☀️ JOIN SPN MOBILE
Forums
New posts
Guru Granth Sahib
Composition, Arrangement & Layout
ਜਪੁ | Jup
ਸੋ ਦਰੁ | So Dar
ਸੋਹਿਲਾ | Sohilaa
ਰਾਗੁ ਸਿਰੀਰਾਗੁ | Raag Siree-Raag
Gurbani (14-53)
Ashtpadiyan (53-71)
Gurbani (71-74)
Pahre (74-78)
Chhant (78-81)
Vanjara (81-82)
Vaar Siri Raag (83-91)
Bhagat Bani (91-93)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਝ | Raag Maajh
Gurbani (94-109)
Ashtpadi (109)
Ashtpadiyan (110-129)
Ashtpadi (129-130)
Ashtpadiyan (130-133)
Bara Maha (133-136)
Din Raen (136-137)
Vaar Maajh Ki (137-150)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗਉੜੀ | Raag Gauree
Gurbani (151-185)
Quartets/Couplets (185-220)
Ashtpadiyan (220-234)
Karhalei (234-235)
Ashtpadiyan (235-242)
Chhant (242-249)
Baavan Akhari (250-262)
Sukhmani (262-296)
Thittee (296-300)
Gauree kii Vaar (300-323)
Gurbani (323-330)
Ashtpadiyan (330-340)
Baavan Akhari (340-343)
Thintteen (343-344)
Vaar Kabir (344-345)
Bhagat Bani (345-346)
ਰਾਗੁ ਆਸਾ | Raag Aasaa
Gurbani (347-348)
Chaupaday (348-364)
Panchpadde (364-365)
Kaafee (365-409)
Aasaavaree (409-411)
Ashtpadiyan (411-432)
Patee (432-435)
Chhant (435-462)
Vaar Aasaa (462-475)
Bhagat Bani (475-488)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗੂਜਰੀ | Raag Goojaree
Gurbani (489-503)
Ashtpadiyan (503-508)
Vaar Gujari (508-517)
Vaar Gujari (517-526)
ਰਾਗੁ ਦੇਵਗੰਧਾਰੀ | Raag Dayv-Gandhaaree
Gurbani (527-536)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਿਹਾਗੜਾ | Raag Bihaagraa
Gurbani (537-556)
Chhant (538-548)
Vaar Bihaagraa (548-556)
ਰਾਗੁ ਵਡਹੰਸ | Raag Wadhans
Gurbani (557-564)
Ashtpadiyan (564-565)
Chhant (565-575)
Ghoriaan (575-578)
Alaahaniiaa (578-582)
Vaar Wadhans (582-594)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸੋਰਠਿ | Raag Sorath
Gurbani (595-634)
Asatpadhiya (634-642)
Vaar Sorath (642-659)
ਰਾਗੁ ਧਨਾਸਰੀ | Raag Dhanasaree
Gurbani (660-685)
Astpadhiya (685-687)
Chhant (687-691)
Bhagat Bani (691-695)
ਰਾਗੁ ਜੈਤਸਰੀ | Raag Jaitsree
Gurbani (696-703)
Chhant (703-705)
Vaar Jaitsaree (705-710)
Bhagat Bani (710)
ਰਾਗੁ ਟੋਡੀ | Raag Todee
ਰਾਗੁ ਬੈਰਾੜੀ | Raag Bairaaree
ਰਾਗੁ ਤਿਲੰਗ | Raag Tilang
Gurbani (721-727)
Bhagat Bani (727)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸੂਹੀ | Raag Suhi
Gurbani (728-750)
Ashtpadiyan (750-761)
Kaafee (761-762)
Suchajee (762)
Gunvantee (763)
Chhant (763-785)
Vaar Soohee (785-792)
Bhagat Bani (792-794)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਿਲਾਵਲੁ | Raag Bilaaval
Gurbani (795-831)
Ashtpadiyan (831-838)
Thitteen (838-840)
Vaar Sat (841-843)
Chhant (843-848)
Vaar Bilaaval (849-855)
Bhagat Bani (855-858)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗੋਂਡ | Raag Gond
Gurbani (859-869)
Ashtpadiyan (869)
Bhagat Bani (870-875)
ਰਾਗੁ ਰਾਮਕਲੀ | Raag Ramkalee
Ashtpadiyan (902-916)
Gurbani (876-902)
Anand (917-922)
Sadd (923-924)
Chhant (924-929)
Dakhnee (929-938)
Sidh Gosat (938-946)
Vaar Ramkalee (947-968)
ਰਾਗੁ ਨਟ ਨਾਰਾਇਨ | Raag Nat Narayan
Gurbani (975-980)
Ashtpadiyan (980-983)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਲੀ ਗਉੜਾ | Raag Maalee Gauraa
Gurbani (984-988)
Bhagat Bani (988)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਰੂ | Raag Maaroo
Gurbani (889-1008)
Ashtpadiyan (1008-1014)
Kaafee (1014-1016)
Ashtpadiyan (1016-1019)
Anjulian (1019-1020)
Solhe (1020-1033)
Dakhni (1033-1043)
ਰਾਗੁ ਤੁਖਾਰੀ | Raag Tukhaari
Bara Maha (1107-1110)
Chhant (1110-1117)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕੇਦਾਰਾ | Raag Kedara
Gurbani (1118-1123)
Bhagat Bani (1123-1124)
ਰਾਗੁ ਭੈਰਉ | Raag Bhairo
Gurbani (1125-1152)
Partaal (1153)
Ashtpadiyan (1153-1167)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਸੰਤੁ | Raag Basant
Gurbani (1168-1187)
Ashtpadiyan (1187-1193)
Vaar Basant (1193-1196)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸਾਰਗ | Raag Saarag
Gurbani (1197-1200)
Partaal (1200-1231)
Ashtpadiyan (1232-1236)
Chhant (1236-1237)
Vaar Saarang (1237-1253)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਲਾਰ | Raag Malaar
Gurbani (1254-1293)
Partaal (1265-1273)
Ashtpadiyan (1273-1278)
Chhant (1278)
Vaar Malaar (1278-91)
Bhagat Bani (1292-93)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕਾਨੜਾ | Raag Kaanraa
Gurbani (1294-96)
Partaal (1296-1318)
Ashtpadiyan (1308-1312)
Chhant (1312)
Vaar Kaanraa
Bhagat Bani (1318)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕਲਿਆਨ | Raag Kalyaan
Gurbani (1319-23)
Ashtpadiyan (1323-26)
ਰਾਗੁ ਪ੍ਰਭਾਤੀ | Raag Prabhaatee
Gurbani (1327-1341)
Ashtpadiyan (1342-51)
ਰਾਗੁ ਜੈਜਾਵੰਤੀ | Raag Jaijaiwanti
Gurbani (1352-53)
Salok | Gatha | Phunahe | Chaubole | Swayiye
Sehskritee Mahala 1
Sehskritee Mahala 5
Gaathaa Mahala 5
Phunhay Mahala 5
Chaubolae Mahala 5
Shaloks Bhagat Kabir
Shaloks Sheikh Farid
Swaiyyae Mahala 5
Swaiyyae in Praise of Gurus
Shaloks in Addition To Vaars
Shalok Ninth Mehl
Mundavanee Mehl 5
ਰਾਗ ਮਾਲਾ, Raag Maalaa
What's new
New posts
New media
New media comments
New resources
Latest activity
Videos
New media
New comments
Library
Latest reviews
Donate
Log in
Register
What's new
New posts
Menu
Log in
Register
Install the app
Install
Welcome to all New Sikh Philosophy Network Forums!
Explore Sikh Sikhi Sikhism...
Sign up
Log in
Discussions
Hard Talk
Interviews
India Must Decide What It Is Rising For
JavaScript is disabled. For a better experience, please enable JavaScript in your browser before proceeding.
You are using an out of date browser. It may not display this or other websites correctly.
You should upgrade or use an
alternative browser
.
Reply to thread
Message
<blockquote data-quote="Archived_Member16" data-source="post: 137421" data-attributes="member: 884"><p><strong><span style="font-size: 18px"><span style="color: #002060">India Must Decide What It Is Rising For</span></span></strong></p><p> </p><p><u><span style="color: #002060">World Politics Review</span></u></p><p> </p><p><span style="color: #002060">Harsh V. Pant - </span><span style="color: #002060">22 Nov 2010 </span></p><p> </p><p><span style="color: #002060">U.S. President Barack Obama made a splash in India by announcing that Washington will back New Delhi's bid for a permanent seat on an expanded United Nations Security Council. It was a major policy shift that India has long clamored for and that the U.S. has long been reluctant to offer. As such, it warmed the hearts of Indian policymakers who have often viewed American support for the Security Council bid as a litmus test of the burgeoning U.S.-India partnership. </span></p><p> </p><p><span style="color: #002060">But in backing India's claim, Obama also raised some uncomfortable issues for Indian policymakers, making clear that Washington expects a newly empowered New Delhi to deal firmly with Iran and speak up on subjects like human rights violations in Myanmar. </span></p><p> </p><p><span style="color: #002060">That, in turn, speaks to a fundamental question that India has yet to answer. For all the talk of its rise in recent years, India has yet to define clearly what it stands for as an aspiring global power. Without that ideational mooring in place, India's claims to great power status are less likely to be seen as legitimate in the eyes of the world. Indian policymakers are increasingly coming to terms with their nation's rise, but there is still an absence of big ideas backed by political conviction to guide it. More worrisome still, there is also an intellectual vacuity in the debate on what being a great power means for India. When India was on the margins of world politics, it mattered little what India stood for. But now that India is rapidly assuming global stature, it needs to address the issue of the larger purpose behind its growing ambitions. India wants to rise, but what for? </span></p><p> </p><p><span style="color: #002060">This lack of strategic vision is exacerbated by certain aspects of India's political culture. Indian elites have a growing sense of their country as an emerging great power and an important player on the global stage. Yet the Indian state seems unable to fully leverage the opportunities presented by its economic rise. Policymaking in democracies -- especially a multi-ethnic one like India's -- is a complex, messy process, with inherent tensions often exacerbated by the demands of pursuing a great-power foreign policy. But India's polity displays an almost-paralytic fragmentation of authority, to the point where a sense of drift prevails on a range of crucial issues. Policy initiatives continue to be hampered by a highly fragmented and unstable political environment, with the result that larger issues confronting Indian foreign policy are often left unaddressed. </span></p><p> </p><p><span style="color: #002060">In The New Asian Hemisphere," Kishore Mahbubani makes a strong case for India's global leadership, asserting that India's "credentials as the world's largest democracy; its open, tolerant and inclusive culture; its unique geopolitical and cultural position as a bridge between East and West gives it a unique opportunity to provide the leadership for forging new forms of global governance . . . " Certainly, India's democratic political system will go a long way in allaying the apprehensions of the established powers, thus smoothing its rise to global prominence. But the real challenge lies in the domestic sphere, where the Indian state will have to succeed in overcoming the constraints that continue to inhibit the country's potential. </span></p><p> </p><p><span style="color: #002060">India has always wanted to be taken seriously. Now it would do well to remember the old adage, "Be careful what you wish for; it may come true." For if India succeeds in achieving its great-power ambitions, the transition is not going to be easy, and will take place in full view of a global audience. That means that everyone will be listening when New Delhi speaks -- or can't figure out what to say -- and watching when it acts. They will also care about what Indian policymakers decide to do, and even more so if India does become a permanent member of the Security Council, where it would have to bite the bullet and take positions on a range of critical issues. Given the fragility of its domestic politics, India might find that harder to accomplish than many anticipate. It's not surprising, then, that some observers wonder if India isn't better off not being a permanent council member.</span></p><p> </p><p><span style="color: #002060">Obama's endorsement of India's candidacy, and before that, in last month's election to the Security Council as a non-permanent member, do indeed represent recognition of India's credentials as a major global power. But India still needs to convince the world that it has a legitimate claim to a permanent seat on the council. Now in the spotlight, India will find its actions on critical global issues --including Iran, Israel-Palestine, Sudan, North Korea and Myanmar -- subjected to close and critical scrutiny. As a result, India will be forced to jettison its old foreign-policy assumptions and strike a delicate balance between the pursuit of its narrow national interest and its responsibility as a rising power to help maintain global peace and stability. New Delhi won't be able to please everyone, as solving the world's problems often involves making difficult choices -- and at times picking winners and losers. Merely suggesting, as India's foreign minister recently did, that India will be the "voice of moderation and constructive engagement" won't suffice. </span></p><p> </p><p><span style="color: #002060">For all the euphoria in India surrounding Obama's announcement, New Delhi still must answer these difficult questions if it wishes to continue its ascent in the global hierarchy.</span></p><p> </p><p><span style="color: #002060"><span style="font-size: 10px"><em>Harsh V. Pant teaches at King's College London in the Department of Defense Studies. He is also an associate with the King's Centre for Science and Security Studies and an affiliate with the King's India Institute. His current research is focused on Asia-Pacific security and defense issues.</em></span></span></p><p> </p><p><strong><span style="color: #002060">source: </span></strong></p><p><a href="http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/print/7098" target="_blank"><u><span style="color: #002060">http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/print/7098</span></u></a></p></blockquote><p></p>
[QUOTE="Archived_Member16, post: 137421, member: 884"] [B][SIZE=5][COLOR=#002060]India Must Decide What It Is Rising For[/COLOR][/SIZE][/B] [U][COLOR=#002060]World Politics Review[/COLOR][/U] [COLOR=#002060]Harsh V. Pant - [/COLOR][COLOR=#002060]22 Nov 2010 [/COLOR] [COLOR=#002060]U.S. President Barack Obama made a splash in India by announcing that Washington will back New Delhi's bid for a permanent seat on an expanded United Nations Security Council. It was a major policy shift that India has long clamored for and that the U.S. has long been reluctant to offer. As such, it warmed the hearts of Indian policymakers who have often viewed American support for the Security Council bid as a litmus test of the burgeoning U.S.-India partnership. [/COLOR] [COLOR=#002060]But in backing India's claim, Obama also raised some uncomfortable issues for Indian policymakers, making clear that Washington expects a newly empowered New Delhi to deal firmly with Iran and speak up on subjects like human rights violations in Myanmar. [/COLOR] [COLOR=#002060]That, in turn, speaks to a fundamental question that India has yet to answer. For all the talk of its rise in recent years, India has yet to define clearly what it stands for as an aspiring global power. Without that ideational mooring in place, India's claims to great power status are less likely to be seen as legitimate in the eyes of the world. Indian policymakers are increasingly coming to terms with their nation's rise, but there is still an absence of big ideas backed by political conviction to guide it. More worrisome still, there is also an intellectual vacuity in the debate on what being a great power means for India. When India was on the margins of world politics, it mattered little what India stood for. But now that India is rapidly assuming global stature, it needs to address the issue of the larger purpose behind its growing ambitions. India wants to rise, but what for? [/COLOR] [COLOR=#002060]This lack of strategic vision is exacerbated by certain aspects of India's political culture. Indian elites have a growing sense of their country as an emerging great power and an important player on the global stage. Yet the Indian state seems unable to fully leverage the opportunities presented by its economic rise. Policymaking in democracies -- especially a multi-ethnic one like India's -- is a complex, messy process, with inherent tensions often exacerbated by the demands of pursuing a great-power foreign policy. But India's polity displays an almost-paralytic fragmentation of authority, to the point where a sense of drift prevails on a range of crucial issues. Policy initiatives continue to be hampered by a highly fragmented and unstable political environment, with the result that larger issues confronting Indian foreign policy are often left unaddressed. [/COLOR] [COLOR=#002060]In The New Asian Hemisphere," Kishore Mahbubani makes a strong case for India's global leadership, asserting that India's "credentials as the world's largest democracy; its open, tolerant and inclusive culture; its unique geopolitical and cultural position as a bridge between East and West gives it a unique opportunity to provide the leadership for forging new forms of global governance . . . " Certainly, India's democratic political system will go a long way in allaying the apprehensions of the established powers, thus smoothing its rise to global prominence. But the real challenge lies in the domestic sphere, where the Indian state will have to succeed in overcoming the constraints that continue to inhibit the country's potential. [/COLOR] [COLOR=#002060]India has always wanted to be taken seriously. Now it would do well to remember the old adage, "Be careful what you wish for; it may come true." For if India succeeds in achieving its great-power ambitions, the transition is not going to be easy, and will take place in full view of a global audience. That means that everyone will be listening when New Delhi speaks -- or can't figure out what to say -- and watching when it acts. They will also care about what Indian policymakers decide to do, and even more so if India does become a permanent member of the Security Council, where it would have to bite the bullet and take positions on a range of critical issues. Given the fragility of its domestic politics, India might find that harder to accomplish than many anticipate. It's not surprising, then, that some observers wonder if India isn't better off not being a permanent council member.[/COLOR] [COLOR=#002060]Obama's endorsement of India's candidacy, and before that, in last month's election to the Security Council as a non-permanent member, do indeed represent recognition of India's credentials as a major global power. But India still needs to convince the world that it has a legitimate claim to a permanent seat on the council. Now in the spotlight, India will find its actions on critical global issues --including Iran, Israel-Palestine, Sudan, North Korea and Myanmar -- subjected to close and critical scrutiny. As a result, India will be forced to jettison its old foreign-policy assumptions and strike a delicate balance between the pursuit of its narrow national interest and its responsibility as a rising power to help maintain global peace and stability. New Delhi won't be able to please everyone, as solving the world's problems often involves making difficult choices -- and at times picking winners and losers. Merely suggesting, as India's foreign minister recently did, that India will be the "voice of moderation and constructive engagement" won't suffice. [/COLOR] [COLOR=#002060]For all the euphoria in India surrounding Obama's announcement, New Delhi still must answer these difficult questions if it wishes to continue its ascent in the global hierarchy.[/COLOR] [COLOR=#002060][SIZE=2][I]Harsh V. Pant teaches at King's College London in the Department of Defense Studies. He is also an associate with the King's Centre for Science and Security Studies and an affiliate with the King's India Institute. His current research is focused on Asia-Pacific security and defense issues.[/I][/SIZE][/COLOR] [B][COLOR=#002060]source: [/COLOR][/B] [URL="http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/print/7098"][U][COLOR=#002060]http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/print/7098[/COLOR][/U][/URL] [/QUOTE]
Insert quotes…
Verification
Post reply
Discussions
Hard Talk
Interviews
India Must Decide What It Is Rising For
This site uses cookies to help personalise content, tailor your experience and to keep you logged in if you register.
By continuing to use this site, you are consenting to our use of cookies.
Accept
Learn more…
Top