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Composition, Arrangement & Layout
ਜਪੁ | Jup
ਸੋ ਦਰੁ | So Dar
ਸੋਹਿਲਾ | Sohilaa
ਰਾਗੁ ਸਿਰੀਰਾਗੁ | Raag Siree-Raag
Gurbani (14-53)
Ashtpadiyan (53-71)
Gurbani (71-74)
Pahre (74-78)
Chhant (78-81)
Vanjara (81-82)
Vaar Siri Raag (83-91)
Bhagat Bani (91-93)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਝ | Raag Maajh
Gurbani (94-109)
Ashtpadi (109)
Ashtpadiyan (110-129)
Ashtpadi (129-130)
Ashtpadiyan (130-133)
Bara Maha (133-136)
Din Raen (136-137)
Vaar Maajh Ki (137-150)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗਉੜੀ | Raag Gauree
Gurbani (151-185)
Quartets/Couplets (185-220)
Ashtpadiyan (220-234)
Karhalei (234-235)
Ashtpadiyan (235-242)
Chhant (242-249)
Baavan Akhari (250-262)
Sukhmani (262-296)
Thittee (296-300)
Gauree kii Vaar (300-323)
Gurbani (323-330)
Ashtpadiyan (330-340)
Baavan Akhari (340-343)
Thintteen (343-344)
Vaar Kabir (344-345)
Bhagat Bani (345-346)
ਰਾਗੁ ਆਸਾ | Raag Aasaa
Gurbani (347-348)
Chaupaday (348-364)
Panchpadde (364-365)
Kaafee (365-409)
Aasaavaree (409-411)
Ashtpadiyan (411-432)
Patee (432-435)
Chhant (435-462)
Vaar Aasaa (462-475)
Bhagat Bani (475-488)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗੂਜਰੀ | Raag Goojaree
Gurbani (489-503)
Ashtpadiyan (503-508)
Vaar Gujari (508-517)
Vaar Gujari (517-526)
ਰਾਗੁ ਦੇਵਗੰਧਾਰੀ | Raag Dayv-Gandhaaree
Gurbani (527-536)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਿਹਾਗੜਾ | Raag Bihaagraa
Gurbani (537-556)
Chhant (538-548)
Vaar Bihaagraa (548-556)
ਰਾਗੁ ਵਡਹੰਸ | Raag Wadhans
Gurbani (557-564)
Ashtpadiyan (564-565)
Chhant (565-575)
Ghoriaan (575-578)
Alaahaniiaa (578-582)
Vaar Wadhans (582-594)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸੋਰਠਿ | Raag Sorath
Gurbani (595-634)
Asatpadhiya (634-642)
Vaar Sorath (642-659)
ਰਾਗੁ ਧਨਾਸਰੀ | Raag Dhanasaree
Gurbani (660-685)
Astpadhiya (685-687)
Chhant (687-691)
Bhagat Bani (691-695)
ਰਾਗੁ ਜੈਤਸਰੀ | Raag Jaitsree
Gurbani (696-703)
Chhant (703-705)
Vaar Jaitsaree (705-710)
Bhagat Bani (710)
ਰਾਗੁ ਟੋਡੀ | Raag Todee
ਰਾਗੁ ਬੈਰਾੜੀ | Raag Bairaaree
ਰਾਗੁ ਤਿਲੰਗ | Raag Tilang
Gurbani (721-727)
Bhagat Bani (727)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸੂਹੀ | Raag Suhi
Gurbani (728-750)
Ashtpadiyan (750-761)
Kaafee (761-762)
Suchajee (762)
Gunvantee (763)
Chhant (763-785)
Vaar Soohee (785-792)
Bhagat Bani (792-794)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਿਲਾਵਲੁ | Raag Bilaaval
Gurbani (795-831)
Ashtpadiyan (831-838)
Thitteen (838-840)
Vaar Sat (841-843)
Chhant (843-848)
Vaar Bilaaval (849-855)
Bhagat Bani (855-858)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗੋਂਡ | Raag Gond
Gurbani (859-869)
Ashtpadiyan (869)
Bhagat Bani (870-875)
ਰਾਗੁ ਰਾਮਕਲੀ | Raag Ramkalee
Ashtpadiyan (902-916)
Gurbani (876-902)
Anand (917-922)
Sadd (923-924)
Chhant (924-929)
Dakhnee (929-938)
Sidh Gosat (938-946)
Vaar Ramkalee (947-968)
ਰਾਗੁ ਨਟ ਨਾਰਾਇਨ | Raag Nat Narayan
Gurbani (975-980)
Ashtpadiyan (980-983)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਲੀ ਗਉੜਾ | Raag Maalee Gauraa
Gurbani (984-988)
Bhagat Bani (988)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਰੂ | Raag Maaroo
Gurbani (889-1008)
Ashtpadiyan (1008-1014)
Kaafee (1014-1016)
Ashtpadiyan (1016-1019)
Anjulian (1019-1020)
Solhe (1020-1033)
Dakhni (1033-1043)
ਰਾਗੁ ਤੁਖਾਰੀ | Raag Tukhaari
Bara Maha (1107-1110)
Chhant (1110-1117)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕੇਦਾਰਾ | Raag Kedara
Gurbani (1118-1123)
Bhagat Bani (1123-1124)
ਰਾਗੁ ਭੈਰਉ | Raag Bhairo
Gurbani (1125-1152)
Partaal (1153)
Ashtpadiyan (1153-1167)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਸੰਤੁ | Raag Basant
Gurbani (1168-1187)
Ashtpadiyan (1187-1193)
Vaar Basant (1193-1196)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸਾਰਗ | Raag Saarag
Gurbani (1197-1200)
Partaal (1200-1231)
Ashtpadiyan (1232-1236)
Chhant (1236-1237)
Vaar Saarang (1237-1253)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਲਾਰ | Raag Malaar
Gurbani (1254-1293)
Partaal (1265-1273)
Ashtpadiyan (1273-1278)
Chhant (1278)
Vaar Malaar (1278-91)
Bhagat Bani (1292-93)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕਾਨੜਾ | Raag Kaanraa
Gurbani (1294-96)
Partaal (1296-1318)
Ashtpadiyan (1308-1312)
Chhant (1312)
Vaar Kaanraa
Bhagat Bani (1318)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕਲਿਆਨ | Raag Kalyaan
Gurbani (1319-23)
Ashtpadiyan (1323-26)
ਰਾਗੁ ਪ੍ਰਭਾਤੀ | Raag Prabhaatee
Gurbani (1327-1341)
Ashtpadiyan (1342-51)
ਰਾਗੁ ਜੈਜਾਵੰਤੀ | Raag Jaijaiwanti
Gurbani (1352-53)
Salok | Gatha | Phunahe | Chaubole | Swayiye
Sehskritee Mahala 1
Sehskritee Mahala 5
Gaathaa Mahala 5
Phunhay Mahala 5
Chaubolae Mahala 5
Shaloks Bhagat Kabir
Shaloks Sheikh Farid
Swaiyyae Mahala 5
Swaiyyae in Praise of Gurus
Shaloks in Addition To Vaars
Shalok Ninth Mehl
Mundavanee Mehl 5
ਰਾਗ ਮਾਲਾ, Raag Maalaa
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Pakistan on Fire and Its Effects on India
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<blockquote data-quote="dalvinder45" data-source="post: 225207" data-attributes="member: 26009"><p>Bhutto about-turn: Behind the PPP plan to back Pakistan's new government. On January 19, three weeks before Pakistan’s general elections, Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, former foreign minister and chairperson of the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), appeared for an interview on a private news channel. Criticising the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PMLN) leadership – consisting of three-time prime minister Nawaz Sharif and his younger brother Shehbaz Sharif – the PPP chief said that the PMLN’s policies had hurt the country’s economy. When the host asked Bhutto Zardari if he would be open to the idea of forming a coalition with the PMLN after the February 8 elections, if either party failed to secure a majority on its own, the 35-year-old scion of Pakistan’s Bhutto family was categorical in his response.</p><p>“Who told you that the PPP will form a coalition government with them [PMLN]? I have stated this before as well: ‘Fool me once, shame on you, fool me twice, shame on me’,” he said.</p><p>Less than four weeks later, Bhutto Zardari’s father, former president Asif Ali Zardari, held a press conference alongside leaders of various parties, including the PMLN, announcing a coalition government on February 13.</p><p>“God willing, we will take Pakistan out of difficulty,” Zardari said, five days after the February 8 vote. He downplayed past rivalries, saying, “Opposition happens in elections. It was electioneering opposition, not ideological opposition.” </p><p>aj Haider, a senior PPP leader and a member of the Senate, the upper house of Pakistan’s parliament, said that the party had been open to partnering with any other group ready to help bring stability to the country after the elections.</p><p></p><p>“With Pakistan in such dire political and economic crisis, we understood the urgency to do something to come out of this chaos,” Haider, who also heads the PPP’s central election cell, told Al Jazeera. “The PPP said we will support any party for formation of government. PMLN came to us, but the PTI never did. In fact, it categorically, and insultingly said we will not talk to you.”</p><p>The PDM government, in which Bhutto Zardari was the foreign minister along with other PPP ministers in the cabinet, saw an alarming decline in Pakistan’s economic health, as the country veered on the verge of default. Massive floods, in which the country suffered losses of more than $30bn and millions of people were displaced, compounded Pakistan’s challenges. This time, Bhutto Zardari has said that the PPP would not join the cabinet. Explaining the rationale, Sherry Rehman, the vice president of the PPP, said that politics was not a “zero-sum game”.</p><p>We know whoever makes government cannot function without us. The PPP wants to give people hope in the democratic process, in parliament and in the country,” she told</p><p>“Our actions to forego certain benefits and use the time and space to work on the grassroots should help people see politics less about patronage and more about bringing much-needed change to people living under severe economic and climate stress,” Rehman added.</p><p></p><p>However, independent analysts questioned the PPP’s real motivations behind joining the coalition.</p><p></p><p>“This isn’t an ideal situation for any party, but especially the PPP. No party has a clear majority. A coalition was the only answer. The PPP wants to remain in the system,” Mehmal Sarfraz, a Lahore-based analyst told Al Jazeera.</p><p></p><p>Majid Nizami, another political analyst, said that the PPP strategy seemed to revolve around getting positions of power without having to be answerable to the electorate.</p><p></p><p>“They are seeking constitutional positions such as president, speaker of assembly, chairman of the Senate, other powerful positions. This allows them to hold influence, without being held accountable,” he told Al Jazeera.</p><p></p><p></p><p>The PPP would also wield influence in actual policymaking since the PMLN would always need the PPP’s support in getting bills passed in parliament, Nizami said.</p><p></p><p>“There is a good chance that the PPP will suggest to the PMLN to seek a more conciliatory approach towards PTI, but I also don’t think it will dump them and switch allegiances,” he added.</p><p></p><p>PPP’s Haider, though, conceded that another reason for the party’s reluctance to take the cabinet position was the cloud of reservation over the legitimacy of the results, in the eyes of many Pakistanis.</p><p></p><p>Still, Nizami thinks that despite being careful in its decision-making, the new PPP-PMLN partnership, with smaller parties in tow, cannot avoid being viewed as another avatar of the PDM.</p><p></p><p>“PTI and its incarcerated leader Imran Khan have always alleged that these parties’ band together to help each other, and this narrative will reinforce, yet again,” he added.</p><p></p><p></p><p>Both PMLN and PPP have a long imprint on Pakistani politics, with the two parties alternatively ruling the country from 1988 to 2018, except for a nine-year period – 1999 to 2008 – when the country was ruled by Pervez Musharraf after a military coup.</p><p></p><p>The PTI’s Khan, who came to power in 2018 with the backing of the Pakistani military establishment, has repeatedly said that he would never engage in any partnership with the PPP and the PMLN, parties whose leaders have faced corruption allegations for decades.</p><p></p><p>Currently behind bars on multiple convictions on charges he claims are politically motivated, Khan has stuck to that stance in the aftermath of the fractured mandate delivered in the February 8 election.</p><p>That approach is not helpful, claimed the PPP’s Haider.</p><p>“PTI may close the door all it wants, but we will not do that. We will take steps to bring all parties on one platform to overcome the crises faced by our country. Political stability is the need of the hour. If we need to take a step back in order to unite, we will.”</p><p></p><p>The February 8 polls ended with independent candidates backed by former Prime Minister Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) winning 101 seats, despite the party facing a severe crackdown from government agencies and security forces in the weeks before the elections. In January, the party was even denied the use of its election symbol, the cricket bat.</p><p></p><p>Still, despite emerging as the country’s most popular party in the elections, the PTI insists that it would have received an even heavier mandate if the election had not been “stolen” through “massive rigging”.</p><p>Pakistan official admits involvement in rigging election results. ...</p><p>PPP Chairman Bilawal Bhutto Zardari has revealed the power-sharing formula he was offered wherein the prime minister’s seat would be shared between two parties. “I was told that let us be the prime minister for three years and then you can take the premiership for the remaining two years,” he told a rally in Thatta.</p><p></p><p>“I said no to this. I said I do not want to be a prime minister like this,” Bilawal added. “If I become the prime minister, it would be after the people of Pakistan elect me.”</p><p>New Pakistan government takes shape amid slew of jabs.</p><p>The six-party coalition formed this week and led by the PMLN and PPP, looks set to form the next government in Pakistan, with more than 150 seats among them. PMLN leader Shehbaz Sharif has been anointed as the coalition’s nominee for premiership, in what many observers say is a reincarnation of the Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM) government. The PDM coalition, under Shehbaz Sharif’s premiership, ruled for 16 months between April 2022 and August 2023, after it managed to topple the PTI government of Imran Khan through a parliamentary vote of no confidence.</p><p></p><p>The PTI on Sunday demanded the formation of a judicial commission to probe the rigging allegations made by the former Rawalpindi commissioner.</p><p></p><p>Another layer of controversy was added to the already disputed Feb 8 elections on Saturday after Rawalpindi Commissioner Liaquat Ali Chattha accused the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) and Chief Justice Qazi Faez Isa of involvement in ‘rigging’ — a claim denied by the electoral watchdog and the top judge.</p><p></p><p>These allegations came almost a week after the polls on a day when PTI and other political parties decided to kick-start their nationwide anti-rigging campaign, claiming they were deprived of their mandate through “massive rigging”.</p><p></p><p>The commissioner, who has now been transferred to the Services and General Administration Department (SGAD) in Lahore, was scheduled to hold a press conference regarding the Pakistan Super League (PSL) arrangements at the Rawalpindi Cricket Stadium. But instead of the presser, he had an informal chat with reporters in which he made the startling claims.</p><p></p><p>According to Chattha, he was disclosing the information about alleged irregularities in the election on the call of his conscience. He also accused CEC Sikandar Sultan Raja and Chief Justice Qazi Faez Isa of being a part of the “rigging plan”.</p><p></p><p>He said that he had decided to resign and took responsibility for supervising the theft of public mandate by changing the results of 13 National Assembly constituencies in six districts of Rawalpindi Division.</p><p></p><p>He said that he had decided to resign and took responsibility for supervising the theft of public mandate by changing the results of 13 National Assembly constituencies in six districts of Rawalpindi Division. Chattha alleged the candidates who were “losing” the elections “were made to win” and that the process to justify the manipulated results was still going in “an organised manner at some offices”.</p><p></p><p>Both the CJP and the ECP rejected the allegations, with the former saying the Supreme Court only dealt with election-related petitions.</p></blockquote><p></p>
[QUOTE="dalvinder45, post: 225207, member: 26009"] Bhutto about-turn: Behind the PPP plan to back Pakistan's new government. On January 19, three weeks before Pakistan’s general elections, Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, former foreign minister and chairperson of the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), appeared for an interview on a private news channel. Criticising the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PMLN) leadership – consisting of three-time prime minister Nawaz Sharif and his younger brother Shehbaz Sharif – the PPP chief said that the PMLN’s policies had hurt the country’s economy. When the host asked Bhutto Zardari if he would be open to the idea of forming a coalition with the PMLN after the February 8 elections, if either party failed to secure a majority on its own, the 35-year-old scion of Pakistan’s Bhutto family was categorical in his response. “Who told you that the PPP will form a coalition government with them [PMLN]? I have stated this before as well: ‘Fool me once, shame on you, fool me twice, shame on me’,” he said. Less than four weeks later, Bhutto Zardari’s father, former president Asif Ali Zardari, held a press conference alongside leaders of various parties, including the PMLN, announcing a coalition government on February 13. “God willing, we will take Pakistan out of difficulty,” Zardari said, five days after the February 8 vote. He downplayed past rivalries, saying, “Opposition happens in elections. It was electioneering opposition, not ideological opposition.” aj Haider, a senior PPP leader and a member of the Senate, the upper house of Pakistan’s parliament, said that the party had been open to partnering with any other group ready to help bring stability to the country after the elections. “With Pakistan in such dire political and economic crisis, we understood the urgency to do something to come out of this chaos,” Haider, who also heads the PPP’s central election cell, told Al Jazeera. “The PPP said we will support any party for formation of government. PMLN came to us, but the PTI never did. In fact, it categorically, and insultingly said we will not talk to you.” The PDM government, in which Bhutto Zardari was the foreign minister along with other PPP ministers in the cabinet, saw an alarming decline in Pakistan’s economic health, as the country veered on the verge of default. Massive floods, in which the country suffered losses of more than $30bn and millions of people were displaced, compounded Pakistan’s challenges. This time, Bhutto Zardari has said that the PPP would not join the cabinet. Explaining the rationale, Sherry Rehman, the vice president of the PPP, said that politics was not a “zero-sum game”. We know whoever makes government cannot function without us. The PPP wants to give people hope in the democratic process, in parliament and in the country,” she told “Our actions to forego certain benefits and use the time and space to work on the grassroots should help people see politics less about patronage and more about bringing much-needed change to people living under severe economic and climate stress,” Rehman added. However, independent analysts questioned the PPP’s real motivations behind joining the coalition. “This isn’t an ideal situation for any party, but especially the PPP. No party has a clear majority. A coalition was the only answer. The PPP wants to remain in the system,” Mehmal Sarfraz, a Lahore-based analyst told Al Jazeera. Majid Nizami, another political analyst, said that the PPP strategy seemed to revolve around getting positions of power without having to be answerable to the electorate. “They are seeking constitutional positions such as president, speaker of assembly, chairman of the Senate, other powerful positions. This allows them to hold influence, without being held accountable,” he told Al Jazeera. The PPP would also wield influence in actual policymaking since the PMLN would always need the PPP’s support in getting bills passed in parliament, Nizami said. “There is a good chance that the PPP will suggest to the PMLN to seek a more conciliatory approach towards PTI, but I also don’t think it will dump them and switch allegiances,” he added. PPP’s Haider, though, conceded that another reason for the party’s reluctance to take the cabinet position was the cloud of reservation over the legitimacy of the results, in the eyes of many Pakistanis. Still, Nizami thinks that despite being careful in its decision-making, the new PPP-PMLN partnership, with smaller parties in tow, cannot avoid being viewed as another avatar of the PDM. “PTI and its incarcerated leader Imran Khan have always alleged that these parties’ band together to help each other, and this narrative will reinforce, yet again,” he added. Both PMLN and PPP have a long imprint on Pakistani politics, with the two parties alternatively ruling the country from 1988 to 2018, except for a nine-year period – 1999 to 2008 – when the country was ruled by Pervez Musharraf after a military coup. The PTI’s Khan, who came to power in 2018 with the backing of the Pakistani military establishment, has repeatedly said that he would never engage in any partnership with the PPP and the PMLN, parties whose leaders have faced corruption allegations for decades. Currently behind bars on multiple convictions on charges he claims are politically motivated, Khan has stuck to that stance in the aftermath of the fractured mandate delivered in the February 8 election. That approach is not helpful, claimed the PPP’s Haider. “PTI may close the door all it wants, but we will not do that. We will take steps to bring all parties on one platform to overcome the crises faced by our country. Political stability is the need of the hour. If we need to take a step back in order to unite, we will.” The February 8 polls ended with independent candidates backed by former Prime Minister Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) winning 101 seats, despite the party facing a severe crackdown from government agencies and security forces in the weeks before the elections. In January, the party was even denied the use of its election symbol, the cricket bat. Still, despite emerging as the country’s most popular party in the elections, the PTI insists that it would have received an even heavier mandate if the election had not been “stolen” through “massive rigging”. Pakistan official admits involvement in rigging election results. ... PPP Chairman Bilawal Bhutto Zardari has revealed the power-sharing formula he was offered wherein the prime minister’s seat would be shared between two parties. “I was told that let us be the prime minister for three years and then you can take the premiership for the remaining two years,” he told a rally in Thatta. “I said no to this. I said I do not want to be a prime minister like this,” Bilawal added. “If I become the prime minister, it would be after the people of Pakistan elect me.” New Pakistan government takes shape amid slew of jabs. The six-party coalition formed this week and led by the PMLN and PPP, looks set to form the next government in Pakistan, with more than 150 seats among them. PMLN leader Shehbaz Sharif has been anointed as the coalition’s nominee for premiership, in what many observers say is a reincarnation of the Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM) government. The PDM coalition, under Shehbaz Sharif’s premiership, ruled for 16 months between April 2022 and August 2023, after it managed to topple the PTI government of Imran Khan through a parliamentary vote of no confidence. The PTI on Sunday demanded the formation of a judicial commission to probe the rigging allegations made by the former Rawalpindi commissioner. Another layer of controversy was added to the already disputed Feb 8 elections on Saturday after Rawalpindi Commissioner Liaquat Ali Chattha accused the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) and Chief Justice Qazi Faez Isa of involvement in ‘rigging’ — a claim denied by the electoral watchdog and the top judge. These allegations came almost a week after the polls on a day when PTI and other political parties decided to kick-start their nationwide anti-rigging campaign, claiming they were deprived of their mandate through “massive rigging”. The commissioner, who has now been transferred to the Services and General Administration Department (SGAD) in Lahore, was scheduled to hold a press conference regarding the Pakistan Super League (PSL) arrangements at the Rawalpindi Cricket Stadium. But instead of the presser, he had an informal chat with reporters in which he made the startling claims. According to Chattha, he was disclosing the information about alleged irregularities in the election on the call of his conscience. He also accused CEC Sikandar Sultan Raja and Chief Justice Qazi Faez Isa of being a part of the “rigging plan”. He said that he had decided to resign and took responsibility for supervising the theft of public mandate by changing the results of 13 National Assembly constituencies in six districts of Rawalpindi Division. He said that he had decided to resign and took responsibility for supervising the theft of public mandate by changing the results of 13 National Assembly constituencies in six districts of Rawalpindi Division. Chattha alleged the candidates who were “losing” the elections “were made to win” and that the process to justify the manipulated results was still going in “an organised manner at some offices”. Both the CJP and the ECP rejected the allegations, with the former saying the Supreme Court only dealt with election-related petitions. [/QUOTE]
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