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Guru Granth Sahib
Composition, Arrangement & Layout
ਜਪੁ | Jup
ਸੋ ਦਰੁ | So Dar
ਸੋਹਿਲਾ | Sohilaa
ਰਾਗੁ ਸਿਰੀਰਾਗੁ | Raag Siree-Raag
Gurbani (14-53)
Ashtpadiyan (53-71)
Gurbani (71-74)
Pahre (74-78)
Chhant (78-81)
Vanjara (81-82)
Vaar Siri Raag (83-91)
Bhagat Bani (91-93)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਝ | Raag Maajh
Gurbani (94-109)
Ashtpadi (109)
Ashtpadiyan (110-129)
Ashtpadi (129-130)
Ashtpadiyan (130-133)
Bara Maha (133-136)
Din Raen (136-137)
Vaar Maajh Ki (137-150)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗਉੜੀ | Raag Gauree
Gurbani (151-185)
Quartets/Couplets (185-220)
Ashtpadiyan (220-234)
Karhalei (234-235)
Ashtpadiyan (235-242)
Chhant (242-249)
Baavan Akhari (250-262)
Sukhmani (262-296)
Thittee (296-300)
Gauree kii Vaar (300-323)
Gurbani (323-330)
Ashtpadiyan (330-340)
Baavan Akhari (340-343)
Thintteen (343-344)
Vaar Kabir (344-345)
Bhagat Bani (345-346)
ਰਾਗੁ ਆਸਾ | Raag Aasaa
Gurbani (347-348)
Chaupaday (348-364)
Panchpadde (364-365)
Kaafee (365-409)
Aasaavaree (409-411)
Ashtpadiyan (411-432)
Patee (432-435)
Chhant (435-462)
Vaar Aasaa (462-475)
Bhagat Bani (475-488)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗੂਜਰੀ | Raag Goojaree
Gurbani (489-503)
Ashtpadiyan (503-508)
Vaar Gujari (508-517)
Vaar Gujari (517-526)
ਰਾਗੁ ਦੇਵਗੰਧਾਰੀ | Raag Dayv-Gandhaaree
Gurbani (527-536)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਿਹਾਗੜਾ | Raag Bihaagraa
Gurbani (537-556)
Chhant (538-548)
Vaar Bihaagraa (548-556)
ਰਾਗੁ ਵਡਹੰਸ | Raag Wadhans
Gurbani (557-564)
Ashtpadiyan (564-565)
Chhant (565-575)
Ghoriaan (575-578)
Alaahaniiaa (578-582)
Vaar Wadhans (582-594)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸੋਰਠਿ | Raag Sorath
Gurbani (595-634)
Asatpadhiya (634-642)
Vaar Sorath (642-659)
ਰਾਗੁ ਧਨਾਸਰੀ | Raag Dhanasaree
Gurbani (660-685)
Astpadhiya (685-687)
Chhant (687-691)
Bhagat Bani (691-695)
ਰਾਗੁ ਜੈਤਸਰੀ | Raag Jaitsree
Gurbani (696-703)
Chhant (703-705)
Vaar Jaitsaree (705-710)
Bhagat Bani (710)
ਰਾਗੁ ਟੋਡੀ | Raag Todee
ਰਾਗੁ ਬੈਰਾੜੀ | Raag Bairaaree
ਰਾਗੁ ਤਿਲੰਗ | Raag Tilang
Gurbani (721-727)
Bhagat Bani (727)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸੂਹੀ | Raag Suhi
Gurbani (728-750)
Ashtpadiyan (750-761)
Kaafee (761-762)
Suchajee (762)
Gunvantee (763)
Chhant (763-785)
Vaar Soohee (785-792)
Bhagat Bani (792-794)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਿਲਾਵਲੁ | Raag Bilaaval
Gurbani (795-831)
Ashtpadiyan (831-838)
Thitteen (838-840)
Vaar Sat (841-843)
Chhant (843-848)
Vaar Bilaaval (849-855)
Bhagat Bani (855-858)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗੋਂਡ | Raag Gond
Gurbani (859-869)
Ashtpadiyan (869)
Bhagat Bani (870-875)
ਰਾਗੁ ਰਾਮਕਲੀ | Raag Ramkalee
Ashtpadiyan (902-916)
Gurbani (876-902)
Anand (917-922)
Sadd (923-924)
Chhant (924-929)
Dakhnee (929-938)
Sidh Gosat (938-946)
Vaar Ramkalee (947-968)
ਰਾਗੁ ਨਟ ਨਾਰਾਇਨ | Raag Nat Narayan
Gurbani (975-980)
Ashtpadiyan (980-983)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਲੀ ਗਉੜਾ | Raag Maalee Gauraa
Gurbani (984-988)
Bhagat Bani (988)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਰੂ | Raag Maaroo
Gurbani (889-1008)
Ashtpadiyan (1008-1014)
Kaafee (1014-1016)
Ashtpadiyan (1016-1019)
Anjulian (1019-1020)
Solhe (1020-1033)
Dakhni (1033-1043)
ਰਾਗੁ ਤੁਖਾਰੀ | Raag Tukhaari
Bara Maha (1107-1110)
Chhant (1110-1117)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕੇਦਾਰਾ | Raag Kedara
Gurbani (1118-1123)
Bhagat Bani (1123-1124)
ਰਾਗੁ ਭੈਰਉ | Raag Bhairo
Gurbani (1125-1152)
Partaal (1153)
Ashtpadiyan (1153-1167)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਸੰਤੁ | Raag Basant
Gurbani (1168-1187)
Ashtpadiyan (1187-1193)
Vaar Basant (1193-1196)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸਾਰਗ | Raag Saarag
Gurbani (1197-1200)
Partaal (1200-1231)
Ashtpadiyan (1232-1236)
Chhant (1236-1237)
Vaar Saarang (1237-1253)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਲਾਰ | Raag Malaar
Gurbani (1254-1293)
Partaal (1265-1273)
Ashtpadiyan (1273-1278)
Chhant (1278)
Vaar Malaar (1278-91)
Bhagat Bani (1292-93)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕਾਨੜਾ | Raag Kaanraa
Gurbani (1294-96)
Partaal (1296-1318)
Ashtpadiyan (1308-1312)
Chhant (1312)
Vaar Kaanraa
Bhagat Bani (1318)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕਲਿਆਨ | Raag Kalyaan
Gurbani (1319-23)
Ashtpadiyan (1323-26)
ਰਾਗੁ ਪ੍ਰਭਾਤੀ | Raag Prabhaatee
Gurbani (1327-1341)
Ashtpadiyan (1342-51)
ਰਾਗੁ ਜੈਜਾਵੰਤੀ | Raag Jaijaiwanti
Gurbani (1352-53)
Salok | Gatha | Phunahe | Chaubole | Swayiye
Sehskritee Mahala 1
Sehskritee Mahala 5
Gaathaa Mahala 5
Phunhay Mahala 5
Chaubolae Mahala 5
Shaloks Bhagat Kabir
Shaloks Sheikh Farid
Swaiyyae Mahala 5
Swaiyyae in Praise of Gurus
Shaloks in Addition To Vaars
Shalok Ninth Mehl
Mundavanee Mehl 5
ਰਾਗ ਮਾਲਾ, Raag Maalaa
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India’s Middle Class Asserts Itself
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<blockquote data-quote="Archived_Member16" data-source="post: 146610" data-attributes="member: 884"><p>May 19, 2011</p><p></p><p><span style="color: Navy"><strong><span style="font-size: 18px">India’s middle class asserts itself</span></strong></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">May 19, 2011</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">Ramesh Thakur </span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">India is on the move, with millions climbing into middle-class status and a growing pool of billionaires. Yet it also has more poor, hungry and illiterate people than any other country in the world; access to safe water and sanitation remains a pipe dream for most people and disease is endemic; power, transportation and communications infrastructure are risible; and life continues to be nasty, brutish and short for millions.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">Contradicting irrational international exuberance, India suffers from glaring governance deficits. Almost a quarter of members of parliament face a variety of criminal charges. According to Transparency International, the World Bank and the United Nations, India fares poorly on global corruption, ease of doing business and human development rankings.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">Pro-poor results are unlikely to be delivered without market-friendly policies. And punishing the corrupt would help to attract the necessary investment capital and also maximize the return on it.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">Part of the explanation for India’s pathologies is that the rule of law is more rhetorical than real. In India, law is owned by the politically powerful followed by the economically wealthy. Justice has not yet been seen to be done with respect to the perpetrators of the anti-Sikh riots in Delhi in 1984 or the anti-Muslim riots in Gujarat in 2002. In both cases, powerful politicians incited the riots that killed up to 3,000 Sikhs and 2,000 Muslims while the police stood by passively. Indian Muslims and Sikhs worldwide are yet to reach emotional closure on those traumatic events.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">Now some former high-ranking Congress party officials do face the prospect of trials for the killings of the Sikhs in 1984, and the Bharatiya Janata party (BJP) head of the Gujarat government in 2002 is in the crosshairs of a Supreme Court ordered special investigation. In the meantime, there have been other high-profile trials and even murder convictions of highly connected individuals, something that would have been unthinkable two decades ago. And some cabinet ministers are in prison awaiting trial for corruption.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">A few years ago, in a country that is 80 per cent Hindu, the president was a Muslim bachelor, the prime minister and army chief were Sikhs, and the woman behind the throne was an Italian Roman Catholic widow. All this is powerful testimony-cum-tribute to the maturity of India’s democratic, secular and inclusive political system.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">Good governance is vital to India. First, to hold the country together through flexible and pragmatic power-sharing arrangements that promote unity in diversity. Second, to provide the political-cum-legal infrastructure to backstop growth and prosperity that will absorb the world’s largest new pool of labour entering the economy each year. Third, to channel the world-beating creative and entrepreneurial aspirations of the newly empowered young consumer class.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">On May 14, in provincial election results, incumbent governments were swept away in four of five cases. In addition to Sonia Gandhi being the most powerful politician in the country, India will now have four women heads of state government responsible for the fate of 368 million people: 30 per cent of the country’s population.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">Two of the four state results are of national significance. In West Bengal, a Communist party in power for 34 years oversaw a stagnation with declining shares of manufacture, capital and intellect flight, and falling educational and health standards and services. In Tamil Nadu, the head of the state government had installed family members in the cabinet in the state and in New Delhi as a junior coalition in the Singh government. In effect, Tamil Nadu had become a family profit enterprise. The voters have thrown out both sets of *******.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">The much-hyped middle class may finally be consolidating as a political force to be reckoned with, especially in the urban centres. Educated and informed, it is starting to assert itself politically by exploiting the citizen’s levers in a free society, including the judiciary and a vigorously competitive electronic and print media.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">Rising prosperity of the growing middle class has given many Indians the means to travel abroad and evaluate domestic governance against international benchmarks. The more they experience public service, infrastructure and governance in Southeast Asia, Japan and the West, the less they will settle for inferior standards back home.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">Civil society — lawyers, human rights advocates, social activists — has maintained the demand for criminal accountability through the press, the political process and the justice system. In an increasingly networked world, it often joins forces with international counterparts to publicize, harass and otherwise exert pressure for a settling of accounts in India’s notoriously slow courts.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">India has an almost unmatched record of looking progress and prosperity directly in the eye, only to resolutely turn its back and walk off in the opposite direction. Recent developments suggest that winds of change may be blowing apart the unholy nexus of politics, big money and crime.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"><em>Ramesh Thakur is professor of international relations at Australian National University, and adjunct professor in the Institute of Ethics, Law and Governance, Griffith University.</em></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"><strong></strong></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"><strong>source:</strong> <a href="http://www.thestar.com/opinion/editorialopinion/article/994321--india-s-middle-class-asserts-itself" target="_blank">http://www.thestar.com/opinion/editorialopinion/article/994321--india-s-middle-class-asserts-itself</a></span></p></blockquote><p></p>
[QUOTE="Archived_Member16, post: 146610, member: 884"] May 19, 2011 [COLOR="Navy"][B][SIZE="5"]India’s middle class asserts itself[/SIZE][/B] May 19, 2011 Ramesh Thakur India is on the move, with millions climbing into middle-class status and a growing pool of billionaires. Yet it also has more poor, hungry and illiterate people than any other country in the world; access to safe water and sanitation remains a pipe dream for most people and disease is endemic; power, transportation and communications infrastructure are risible; and life continues to be nasty, brutish and short for millions. Contradicting irrational international exuberance, India suffers from glaring governance deficits. Almost a quarter of members of parliament face a variety of criminal charges. According to Transparency International, the World Bank and the United Nations, India fares poorly on global corruption, ease of doing business and human development rankings. Pro-poor results are unlikely to be delivered without market-friendly policies. And punishing the corrupt would help to attract the necessary investment capital and also maximize the return on it. Part of the explanation for India’s pathologies is that the rule of law is more rhetorical than real. In India, law is owned by the politically powerful followed by the economically wealthy. Justice has not yet been seen to be done with respect to the perpetrators of the anti-Sikh riots in Delhi in 1984 or the anti-Muslim riots in Gujarat in 2002. In both cases, powerful politicians incited the riots that killed up to 3,000 Sikhs and 2,000 Muslims while the police stood by passively. Indian Muslims and Sikhs worldwide are yet to reach emotional closure on those traumatic events. Now some former high-ranking Congress party officials do face the prospect of trials for the killings of the Sikhs in 1984, and the Bharatiya Janata party (BJP) head of the Gujarat government in 2002 is in the crosshairs of a Supreme Court ordered special investigation. In the meantime, there have been other high-profile trials and even murder convictions of highly connected individuals, something that would have been unthinkable two decades ago. And some cabinet ministers are in prison awaiting trial for corruption. A few years ago, in a country that is 80 per cent Hindu, the president was a Muslim bachelor, the prime minister and army chief were Sikhs, and the woman behind the throne was an Italian Roman Catholic widow. All this is powerful testimony-cum-tribute to the maturity of India’s democratic, secular and inclusive political system. Good governance is vital to India. First, to hold the country together through flexible and pragmatic power-sharing arrangements that promote unity in diversity. Second, to provide the political-cum-legal infrastructure to backstop growth and prosperity that will absorb the world’s largest new pool of labour entering the economy each year. Third, to channel the world-beating creative and entrepreneurial aspirations of the newly empowered young consumer class. On May 14, in provincial election results, incumbent governments were swept away in four of five cases. In addition to Sonia Gandhi being the most powerful politician in the country, India will now have four women heads of state government responsible for the fate of 368 million people: 30 per cent of the country’s population. Two of the four state results are of national significance. In West Bengal, a Communist party in power for 34 years oversaw a stagnation with declining shares of manufacture, capital and intellect flight, and falling educational and health standards and services. In Tamil Nadu, the head of the state government had installed family members in the cabinet in the state and in New Delhi as a junior coalition in the Singh government. In effect, Tamil Nadu had become a family profit enterprise. The voters have thrown out both sets of *******. The much-hyped middle class may finally be consolidating as a political force to be reckoned with, especially in the urban centres. Educated and informed, it is starting to assert itself politically by exploiting the citizen’s levers in a free society, including the judiciary and a vigorously competitive electronic and print media. Rising prosperity of the growing middle class has given many Indians the means to travel abroad and evaluate domestic governance against international benchmarks. The more they experience public service, infrastructure and governance in Southeast Asia, Japan and the West, the less they will settle for inferior standards back home. Civil society — lawyers, human rights advocates, social activists — has maintained the demand for criminal accountability through the press, the political process and the justice system. In an increasingly networked world, it often joins forces with international counterparts to publicize, harass and otherwise exert pressure for a settling of accounts in India’s notoriously slow courts. India has an almost unmatched record of looking progress and prosperity directly in the eye, only to resolutely turn its back and walk off in the opposite direction. Recent developments suggest that winds of change may be blowing apart the unholy nexus of politics, big money and crime. [I]Ramesh Thakur is professor of international relations at Australian National University, and adjunct professor in the Institute of Ethics, Law and Governance, Griffith University.[/I] [B] source:[/B] [url]http://www.thestar.com/opinion/editorialopinion/article/994321--india-s-middle-class-asserts-itself[/url][/COLOR] [/QUOTE]
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