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Guru Granth Sahib
Composition, Arrangement & Layout
ਜਪੁ | Jup
ਸੋ ਦਰੁ | So Dar
ਸੋਹਿਲਾ | Sohilaa
ਰਾਗੁ ਸਿਰੀਰਾਗੁ | Raag Siree-Raag
Gurbani (14-53)
Ashtpadiyan (53-71)
Gurbani (71-74)
Pahre (74-78)
Chhant (78-81)
Vanjara (81-82)
Vaar Siri Raag (83-91)
Bhagat Bani (91-93)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਝ | Raag Maajh
Gurbani (94-109)
Ashtpadi (109)
Ashtpadiyan (110-129)
Ashtpadi (129-130)
Ashtpadiyan (130-133)
Bara Maha (133-136)
Din Raen (136-137)
Vaar Maajh Ki (137-150)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗਉੜੀ | Raag Gauree
Gurbani (151-185)
Quartets/Couplets (185-220)
Ashtpadiyan (220-234)
Karhalei (234-235)
Ashtpadiyan (235-242)
Chhant (242-249)
Baavan Akhari (250-262)
Sukhmani (262-296)
Thittee (296-300)
Gauree kii Vaar (300-323)
Gurbani (323-330)
Ashtpadiyan (330-340)
Baavan Akhari (340-343)
Thintteen (343-344)
Vaar Kabir (344-345)
Bhagat Bani (345-346)
ਰਾਗੁ ਆਸਾ | Raag Aasaa
Gurbani (347-348)
Chaupaday (348-364)
Panchpadde (364-365)
Kaafee (365-409)
Aasaavaree (409-411)
Ashtpadiyan (411-432)
Patee (432-435)
Chhant (435-462)
Vaar Aasaa (462-475)
Bhagat Bani (475-488)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗੂਜਰੀ | Raag Goojaree
Gurbani (489-503)
Ashtpadiyan (503-508)
Vaar Gujari (508-517)
Vaar Gujari (517-526)
ਰਾਗੁ ਦੇਵਗੰਧਾਰੀ | Raag Dayv-Gandhaaree
Gurbani (527-536)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਿਹਾਗੜਾ | Raag Bihaagraa
Gurbani (537-556)
Chhant (538-548)
Vaar Bihaagraa (548-556)
ਰਾਗੁ ਵਡਹੰਸ | Raag Wadhans
Gurbani (557-564)
Ashtpadiyan (564-565)
Chhant (565-575)
Ghoriaan (575-578)
Alaahaniiaa (578-582)
Vaar Wadhans (582-594)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸੋਰਠਿ | Raag Sorath
Gurbani (595-634)
Asatpadhiya (634-642)
Vaar Sorath (642-659)
ਰਾਗੁ ਧਨਾਸਰੀ | Raag Dhanasaree
Gurbani (660-685)
Astpadhiya (685-687)
Chhant (687-691)
Bhagat Bani (691-695)
ਰਾਗੁ ਜੈਤਸਰੀ | Raag Jaitsree
Gurbani (696-703)
Chhant (703-705)
Vaar Jaitsaree (705-710)
Bhagat Bani (710)
ਰਾਗੁ ਟੋਡੀ | Raag Todee
ਰਾਗੁ ਬੈਰਾੜੀ | Raag Bairaaree
ਰਾਗੁ ਤਿਲੰਗ | Raag Tilang
Gurbani (721-727)
Bhagat Bani (727)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸੂਹੀ | Raag Suhi
Gurbani (728-750)
Ashtpadiyan (750-761)
Kaafee (761-762)
Suchajee (762)
Gunvantee (763)
Chhant (763-785)
Vaar Soohee (785-792)
Bhagat Bani (792-794)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਿਲਾਵਲੁ | Raag Bilaaval
Gurbani (795-831)
Ashtpadiyan (831-838)
Thitteen (838-840)
Vaar Sat (841-843)
Chhant (843-848)
Vaar Bilaaval (849-855)
Bhagat Bani (855-858)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗੋਂਡ | Raag Gond
Gurbani (859-869)
Ashtpadiyan (869)
Bhagat Bani (870-875)
ਰਾਗੁ ਰਾਮਕਲੀ | Raag Ramkalee
Ashtpadiyan (902-916)
Gurbani (876-902)
Anand (917-922)
Sadd (923-924)
Chhant (924-929)
Dakhnee (929-938)
Sidh Gosat (938-946)
Vaar Ramkalee (947-968)
ਰਾਗੁ ਨਟ ਨਾਰਾਇਨ | Raag Nat Narayan
Gurbani (975-980)
Ashtpadiyan (980-983)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਲੀ ਗਉੜਾ | Raag Maalee Gauraa
Gurbani (984-988)
Bhagat Bani (988)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਰੂ | Raag Maaroo
Gurbani (889-1008)
Ashtpadiyan (1008-1014)
Kaafee (1014-1016)
Ashtpadiyan (1016-1019)
Anjulian (1019-1020)
Solhe (1020-1033)
Dakhni (1033-1043)
ਰਾਗੁ ਤੁਖਾਰੀ | Raag Tukhaari
Bara Maha (1107-1110)
Chhant (1110-1117)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕੇਦਾਰਾ | Raag Kedara
Gurbani (1118-1123)
Bhagat Bani (1123-1124)
ਰਾਗੁ ਭੈਰਉ | Raag Bhairo
Gurbani (1125-1152)
Partaal (1153)
Ashtpadiyan (1153-1167)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਸੰਤੁ | Raag Basant
Gurbani (1168-1187)
Ashtpadiyan (1187-1193)
Vaar Basant (1193-1196)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸਾਰਗ | Raag Saarag
Gurbani (1197-1200)
Partaal (1200-1231)
Ashtpadiyan (1232-1236)
Chhant (1236-1237)
Vaar Saarang (1237-1253)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਲਾਰ | Raag Malaar
Gurbani (1254-1293)
Partaal (1265-1273)
Ashtpadiyan (1273-1278)
Chhant (1278)
Vaar Malaar (1278-91)
Bhagat Bani (1292-93)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕਾਨੜਾ | Raag Kaanraa
Gurbani (1294-96)
Partaal (1296-1318)
Ashtpadiyan (1308-1312)
Chhant (1312)
Vaar Kaanraa
Bhagat Bani (1318)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕਲਿਆਨ | Raag Kalyaan
Gurbani (1319-23)
Ashtpadiyan (1323-26)
ਰਾਗੁ ਪ੍ਰਭਾਤੀ | Raag Prabhaatee
Gurbani (1327-1341)
Ashtpadiyan (1342-51)
ਰਾਗੁ ਜੈਜਾਵੰਤੀ | Raag Jaijaiwanti
Gurbani (1352-53)
Salok | Gatha | Phunahe | Chaubole | Swayiye
Sehskritee Mahala 1
Sehskritee Mahala 5
Gaathaa Mahala 5
Phunhay Mahala 5
Chaubolae Mahala 5
Shaloks Bhagat Kabir
Shaloks Sheikh Farid
Swaiyyae Mahala 5
Swaiyyae in Praise of Gurus
Shaloks in Addition To Vaars
Shalok Ninth Mehl
Mundavanee Mehl 5
ਰਾਗ ਮਾਲਾ, Raag Maalaa
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Sikh History & Heritage
1984 Commemorative Articles Operation Bluestar
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<blockquote data-quote="spnadmin" data-source="post: 147494" data-attributes="member: 35"><p><strong><span style="color: Blue">Copied to this thread for archiving purposes, from <a href="http://www.sikhphilosophy.net/1984-anti-sikh-pogrom/35621-operation-bluestar-game-behind-closed-political.html" target="_blank">http://www.sikhphilosophy.net/1984-anti-sikh-pogrom/35621-operation-bluestar-game-behind-closed-political.html</a>. </span></strong></p><p></p><p></p><p><strong>Operation Bluestar - The Game Behind Closed Political Doors</strong></p><p><strong></strong></p><p></p><p>That is where the next most favourite whipping boy, the Sikh, entered the scene. The Sikhs were a simple God-fearing people who had been slated for slow elimination anyway. They considered themselves patriots and had made more contribution to the welfare and security of the country and more sacrifices for common causes that they were not likely to become aware of the changed circumstances for a long time to come. They plotted against none and were unaware that anyone else would conspire to eliminate them outright. They had the additional advantage of being wide open to manipulation because their leaders had joined the Congress bandwagon since Fateh Singh became president of the Akali Dal.</p><p></p><p>The Sikhs also had no media support. Such people were deemed more suitable for role of Mehshasur. The exercise to cast them in such a role had started in the constituent assembly itself where Patel had accused them of aspiring for separation from the country because they wanted separate electorate in accordance with the Objective Resolution of the Assembly. M. K. Gandhi had contributed to that image by projecting them as violent and unruly in the 'prayer meetings' he used to hold during his last days. </p><p></p><p></p><p>They had more or less reconciled to their lot because they had been mourning their dead and their leadership, never too wise, had been successfully outmanoeuvred and was lying in a shambles. The prejudices of the pcm against them had never abated and were unlikely to ever cease. It had never forgotten the revolt of the Sikhs against the manavdharmashastra and had ever been keen to see them destroyed. These were the lessons learnt from the five hundred years of pcm - Sikh relations from the earliest times. </p><p></p><p>The argument advanced by the Congress (I), either from behind the veil or officially as it now transpires, is specious. It is advanced just to hide much that is relevant to the plight of the Sikhs. The strongest evidence against that line of thought are about half a dozen letters that the Akali leaders wrote Indira Gandhi's office that show that Bhinderanwale was the common enemy and both entities were colluding in eliminating him. A telephonic conversation heard by Sant Singh Tegh is to the same effect. Sant Harchand Singh and Gurcharan Singh Tohra were heard conveying to Indira Gandhi in May 1984 that the Sant had grown too strong for them and must be got rid of. The present explanation is calculated to lead the country astray on the real causes prompting the government of Indira Gandhi. </p><p></p><p>The famous saying, "nothing may be considered unequivocally denied until it is officially confirmed", applies to the present proposition. Had she intended to destroy the Akali Dal, then it stood completely shattered when most of the Akali members of the legislative assembly, including the most trusted man of Parkash Singh Badal, namely, Gurdev Singh Badal, had publicly defected and gone over to Sant Bhinderanwale in the full view of the media. </p><p></p><p></p><p>The Akali Dal almost did not exist that afternoon (27 April, 1984) . Instead of taking advantage of the situation to finish it, Indira Gandhi moved swiftly to curb the ever growing influence of Sant Jarnail Singh. It would also be too simplistic to believe that she merely wanted to assassinate the Sant after having erected him into a demon of desirable proportions by government action and orchestrated media support. Had the Sant alone been on her mind, there was nothing easier than killing him. There were para-military outposts on roof-tops all around the Darbar Sahib complex and it was the easiest thing in the world to kill him because he moved about freely and openly in the Darbar premises. </p><p></p><p>On April 29, 1984, the present author spent several hours with the Sant on the roof of the Langar building. They sat on the floor in the shade of the central cupola. He saw a police post on his right atop the then existing Sindhi hotel. It was less than sixty yards distant. From where he sat, he could see the eyes of the armed policeman manning the post. The other post on another Akhara (Sangal wala) was in front of him. It was even nearer. While sitting there a thought crossed his mind that they were sitting ducks for the police personnel. The guns of the Central Reserve Police Force were always trained in the direction of the Darbar Sahib. All that was required was to take aim and to pull the trigger. In a moment the Sant would be no more. </p><p></p><p>With the well oiled propaganda machine that was ever willing, the Sant's assassination could have found a hundred ingenious explanations. Indira Gandhi had a much more sinister design. There are several circumstances to suggest that she was not gunning for the Sant alone. Taking advantage of the predicament in which she had thrust him, she aimed at destroying the entire Sikh nation and at wiping out the Sikh legacy altogether. She deliberately ignored all chances of reconciliation with the Akalis. </p><p></p><p>Comrade Surjit who was in the know of things has confirmed that at least on three occasions, agreements had been reached through her accredited representatives but she reneged on them every time. Evidently she was blowing the balloon out of proportions so that she could p.rick it for a spectacular effect. Almost up to the last minute she kept on solemnly affirming that her army had no plans to enter the shrine. The Darbar was invaded on Guru Arjan's martyrdom day anniversary (June 3) when the crowds of pilgrims were expected to be the thickest. The curfew imposed around the shrine was lifted for a few hours to let crowds in before it was finally clamped again. </p><p></p><p>Indira Gandhi hoped to inflict maximum damage so as to demoralise the people. Forty other shrines all over the Punjab were also invaded where there was no Bhinderanwale. Her canvas was much larger, her designs more sinister. No warning was given to the Sikhs inside the shrine that the army attack was imminent. This much has been admitted by the President of India, Giani Zail Singh, who was also the commander-in-chief, in his memoirs. The authorities clearly did not want anyone to escape from the carefully contrived death trap into which they had led the people.</p><p></p><p>Excerpt from article: <a href="http://sikhchic.com/article-detail.php?cat=21&id=2484" target="_blank">http://sikhchic.com/article-detail.php?cat=21&id=2484</a></p></blockquote><p></p>
[QUOTE="spnadmin, post: 147494, member: 35"] [B][COLOR="Blue"]Copied to this thread for archiving purposes, from [url]http://www.sikhphilosophy.net/1984-anti-sikh-pogrom/35621-operation-bluestar-game-behind-closed-political.html[/url]. [/COLOR][/B] [B]Operation Bluestar - The Game Behind Closed Political Doors [/B] That is where the next most favourite whipping boy, the Sikh, entered the scene. The Sikhs were a simple God-fearing people who had been slated for slow elimination anyway. They considered themselves patriots and had made more contribution to the welfare and security of the country and more sacrifices for common causes that they were not likely to become aware of the changed circumstances for a long time to come. They plotted against none and were unaware that anyone else would conspire to eliminate them outright. They had the additional advantage of being wide open to manipulation because their leaders had joined the Congress bandwagon since Fateh Singh became president of the Akali Dal. The Sikhs also had no media support. Such people were deemed more suitable for role of Mehshasur. The exercise to cast them in such a role had started in the constituent assembly itself where Patel had accused them of aspiring for separation from the country because they wanted separate electorate in accordance with the Objective Resolution of the Assembly. M. K. Gandhi had contributed to that image by projecting them as violent and unruly in the 'prayer meetings' he used to hold during his last days. They had more or less reconciled to their lot because they had been mourning their dead and their leadership, never too wise, had been successfully outmanoeuvred and was lying in a shambles. The prejudices of the pcm against them had never abated and were unlikely to ever cease. It had never forgotten the revolt of the Sikhs against the manavdharmashastra and had ever been keen to see them destroyed. These were the lessons learnt from the five hundred years of pcm - Sikh relations from the earliest times. The argument advanced by the Congress (I), either from behind the veil or officially as it now transpires, is specious. It is advanced just to hide much that is relevant to the plight of the Sikhs. The strongest evidence against that line of thought are about half a dozen letters that the Akali leaders wrote Indira Gandhi's office that show that Bhinderanwale was the common enemy and both entities were colluding in eliminating him. A telephonic conversation heard by Sant Singh Tegh is to the same effect. Sant Harchand Singh and Gurcharan Singh Tohra were heard conveying to Indira Gandhi in May 1984 that the Sant had grown too strong for them and must be got rid of. The present explanation is calculated to lead the country astray on the real causes prompting the government of Indira Gandhi. The famous saying, "nothing may be considered unequivocally denied until it is officially confirmed", applies to the present proposition. Had she intended to destroy the Akali Dal, then it stood completely shattered when most of the Akali members of the legislative assembly, including the most trusted man of Parkash Singh Badal, namely, Gurdev Singh Badal, had publicly defected and gone over to Sant Bhinderanwale in the full view of the media. The Akali Dal almost did not exist that afternoon (27 April, 1984) . Instead of taking advantage of the situation to finish it, Indira Gandhi moved swiftly to curb the ever growing influence of Sant Jarnail Singh. It would also be too simplistic to believe that she merely wanted to assassinate the Sant after having erected him into a demon of desirable proportions by government action and orchestrated media support. Had the Sant alone been on her mind, there was nothing easier than killing him. There were para-military outposts on roof-tops all around the Darbar Sahib complex and it was the easiest thing in the world to kill him because he moved about freely and openly in the Darbar premises. On April 29, 1984, the present author spent several hours with the Sant on the roof of the Langar building. They sat on the floor in the shade of the central cupola. He saw a police post on his right atop the then existing Sindhi hotel. It was less than sixty yards distant. From where he sat, he could see the eyes of the armed policeman manning the post. The other post on another Akhara (Sangal wala) was in front of him. It was even nearer. While sitting there a thought crossed his mind that they were sitting ducks for the police personnel. The guns of the Central Reserve Police Force were always trained in the direction of the Darbar Sahib. All that was required was to take aim and to pull the trigger. In a moment the Sant would be no more. With the well oiled propaganda machine that was ever willing, the Sant's assassination could have found a hundred ingenious explanations. Indira Gandhi had a much more sinister design. There are several circumstances to suggest that she was not gunning for the Sant alone. Taking advantage of the predicament in which she had thrust him, she aimed at destroying the entire Sikh nation and at wiping out the Sikh legacy altogether. She deliberately ignored all chances of reconciliation with the Akalis. Comrade Surjit who was in the know of things has confirmed that at least on three occasions, agreements had been reached through her accredited representatives but she reneged on them every time. Evidently she was blowing the balloon out of proportions so that she could p.rick it for a spectacular effect. Almost up to the last minute she kept on solemnly affirming that her army had no plans to enter the shrine. The Darbar was invaded on Guru Arjan's martyrdom day anniversary (June 3) when the crowds of pilgrims were expected to be the thickest. The curfew imposed around the shrine was lifted for a few hours to let crowds in before it was finally clamped again. Indira Gandhi hoped to inflict maximum damage so as to demoralise the people. Forty other shrines all over the Punjab were also invaded where there was no Bhinderanwale. Her canvas was much larger, her designs more sinister. No warning was given to the Sikhs inside the shrine that the army attack was imminent. This much has been admitted by the President of India, Giani Zail Singh, who was also the commander-in-chief, in his memoirs. The authorities clearly did not want anyone to escape from the carefully contrived death trap into which they had led the people. Excerpt from article: [url]http://sikhchic.com/article-detail.php?cat=21&id=2484[/url] [/QUOTE]
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