
ਰਾਗੁ ਧਨਾਸਰੀ | Raag Dhanasaree
Gurbani (660-685)
Astpadhiya (685-687)
Chhant (687-691)
Bhagat Bani (691-695)
ਰਾਗੁ ਜੈਤਸਰੀ | Raag Jaitsree
Gurbani (696-703)
Chhant (703-705)
Vaar Jaitsaree (705-710)
Bhagat Bani (710)
ਰਾਗੁ ਟੋਡੀ | Raag Todee
ਰਾਗੁ ਬੈਰਾੜੀ | Raag Bairaaree
ਰਾਗੁ ਤਿਲੰਗ | Raag Tilang
Gurbani (721-727)
Bhagat Bani (727)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸੂਹੀ | Raag Suhi
Gurbani (728-750)
Ashtpadiyan (750-761)
Kaafee (761-762)
Suchajee (762)
Gunvantee (763)
Chhant (763-785)
Vaar Soohee (785-792)
Bhagat Bani (792-794)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਿਲਾਵਲੁ | Raag Bilaaval
Gurbani (795-831)
Ashtpadiyan (831-838)
Thitteen (838-840)
Vaar Sat (841-843)
Chhant (843-848)
Vaar Bilaaval (849-855)
Bhagat Bani (855-858)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗੋਂਡ | Raag Gond
Gurbani (859-869)
Ashtpadiyan (869)
Bhagat Bani (870-875)
ਰਾਗੁ ਰਾਮਕਲੀ | Raag Ramkalee
Ashtpadiyan (902-916)
Gurbani (876-902)
Anand (917-922)
Sadd (923-924)
Chhant (924-929)
Dakhnee (929-938)
Sidh Gosat (938-946)
Vaar Ramkalee (947-968)
ਰਾਗੁ ਨਟ ਨਾਰਾਇਨ | Raag Nat Narayan
Gurbani (975-980)
Ashtpadiyan (980-983)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਲੀ ਗਉੜਾ | Raag Maalee Gauraa
Gurbani (984-988)
Bhagat Bani (988)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਰੂ | Raag Maaroo
Gurbani (889-1008)
Ashtpadiyan (1008-1014)
Kaafee (1014-1016)
Ashtpadiyan (1016-1019)
Anjulian (1019-1020)
Solhe (1020-1033)
Dakhni (1033-1043)
ਰਾਗੁ ਤੁਖਾਰੀ | Raag Tukhaari
Bara Maha (1107-1110)
Chhant (1110-1117)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕੇਦਾਰਾ | Raag Kedara
Gurbani (1118-1123)
Bhagat Bani (1123-1124)
ਰਾਗੁ ਭੈਰਉ | Raag Bhairo
Gurbani (1125-1152)
Partaal (1153)
Ashtpadiyan (1153-1167)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਸੰਤੁ | Raag Basant
Gurbani (1168-1187)
Ashtpadiyan (1187-1193)
Vaar Basant (1193-1196)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸਾਰਗ | Raag Saarag
Gurbani (1197-1200)
Partaal (1200-1231)
Ashtpadiyan (1232-1236)
Chhant (1236-1237)
Vaar Saarang (1237-1253)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਲਾਰ | Raag Malaar
Gurbani (1254-1293)
Partaal (1265-1273)
Ashtpadiyan (1273-1278)
Chhant (1278)
Vaar Malaar (1278-91)
Bhagat Bani (1292-93)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕਾਨੜਾ | Raag Kaanraa
Gurbani (1294-96)
Partaal (1296-1318)
Ashtpadiyan (1308-1312)
Chhant (1312)
Vaar Kaanraa
Bhagat Bani (1318)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕਲਿਆਨ | Raag Kalyaan
Gurbani (1319-23)
Ashtpadiyan (1323-26)
ਰਾਗੁ ਪ੍ਰਭਾਤੀ | Raag Prabhaatee
Gurbani (1327-1341)
Ashtpadiyan (1342-51)
ਰਾਗੁ ਜੈਜਾਵੰਤੀ | Raag Jaijaiwanti
Gurbani (1352-53)
Salok | Gatha | Phunahe | Chaubole | Swayiye
Sehskritee Mahala 1
Sehskritee Mahala 5
Gaathaa Mahala 5
Phunhay Mahala 5
Chaubolae Mahala 5
Shaloks Bhagat Kabir
Shaloks Sheikh Farid
Swaiyyae Mahala 5
Swaiyyae in Praise of Gurus
Shaloks in Addition To Vaars
Shalok Ninth Mehl
Mundavanee Mehl 5
ਰਾਗ ਮਾਲਾ, Raag Maalaa
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In Perspective: Jon Meacham On The Crisis In Egypt
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<blockquote data-quote="Tejwant Singh" data-source="post: 141802" data-attributes="member: 138"><p><strong>In Perspective: Jon Meacham on the crisis in Egypt</strong></p><p>February 4, 2011</p><p></p><p>Precisely 18 months ago, on June 4, 2009, President Obama traveled to Cairo — that “timeless city,” as he called it — to address the Islamic world. Committed to “governments that reflect the will of the people,” the president called on those in power to “govern with respect for all their people.”</p><p></p><p>He acknowledged the great gap between those words and reality. There are some, he said, “who advocate for democracy only when they’re out of power; once in power, they are ruthless in suppressing the rights of others.” When I heard that back then, I thought of Samuel Johnson’s biting line about the hypocrisy of white Americans during the revolution: “How is it,” Dr. Johnson asked, “that we hear the loudest yelps for liberty among the drivers of negroes?”</p><p></p><p><object width = "512" height = "328" > <param name = "movie" value = "http://www-tc.pbs.org/video/media/swf/PBSPlayer.swf" > </param><param name="flashvars" value="video=1781219040&player=viral&end=0" /> <param name="allowFullScreen" value="true"></param > <param name = "allowscriptaccess" value = "always" > </param><param name="wmode" value="transparent"></param ><embed src="http://www-tc.pbs.org/video/media/swf/PBSPlayer.swf" flashvars="video=1781219040&player=viral&end=0" type="application/x-shockwave-flash" allowscriptaccess="always" wmode="transparent" allowfullscreen="true" width="512" height="328" bgcolor="#000000"></embed></object></p><p></p><p>The crisis in Egypt is rife with perennial tensions. For Americans, it’s a reminder of our checkered history with friendly authoritarian and totalitarian regimes. From the beginning of the republic, American foreign policy has been governed by American self-interest more than American ideals. From the Philippines to Iran to the Congo to Nicaragua to South Africa, we’ve protected dictators we’ve found useful. Hosni Mubarak has long been a member of that club, a leader rewarded by Washington for his ability to maintain order in a strategically critical nation.</p><p></p><p>But authoritarian regimes around the world should take careful note of Mubarak’s fate. Once they do, they may well be moved to address the concerns of their people and undertake real reforms before the passions of the Cairo crowds spread to their own streets and squares even more than they already have.</p><p></p><p>Meanwhile, America’s foreign-policy establishment should use all the means at its disposal — and those are formidable means — to encourage such reforms, while the images from Cairo are fresh. And this is the time for American officials to make the case that democratic sentiment is an irresistible force in human affairs.</p><p></p><p>We do not yet know whether the fall of Mubarak will lead to an Egypt — and a wider region — congenial to U.S. interests. But we do know this: the events in Egypt — and in Tunisia, Jordan and Yemen — prove anew that John Milton was right when he wrote that “no man … can be so stupid to deny that all men naturally were born free.” That was President Obama’s message 18 months ago. It’s true today. And it’ll be true tomorrow, in Egypt and everywhere else.</p><p></p><p><a href="http://www.pbs.org/wnet/need-to-know/security/video-in-perspective-jon-meacham-on-the-crisis-in-egypt/7078/" target="_blank">http://www.pbs.org/wnet/need-to-know/security/video-in-perspective-jon-meacham-on-the-crisis-in-egypt/7078/</a></p></blockquote><p></p>
[QUOTE="Tejwant Singh, post: 141802, member: 138"] [B]In Perspective: Jon Meacham on the crisis in Egypt[/B] February 4, 2011 Precisely 18 months ago, on June 4, 2009, President Obama traveled to Cairo — that “timeless city,” as he called it — to address the Islamic world. Committed to “governments that reflect the will of the people,” the president called on those in power to “govern with respect for all their people.” He acknowledged the great gap between those words and reality. There are some, he said, “who advocate for democracy only when they’re out of power; once in power, they are ruthless in suppressing the rights of others.” When I heard that back then, I thought of Samuel Johnson’s biting line about the hypocrisy of white Americans during the revolution: “How is it,” Dr. Johnson asked, “that we hear the loudest yelps for liberty among the drivers of negroes?” <object width = "512" height = "328" > <param name = "movie" value = "http://www-tc.pbs.org/video/media/swf/PBSPlayer.swf" > </param><param name="flashvars" value="video=1781219040&player=viral&end=0" /> <param name="allowFullScreen" value="true"></param > <param name = "allowscriptaccess" value = "always" > </param><param name="wmode" value="transparent"></param ><embed src="http://www-tc.pbs.org/video/media/swf/PBSPlayer.swf" flashvars="video=1781219040&player=viral&end=0" type="application/x-shockwave-flash" allowscriptaccess="always" wmode="transparent" allowfullscreen="true" width="512" height="328" bgcolor="#000000"></embed></object> The crisis in Egypt is rife with perennial tensions. For Americans, it’s a reminder of our checkered history with friendly authoritarian and totalitarian regimes. From the beginning of the republic, American foreign policy has been governed by American self-interest more than American ideals. From the Philippines to Iran to the Congo to Nicaragua to South Africa, we’ve protected dictators we’ve found useful. Hosni Mubarak has long been a member of that club, a leader rewarded by Washington for his ability to maintain order in a strategically critical nation. But authoritarian regimes around the world should take careful note of Mubarak’s fate. Once they do, they may well be moved to address the concerns of their people and undertake real reforms before the passions of the Cairo crowds spread to their own streets and squares even more than they already have. Meanwhile, America’s foreign-policy establishment should use all the means at its disposal — and those are formidable means — to encourage such reforms, while the images from Cairo are fresh. And this is the time for American officials to make the case that democratic sentiment is an irresistible force in human affairs. We do not yet know whether the fall of Mubarak will lead to an Egypt — and a wider region — congenial to U.S. interests. But we do know this: the events in Egypt — and in Tunisia, Jordan and Yemen — prove anew that John Milton was right when he wrote that “no man … can be so stupid to deny that all men naturally were born free.” That was President Obama’s message 18 months ago. It’s true today. And it’ll be true tomorrow, in Egypt and everywhere else. [URL]http://www.pbs.org/wnet/need-to-know/security/video-in-perspective-jon-meacham-on-the-crisis-in-egypt/7078/[/URL] [/QUOTE]
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