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Guru Granth Sahib
Composition, Arrangement & Layout
ਜਪੁ | Jup
ਸੋ ਦਰੁ | So Dar
ਸੋਹਿਲਾ | Sohilaa
ਰਾਗੁ ਸਿਰੀਰਾਗੁ | Raag Siree-Raag
Gurbani (14-53)
Ashtpadiyan (53-71)
Gurbani (71-74)
Pahre (74-78)
Chhant (78-81)
Vanjara (81-82)
Vaar Siri Raag (83-91)
Bhagat Bani (91-93)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਝ | Raag Maajh
Gurbani (94-109)
Ashtpadi (109)
Ashtpadiyan (110-129)
Ashtpadi (129-130)
Ashtpadiyan (130-133)
Bara Maha (133-136)
Din Raen (136-137)
Vaar Maajh Ki (137-150)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗਉੜੀ | Raag Gauree
Gurbani (151-185)
Quartets/Couplets (185-220)
Ashtpadiyan (220-234)
Karhalei (234-235)
Ashtpadiyan (235-242)
Chhant (242-249)
Baavan Akhari (250-262)
Sukhmani (262-296)
Thittee (296-300)
Gauree kii Vaar (300-323)
Gurbani (323-330)
Ashtpadiyan (330-340)
Baavan Akhari (340-343)
Thintteen (343-344)
Vaar Kabir (344-345)
Bhagat Bani (345-346)
ਰਾਗੁ ਆਸਾ | Raag Aasaa
Gurbani (347-348)
Chaupaday (348-364)
Panchpadde (364-365)
Kaafee (365-409)
Aasaavaree (409-411)
Ashtpadiyan (411-432)
Patee (432-435)
Chhant (435-462)
Vaar Aasaa (462-475)
Bhagat Bani (475-488)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗੂਜਰੀ | Raag Goojaree
Gurbani (489-503)
Ashtpadiyan (503-508)
Vaar Gujari (508-517)
Vaar Gujari (517-526)
ਰਾਗੁ ਦੇਵਗੰਧਾਰੀ | Raag Dayv-Gandhaaree
Gurbani (527-536)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਿਹਾਗੜਾ | Raag Bihaagraa
Gurbani (537-556)
Chhant (538-548)
Vaar Bihaagraa (548-556)
ਰਾਗੁ ਵਡਹੰਸ | Raag Wadhans
Gurbani (557-564)
Ashtpadiyan (564-565)
Chhant (565-575)
Ghoriaan (575-578)
Alaahaniiaa (578-582)
Vaar Wadhans (582-594)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸੋਰਠਿ | Raag Sorath
Gurbani (595-634)
Asatpadhiya (634-642)
Vaar Sorath (642-659)
ਰਾਗੁ ਧਨਾਸਰੀ | Raag Dhanasaree
Gurbani (660-685)
Astpadhiya (685-687)
Chhant (687-691)
Bhagat Bani (691-695)
ਰਾਗੁ ਜੈਤਸਰੀ | Raag Jaitsree
Gurbani (696-703)
Chhant (703-705)
Vaar Jaitsaree (705-710)
Bhagat Bani (710)
ਰਾਗੁ ਟੋਡੀ | Raag Todee
ਰਾਗੁ ਬੈਰਾੜੀ | Raag Bairaaree
ਰਾਗੁ ਤਿਲੰਗ | Raag Tilang
Gurbani (721-727)
Bhagat Bani (727)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸੂਹੀ | Raag Suhi
Gurbani (728-750)
Ashtpadiyan (750-761)
Kaafee (761-762)
Suchajee (762)
Gunvantee (763)
Chhant (763-785)
Vaar Soohee (785-792)
Bhagat Bani (792-794)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਿਲਾਵਲੁ | Raag Bilaaval
Gurbani (795-831)
Ashtpadiyan (831-838)
Thitteen (838-840)
Vaar Sat (841-843)
Chhant (843-848)
Vaar Bilaaval (849-855)
Bhagat Bani (855-858)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗੋਂਡ | Raag Gond
Gurbani (859-869)
Ashtpadiyan (869)
Bhagat Bani (870-875)
ਰਾਗੁ ਰਾਮਕਲੀ | Raag Ramkalee
Ashtpadiyan (902-916)
Gurbani (876-902)
Anand (917-922)
Sadd (923-924)
Chhant (924-929)
Dakhnee (929-938)
Sidh Gosat (938-946)
Vaar Ramkalee (947-968)
ਰਾਗੁ ਨਟ ਨਾਰਾਇਨ | Raag Nat Narayan
Gurbani (975-980)
Ashtpadiyan (980-983)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਲੀ ਗਉੜਾ | Raag Maalee Gauraa
Gurbani (984-988)
Bhagat Bani (988)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਰੂ | Raag Maaroo
Gurbani (889-1008)
Ashtpadiyan (1008-1014)
Kaafee (1014-1016)
Ashtpadiyan (1016-1019)
Anjulian (1019-1020)
Solhe (1020-1033)
Dakhni (1033-1043)
ਰਾਗੁ ਤੁਖਾਰੀ | Raag Tukhaari
Bara Maha (1107-1110)
Chhant (1110-1117)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕੇਦਾਰਾ | Raag Kedara
Gurbani (1118-1123)
Bhagat Bani (1123-1124)
ਰਾਗੁ ਭੈਰਉ | Raag Bhairo
Gurbani (1125-1152)
Partaal (1153)
Ashtpadiyan (1153-1167)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਸੰਤੁ | Raag Basant
Gurbani (1168-1187)
Ashtpadiyan (1187-1193)
Vaar Basant (1193-1196)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸਾਰਗ | Raag Saarag
Gurbani (1197-1200)
Partaal (1200-1231)
Ashtpadiyan (1232-1236)
Chhant (1236-1237)
Vaar Saarang (1237-1253)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਲਾਰ | Raag Malaar
Gurbani (1254-1293)
Partaal (1265-1273)
Ashtpadiyan (1273-1278)
Chhant (1278)
Vaar Malaar (1278-91)
Bhagat Bani (1292-93)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕਾਨੜਾ | Raag Kaanraa
Gurbani (1294-96)
Partaal (1296-1318)
Ashtpadiyan (1308-1312)
Chhant (1312)
Vaar Kaanraa
Bhagat Bani (1318)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕਲਿਆਨ | Raag Kalyaan
Gurbani (1319-23)
Ashtpadiyan (1323-26)
ਰਾਗੁ ਪ੍ਰਭਾਤੀ | Raag Prabhaatee
Gurbani (1327-1341)
Ashtpadiyan (1342-51)
ਰਾਗੁ ਜੈਜਾਵੰਤੀ | Raag Jaijaiwanti
Gurbani (1352-53)
Salok | Gatha | Phunahe | Chaubole | Swayiye
Sehskritee Mahala 1
Sehskritee Mahala 5
Gaathaa Mahala 5
Phunhay Mahala 5
Chaubolae Mahala 5
Shaloks Bhagat Kabir
Shaloks Sheikh Farid
Swaiyyae Mahala 5
Swaiyyae in Praise of Gurus
Shaloks in Addition To Vaars
Shalok Ninth Mehl
Mundavanee Mehl 5
ਰਾਗ ਮਾਲਾ, Raag Maalaa
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The Middle Class Goes Global
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<blockquote data-quote="Archived_Member16" data-source="post: 161007" data-attributes="member: 884"><p><span style="color: Navy"><strong><span style="font-size: 18px">The Middle Class Goes Global </span></strong></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">Johannes Jütting</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">2012-02 -21</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"><img src="http://www.project-syndicate.org/newsart/7/a/9/pa1422c_thumb3.jpg" alt="" class="fr-fic fr-dii fr-draggable " style="" /></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"><strong>PARIS </strong>– In the twentieth century, the American dream of a middle-class life inspired the world. Now, in the twenty-first, we are moving at high speed toward a world based on a new geography of growth, with millions of people in the east and the south moving out of extreme poverty to become potentially powerful middle-class consumers. Whether the dreams of this new global middle-class are realized or turn into a nightmare depends on several factors.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">In today’s shifting world, with GDP in roughly 80 developing economies rising at twice the rate of per capita growth in the OECD, the club of the world’s richest countries, middle-class citizens paradoxically complain and protest regardless of whether fortunes improve or decline. Moises Naim, a former Venezuelan minister of trade and industry, even warns of a possible “emerging global war of the middle-classes.”</span></p><p> <span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">While anger over pay cuts and unemployment make sense, it is harder to understand the current protests in fast-growing countries like Thailand and Chile, where standards of living are improving. What is going on?</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">High growth in Asian and southern countries has meant greater export earnings and rents from natural resources. Unfortunately, this blessing can turn into a curse. In China, former Communist leader Deng Xiaoping’s vision – “let some people get rich first” – has led to impressive economic growth and poverty reduction; but it has also undermined the self-proclaimed “harmonious society,” as recent protests and labor conflicts indicate.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">Indeed, it is telling that, in the spring of 2011, Beijing’s municipal authorities banned all outdoor luxury-goods advertisements on the grounds that they might contribute to a “politically unhealthy environment.”</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">Rising inequality, lack of civic participation, political apathy, and a dearth of good jobs, particularly for the young, comprise the Achilles heel of emerging-market countries’ current development model. A Gallup poll on subjective well-being in Tunisia and Thailand shows that, while income levels and social conditions in both countries improved between 2006 and 2010, life satisfaction dropped.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">Homi Kharas, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution in Washington, DC, defines today’s global middle class as households with daily expenditures of $10-100 per person (at purchasing power parity). This represents approximately two billion people, split almost evenly between developed and emerging economies. In its Perspectives on Global Development 2012 – Social Cohesion in a Shifting World, the OECD forecasts that, by 2030, the global middle class could total 4.9 billion. Of these, 3.2-3.9 billion will probably live in emerging economies, representing 65-80% of the global population.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">These people will demand more and better services, a fairer division of growth’s benefits, and more responsive political institutions. The current wave of protests could be just the beginning of this trend.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">So, what should be done?</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">First, more extensive social protections must be instituted. Most of the emerging middle class is one income shock from being pushed back into poverty. To counter this risk, social-security programs should be gradually extended beyond social assistance. India’s Employment Guarantee Scheme, Ghana’s national health-insurance program, and Lesotho’s tax-financed pension plan, which covers more than 90% of its population, are all instructive social-protection models for the emerging middle classes.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">Second, more (and better) jobs are desperately needed. The global labor force is three billion, of which two-thirds are informally employed. Indeed, in countries like India, the number of jobs without social protection has increased, despite sustained growth. In Tunisia, the probability of unemployment actually rises with higher levels of education, reaching nearly 30% among the highest-qualified individuals, compared to only 8% among the least skilled. Education in the developing world must be reformed to cater to the demand for skills.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">Third, a social contract – one that entails better services and greater government accountability – is essential to improving fiscal policy and mobilizing domestic resources. In countries whose populations are genuinely enfranchised, and where they benefit from good-quality public services, social trust rises, and citizens are more willing to pay taxes. Opinion polls show that in countries where individuals do not trust one another, more than one-third of the population finds tax evasion acceptable. This number drops to one-tenth in countries where people trust each other most. </span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">Finally, as the Arab Spring demonstrates, any state that does not give its citizens adequate space to exercise their voice, and thereby strengthen loyalty, is ultimately unsustainable. Governments must accept pluralism, and social media such as Facebook and Twitter should be permitted to facilitate citizens’ exchange of opinions. Kenya’s Ushahidi Platform, which allows Internet users to quickly access information about human-rights abuses such as human trafficking, is a sophisticated example of how technological resources can provide citizens with powerful tools to monitor their governments’ behavior.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">The rise of the global middle class will transform the world’s social, political, and economic landscape. Fostering cohesive societies – in which people feel protected, citizens trust one another, and efforts are rewarded – is the key to realizing its members’ dreams. </span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"><strong><em>Johannes Jütting is Head of Poverty Reduction at the OECD Development Center in Paris. He writes in his personal capacity.</em></strong> </span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">Copyright: Project Syndicate, 2012.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"><a href="http://www.project-syndicate.org" target="_blank">www.project-syndicate.org</a></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"><strong>source:</strong> <a href="http://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/jutting2/English" target="_blank">http://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/jutting2/English</a></span></p></blockquote><p></p>
[QUOTE="Archived_Member16, post: 161007, member: 884"] [COLOR="Navy"][B][SIZE="5"]The Middle Class Goes Global [/SIZE][/B] Johannes Jütting 2012-02 -21 [IMG]http://www.project-syndicate.org/newsart/7/a/9/pa1422c_thumb3.jpg[/IMG] [B]PARIS [/B]– In the twentieth century, the American dream of a middle-class life inspired the world. Now, in the twenty-first, we are moving at high speed toward a world based on a new geography of growth, with millions of people in the east and the south moving out of extreme poverty to become potentially powerful middle-class consumers. Whether the dreams of this new global middle-class are realized or turn into a nightmare depends on several factors. In today’s shifting world, with GDP in roughly 80 developing economies rising at twice the rate of per capita growth in the OECD, the club of the world’s richest countries, middle-class citizens paradoxically complain and protest regardless of whether fortunes improve or decline. Moises Naim, a former Venezuelan minister of trade and industry, even warns of a possible “emerging global war of the middle-classes.” While anger over pay cuts and unemployment make sense, it is harder to understand the current protests in fast-growing countries like Thailand and Chile, where standards of living are improving. What is going on? High growth in Asian and southern countries has meant greater export earnings and rents from natural resources. Unfortunately, this blessing can turn into a curse. In China, former Communist leader Deng Xiaoping’s vision – “let some people get rich first” – has led to impressive economic growth and poverty reduction; but it has also undermined the self-proclaimed “harmonious society,” as recent protests and labor conflicts indicate. Indeed, it is telling that, in the spring of 2011, Beijing’s municipal authorities banned all outdoor luxury-goods advertisements on the grounds that they might contribute to a “politically unhealthy environment.” Rising inequality, lack of civic participation, political apathy, and a dearth of good jobs, particularly for the young, comprise the Achilles heel of emerging-market countries’ current development model. A Gallup poll on subjective well-being in Tunisia and Thailand shows that, while income levels and social conditions in both countries improved between 2006 and 2010, life satisfaction dropped. Homi Kharas, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution in Washington, DC, defines today’s global middle class as households with daily expenditures of $10-100 per person (at purchasing power parity). This represents approximately two billion people, split almost evenly between developed and emerging economies. In its Perspectives on Global Development 2012 – Social Cohesion in a Shifting World, the OECD forecasts that, by 2030, the global middle class could total 4.9 billion. Of these, 3.2-3.9 billion will probably live in emerging economies, representing 65-80% of the global population. These people will demand more and better services, a fairer division of growth’s benefits, and more responsive political institutions. The current wave of protests could be just the beginning of this trend. So, what should be done? First, more extensive social protections must be instituted. Most of the emerging middle class is one income shock from being pushed back into poverty. To counter this risk, social-security programs should be gradually extended beyond social assistance. India’s Employment Guarantee Scheme, Ghana’s national health-insurance program, and Lesotho’s tax-financed pension plan, which covers more than 90% of its population, are all instructive social-protection models for the emerging middle classes. Second, more (and better) jobs are desperately needed. The global labor force is three billion, of which two-thirds are informally employed. Indeed, in countries like India, the number of jobs without social protection has increased, despite sustained growth. In Tunisia, the probability of unemployment actually rises with higher levels of education, reaching nearly 30% among the highest-qualified individuals, compared to only 8% among the least skilled. Education in the developing world must be reformed to cater to the demand for skills. Third, a social contract – one that entails better services and greater government accountability – is essential to improving fiscal policy and mobilizing domestic resources. In countries whose populations are genuinely enfranchised, and where they benefit from good-quality public services, social trust rises, and citizens are more willing to pay taxes. Opinion polls show that in countries where individuals do not trust one another, more than one-third of the population finds tax evasion acceptable. This number drops to one-tenth in countries where people trust each other most. Finally, as the Arab Spring demonstrates, any state that does not give its citizens adequate space to exercise their voice, and thereby strengthen loyalty, is ultimately unsustainable. Governments must accept pluralism, and social media such as Facebook and Twitter should be permitted to facilitate citizens’ exchange of opinions. Kenya’s Ushahidi Platform, which allows Internet users to quickly access information about human-rights abuses such as human trafficking, is a sophisticated example of how technological resources can provide citizens with powerful tools to monitor their governments’ behavior. The rise of the global middle class will transform the world’s social, political, and economic landscape. Fostering cohesive societies – in which people feel protected, citizens trust one another, and efforts are rewarded – is the key to realizing its members’ dreams. [B][I]Johannes Jütting is Head of Poverty Reduction at the OECD Development Center in Paris. He writes in his personal capacity.[/I][/B] Copyright: Project Syndicate, 2012. [url]www.project-syndicate.org[/url] [B]source:[/B] [url]http://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/jutting2/English[/url][/COLOR] [/QUOTE]
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