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Guru Granth Sahib
Composition, Arrangement & Layout
ਜਪੁ | Jup
ਸੋ ਦਰੁ | So Dar
ਸੋਹਿਲਾ | Sohilaa
ਰਾਗੁ ਸਿਰੀਰਾਗੁ | Raag Siree-Raag
Gurbani (14-53)
Ashtpadiyan (53-71)
Gurbani (71-74)
Pahre (74-78)
Chhant (78-81)
Vanjara (81-82)
Vaar Siri Raag (83-91)
Bhagat Bani (91-93)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਝ | Raag Maajh
Gurbani (94-109)
Ashtpadi (109)
Ashtpadiyan (110-129)
Ashtpadi (129-130)
Ashtpadiyan (130-133)
Bara Maha (133-136)
Din Raen (136-137)
Vaar Maajh Ki (137-150)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗਉੜੀ | Raag Gauree
Gurbani (151-185)
Quartets/Couplets (185-220)
Ashtpadiyan (220-234)
Karhalei (234-235)
Ashtpadiyan (235-242)
Chhant (242-249)
Baavan Akhari (250-262)
Sukhmani (262-296)
Thittee (296-300)
Gauree kii Vaar (300-323)
Gurbani (323-330)
Ashtpadiyan (330-340)
Baavan Akhari (340-343)
Thintteen (343-344)
Vaar Kabir (344-345)
Bhagat Bani (345-346)
ਰਾਗੁ ਆਸਾ | Raag Aasaa
Gurbani (347-348)
Chaupaday (348-364)
Panchpadde (364-365)
Kaafee (365-409)
Aasaavaree (409-411)
Ashtpadiyan (411-432)
Patee (432-435)
Chhant (435-462)
Vaar Aasaa (462-475)
Bhagat Bani (475-488)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗੂਜਰੀ | Raag Goojaree
Gurbani (489-503)
Ashtpadiyan (503-508)
Vaar Gujari (508-517)
Vaar Gujari (517-526)
ਰਾਗੁ ਦੇਵਗੰਧਾਰੀ | Raag Dayv-Gandhaaree
Gurbani (527-536)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਿਹਾਗੜਾ | Raag Bihaagraa
Gurbani (537-556)
Chhant (538-548)
Vaar Bihaagraa (548-556)
ਰਾਗੁ ਵਡਹੰਸ | Raag Wadhans
Gurbani (557-564)
Ashtpadiyan (564-565)
Chhant (565-575)
Ghoriaan (575-578)
Alaahaniiaa (578-582)
Vaar Wadhans (582-594)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸੋਰਠਿ | Raag Sorath
Gurbani (595-634)
Asatpadhiya (634-642)
Vaar Sorath (642-659)
ਰਾਗੁ ਧਨਾਸਰੀ | Raag Dhanasaree
Gurbani (660-685)
Astpadhiya (685-687)
Chhant (687-691)
Bhagat Bani (691-695)
ਰਾਗੁ ਜੈਤਸਰੀ | Raag Jaitsree
Gurbani (696-703)
Chhant (703-705)
Vaar Jaitsaree (705-710)
Bhagat Bani (710)
ਰਾਗੁ ਟੋਡੀ | Raag Todee
ਰਾਗੁ ਬੈਰਾੜੀ | Raag Bairaaree
ਰਾਗੁ ਤਿਲੰਗ | Raag Tilang
Gurbani (721-727)
Bhagat Bani (727)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸੂਹੀ | Raag Suhi
Gurbani (728-750)
Ashtpadiyan (750-761)
Kaafee (761-762)
Suchajee (762)
Gunvantee (763)
Chhant (763-785)
Vaar Soohee (785-792)
Bhagat Bani (792-794)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਿਲਾਵਲੁ | Raag Bilaaval
Gurbani (795-831)
Ashtpadiyan (831-838)
Thitteen (838-840)
Vaar Sat (841-843)
Chhant (843-848)
Vaar Bilaaval (849-855)
Bhagat Bani (855-858)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗੋਂਡ | Raag Gond
Gurbani (859-869)
Ashtpadiyan (869)
Bhagat Bani (870-875)
ਰਾਗੁ ਰਾਮਕਲੀ | Raag Ramkalee
Ashtpadiyan (902-916)
Gurbani (876-902)
Anand (917-922)
Sadd (923-924)
Chhant (924-929)
Dakhnee (929-938)
Sidh Gosat (938-946)
Vaar Ramkalee (947-968)
ਰਾਗੁ ਨਟ ਨਾਰਾਇਨ | Raag Nat Narayan
Gurbani (975-980)
Ashtpadiyan (980-983)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਲੀ ਗਉੜਾ | Raag Maalee Gauraa
Gurbani (984-988)
Bhagat Bani (988)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਰੂ | Raag Maaroo
Gurbani (889-1008)
Ashtpadiyan (1008-1014)
Kaafee (1014-1016)
Ashtpadiyan (1016-1019)
Anjulian (1019-1020)
Solhe (1020-1033)
Dakhni (1033-1043)
ਰਾਗੁ ਤੁਖਾਰੀ | Raag Tukhaari
Bara Maha (1107-1110)
Chhant (1110-1117)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕੇਦਾਰਾ | Raag Kedara
Gurbani (1118-1123)
Bhagat Bani (1123-1124)
ਰਾਗੁ ਭੈਰਉ | Raag Bhairo
Gurbani (1125-1152)
Partaal (1153)
Ashtpadiyan (1153-1167)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਸੰਤੁ | Raag Basant
Gurbani (1168-1187)
Ashtpadiyan (1187-1193)
Vaar Basant (1193-1196)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸਾਰਗ | Raag Saarag
Gurbani (1197-1200)
Partaal (1200-1231)
Ashtpadiyan (1232-1236)
Chhant (1236-1237)
Vaar Saarang (1237-1253)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਲਾਰ | Raag Malaar
Gurbani (1254-1293)
Partaal (1265-1273)
Ashtpadiyan (1273-1278)
Chhant (1278)
Vaar Malaar (1278-91)
Bhagat Bani (1292-93)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕਾਨੜਾ | Raag Kaanraa
Gurbani (1294-96)
Partaal (1296-1318)
Ashtpadiyan (1308-1312)
Chhant (1312)
Vaar Kaanraa
Bhagat Bani (1318)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕਲਿਆਨ | Raag Kalyaan
Gurbani (1319-23)
Ashtpadiyan (1323-26)
ਰਾਗੁ ਪ੍ਰਭਾਤੀ | Raag Prabhaatee
Gurbani (1327-1341)
Ashtpadiyan (1342-51)
ਰਾਗੁ ਜੈਜਾਵੰਤੀ | Raag Jaijaiwanti
Gurbani (1352-53)
Salok | Gatha | Phunahe | Chaubole | Swayiye
Sehskritee Mahala 1
Sehskritee Mahala 5
Gaathaa Mahala 5
Phunhay Mahala 5
Chaubolae Mahala 5
Shaloks Bhagat Kabir
Shaloks Sheikh Farid
Swaiyyae Mahala 5
Swaiyyae in Praise of Gurus
Shaloks in Addition To Vaars
Shalok Ninth Mehl
Mundavanee Mehl 5
ਰਾਗ ਮਾਲਾ, Raag Maalaa
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It's Still A Matter Of Life & Death For Us
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<blockquote data-quote="Admin" data-source="post: 114685" data-attributes="member: 1"><p>Anniversaries of tragedies are dreary occasions, stained by a past that is resuscitated only so that it can be buried for another year by the ritual of observance. </p><p> So, much will once again be written about the massacre of Sikhs in 1984 - the Congressmen who led the mobs, the victims who died and the eyewitnesses who live on, clinging to a futile hope for justice. But in the interstices of such events, life also changed for so many Sikhs who did not directly experience the violence. </p><p> Cleanshaven with only an inchoate sense of being a Sikh, I was then at Pilani, my first semester at an engineering college in Rajasthan. On the afternoon of 31 October, the BBC confirmed that Indira Gandhi was dead. I can recall so many of us exulting, as classes were called off. Ragging had just come to an end and for us freshers, it was an occasion to walk to the market and sit at ease over <em>chai</em> and <em>samosas</em>. </p><p> It was only over the next few days that the gulf between me and the majority of my fellow students became apparent. The campus gates barred outsiders, classes and life went on as usual for most students. However, I could not get through to my family in Delhi for several days. The censorship of papers only made the trickle of news of violence unfolding in the city that much more forbidding. </p><p> There was nothing I could do, but not for a moment could I escape worrying about what may be happening in Delhi. </p><p> Over the years, I have picked up a sense of what it meant to be in Delhi for those few days - the burnt cars and silent streets, as well as a policeman's mocking laughter over a call from my family to the control room to help relatives who were less favoured by their location. </p><p> In a house in West Delhi, an old uncle and aunt and a young cousin faced mobs at the gates. A childhood friend later recounted how fellow passengers hid him under a second class berth behind a suitcase as mobs searched the train. As soon as the train started moving, he lopped his hair off. </p><p> In comparison to the brutality of the actual violence, none of this should matter. </p><p> Yet it does. </p><p> My inchoate identity became subject to a far stronger sense of self scrutiny. In some sense, the same thing happened to many others. It resulted in a rethinking of what it means to be an Indian and an aggressive defensiveness at being Sikh. </p><p> For me, as for most Sikhs, Sikh jokes stopped being funny in 1984. </p><p> In the subsequent decades, others have been forced to live through the same horror. In 2004, two years after the Gujarat massacres, I walked through the charred remains of Gulbarg society in Ahmedabad, listening to a man who survived the mob that killed Ehsan Jaffrey. </p><p> Just recently, a friend of many years showed me a few short pieces he had written about growing up a Hindu in Amritsar in the years that Khalistanis unleashed their madness. I could recognise the echo of my experience in their words. </p><p> This then is what I have come to believe - to be a minority is not a fact of birth, but of circumstances. What such a minority fears is not the violence of the State, but the moment when a mob decides to usurp the State's monopoly over violence. </p><p> Safety for a minority lies only in a State that is secular, plural and willing to exercise its power to thwart a murderous mob. </p><p> A State, that is, that can ensure that eventually a Kamal Nath and a Narendra Modi are put behind bars. </p><p> The need for such a State also leaves me contemptuous of those who celebrate men like Kobad Ghandy, the well-to-do Bombay boy who went on to become a Naxal leader. The product of a complacent middle class that has never felt any sense of siege, Kobad is typical of the Naxal leadership and their urban sympathisers. </p><p> Never actually having faced the dread of a mob, these men can casually talk of doing away with the State in the name of the people. Neither do they think twice about the murder of ‘class enemies'. </p><p> Remember, every mob that resorts to violence and recognizes no restraint over its own acts of murder does so in the name of the people. </p><p> </p><p> <em> <strong>Hartosh Singh Bal</strong> turned from the difficulty of doing mathematics to the ease of writing on politics. Unlike mathematics all this requires is being less wrong than most others who dwell on the subject. </em></p><p> <em></em></p></blockquote><p></p>
[QUOTE="Admin, post: 114685, member: 1"] Anniversaries of tragedies are dreary occasions, stained by a past that is resuscitated only so that it can be buried for another year by the ritual of observance. So, much will once again be written about the massacre of Sikhs in 1984 - the Congressmen who led the mobs, the victims who died and the eyewitnesses who live on, clinging to a futile hope for justice. But in the interstices of such events, life also changed for so many Sikhs who did not directly experience the violence. Cleanshaven with only an inchoate sense of being a Sikh, I was then at Pilani, my first semester at an engineering college in Rajasthan. On the afternoon of 31 October, the BBC confirmed that Indira Gandhi was dead. I can recall so many of us exulting, as classes were called off. Ragging had just come to an end and for us freshers, it was an occasion to walk to the market and sit at ease over [I]chai[/I] and [I]samosas[/I]. It was only over the next few days that the gulf between me and the majority of my fellow students became apparent. The campus gates barred outsiders, classes and life went on as usual for most students. However, I could not get through to my family in Delhi for several days. The censorship of papers only made the trickle of news of violence unfolding in the city that much more forbidding. There was nothing I could do, but not for a moment could I escape worrying about what may be happening in Delhi. Over the years, I have picked up a sense of what it meant to be in Delhi for those few days - the burnt cars and silent streets, as well as a policeman's mocking laughter over a call from my family to the control room to help relatives who were less favoured by their location. In a house in West Delhi, an old uncle and aunt and a young cousin faced mobs at the gates. A childhood friend later recounted how fellow passengers hid him under a second class berth behind a suitcase as mobs searched the train. As soon as the train started moving, he lopped his hair off. In comparison to the brutality of the actual violence, none of this should matter. Yet it does. My inchoate identity became subject to a far stronger sense of self scrutiny. In some sense, the same thing happened to many others. It resulted in a rethinking of what it means to be an Indian and an aggressive defensiveness at being Sikh. For me, as for most Sikhs, Sikh jokes stopped being funny in 1984. In the subsequent decades, others have been forced to live through the same horror. In 2004, two years after the Gujarat massacres, I walked through the charred remains of Gulbarg society in Ahmedabad, listening to a man who survived the mob that killed Ehsan Jaffrey. Just recently, a friend of many years showed me a few short pieces he had written about growing up a Hindu in Amritsar in the years that Khalistanis unleashed their madness. I could recognise the echo of my experience in their words. This then is what I have come to believe - to be a minority is not a fact of birth, but of circumstances. What such a minority fears is not the violence of the State, but the moment when a mob decides to usurp the State's monopoly over violence. Safety for a minority lies only in a State that is secular, plural and willing to exercise its power to thwart a murderous mob. A State, that is, that can ensure that eventually a Kamal Nath and a Narendra Modi are put behind bars. The need for such a State also leaves me contemptuous of those who celebrate men like Kobad Ghandy, the well-to-do Bombay boy who went on to become a Naxal leader. The product of a complacent middle class that has never felt any sense of siege, Kobad is typical of the Naxal leadership and their urban sympathisers. Never actually having faced the dread of a mob, these men can casually talk of doing away with the State in the name of the people. Neither do they think twice about the murder of ‘class enemies'. Remember, every mob that resorts to violence and recognizes no restraint over its own acts of murder does so in the name of the people. [I] [B]Hartosh Singh Bal[/B] turned from the difficulty of doing mathematics to the ease of writing on politics. Unlike mathematics all this requires is being less wrong than most others who dwell on the subject. [/I] [/QUOTE]
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