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Guru Granth Sahib
Composition, Arrangement & Layout
ਜਪੁ | Jup
ਸੋ ਦਰੁ | So Dar
ਸੋਹਿਲਾ | Sohilaa
ਰਾਗੁ ਸਿਰੀਰਾਗੁ | Raag Siree-Raag
Gurbani (14-53)
Ashtpadiyan (53-71)
Gurbani (71-74)
Pahre (74-78)
Chhant (78-81)
Vanjara (81-82)
Vaar Siri Raag (83-91)
Bhagat Bani (91-93)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਝ | Raag Maajh
Gurbani (94-109)
Ashtpadi (109)
Ashtpadiyan (110-129)
Ashtpadi (129-130)
Ashtpadiyan (130-133)
Bara Maha (133-136)
Din Raen (136-137)
Vaar Maajh Ki (137-150)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗਉੜੀ | Raag Gauree
Gurbani (151-185)
Quartets/Couplets (185-220)
Ashtpadiyan (220-234)
Karhalei (234-235)
Ashtpadiyan (235-242)
Chhant (242-249)
Baavan Akhari (250-262)
Sukhmani (262-296)
Thittee (296-300)
Gauree kii Vaar (300-323)
Gurbani (323-330)
Ashtpadiyan (330-340)
Baavan Akhari (340-343)
Thintteen (343-344)
Vaar Kabir (344-345)
Bhagat Bani (345-346)
ਰਾਗੁ ਆਸਾ | Raag Aasaa
Gurbani (347-348)
Chaupaday (348-364)
Panchpadde (364-365)
Kaafee (365-409)
Aasaavaree (409-411)
Ashtpadiyan (411-432)
Patee (432-435)
Chhant (435-462)
Vaar Aasaa (462-475)
Bhagat Bani (475-488)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗੂਜਰੀ | Raag Goojaree
Gurbani (489-503)
Ashtpadiyan (503-508)
Vaar Gujari (508-517)
Vaar Gujari (517-526)
ਰਾਗੁ ਦੇਵਗੰਧਾਰੀ | Raag Dayv-Gandhaaree
Gurbani (527-536)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਿਹਾਗੜਾ | Raag Bihaagraa
Gurbani (537-556)
Chhant (538-548)
Vaar Bihaagraa (548-556)
ਰਾਗੁ ਵਡਹੰਸ | Raag Wadhans
Gurbani (557-564)
Ashtpadiyan (564-565)
Chhant (565-575)
Ghoriaan (575-578)
Alaahaniiaa (578-582)
Vaar Wadhans (582-594)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸੋਰਠਿ | Raag Sorath
Gurbani (595-634)
Asatpadhiya (634-642)
Vaar Sorath (642-659)
ਰਾਗੁ ਧਨਾਸਰੀ | Raag Dhanasaree
Gurbani (660-685)
Astpadhiya (685-687)
Chhant (687-691)
Bhagat Bani (691-695)
ਰਾਗੁ ਜੈਤਸਰੀ | Raag Jaitsree
Gurbani (696-703)
Chhant (703-705)
Vaar Jaitsaree (705-710)
Bhagat Bani (710)
ਰਾਗੁ ਟੋਡੀ | Raag Todee
ਰਾਗੁ ਬੈਰਾੜੀ | Raag Bairaaree
ਰਾਗੁ ਤਿਲੰਗ | Raag Tilang
Gurbani (721-727)
Bhagat Bani (727)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸੂਹੀ | Raag Suhi
Gurbani (728-750)
Ashtpadiyan (750-761)
Kaafee (761-762)
Suchajee (762)
Gunvantee (763)
Chhant (763-785)
Vaar Soohee (785-792)
Bhagat Bani (792-794)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਿਲਾਵਲੁ | Raag Bilaaval
Gurbani (795-831)
Ashtpadiyan (831-838)
Thitteen (838-840)
Vaar Sat (841-843)
Chhant (843-848)
Vaar Bilaaval (849-855)
Bhagat Bani (855-858)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗੋਂਡ | Raag Gond
Gurbani (859-869)
Ashtpadiyan (869)
Bhagat Bani (870-875)
ਰਾਗੁ ਰਾਮਕਲੀ | Raag Ramkalee
Ashtpadiyan (902-916)
Gurbani (876-902)
Anand (917-922)
Sadd (923-924)
Chhant (924-929)
Dakhnee (929-938)
Sidh Gosat (938-946)
Vaar Ramkalee (947-968)
ਰਾਗੁ ਨਟ ਨਾਰਾਇਨ | Raag Nat Narayan
Gurbani (975-980)
Ashtpadiyan (980-983)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਲੀ ਗਉੜਾ | Raag Maalee Gauraa
Gurbani (984-988)
Bhagat Bani (988)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਰੂ | Raag Maaroo
Gurbani (889-1008)
Ashtpadiyan (1008-1014)
Kaafee (1014-1016)
Ashtpadiyan (1016-1019)
Anjulian (1019-1020)
Solhe (1020-1033)
Dakhni (1033-1043)
ਰਾਗੁ ਤੁਖਾਰੀ | Raag Tukhaari
Bara Maha (1107-1110)
Chhant (1110-1117)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕੇਦਾਰਾ | Raag Kedara
Gurbani (1118-1123)
Bhagat Bani (1123-1124)
ਰਾਗੁ ਭੈਰਉ | Raag Bhairo
Gurbani (1125-1152)
Partaal (1153)
Ashtpadiyan (1153-1167)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਸੰਤੁ | Raag Basant
Gurbani (1168-1187)
Ashtpadiyan (1187-1193)
Vaar Basant (1193-1196)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸਾਰਗ | Raag Saarag
Gurbani (1197-1200)
Partaal (1200-1231)
Ashtpadiyan (1232-1236)
Chhant (1236-1237)
Vaar Saarang (1237-1253)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਲਾਰ | Raag Malaar
Gurbani (1254-1293)
Partaal (1265-1273)
Ashtpadiyan (1273-1278)
Chhant (1278)
Vaar Malaar (1278-91)
Bhagat Bani (1292-93)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕਾਨੜਾ | Raag Kaanraa
Gurbani (1294-96)
Partaal (1296-1318)
Ashtpadiyan (1308-1312)
Chhant (1312)
Vaar Kaanraa
Bhagat Bani (1318)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕਲਿਆਨ | Raag Kalyaan
Gurbani (1319-23)
Ashtpadiyan (1323-26)
ਰਾਗੁ ਪ੍ਰਭਾਤੀ | Raag Prabhaatee
Gurbani (1327-1341)
Ashtpadiyan (1342-51)
ਰਾਗੁ ਜੈਜਾਵੰਤੀ | Raag Jaijaiwanti
Gurbani (1352-53)
Salok | Gatha | Phunahe | Chaubole | Swayiye
Sehskritee Mahala 1
Sehskritee Mahala 5
Gaathaa Mahala 5
Phunhay Mahala 5
Chaubolae Mahala 5
Shaloks Bhagat Kabir
Shaloks Sheikh Farid
Swaiyyae Mahala 5
Swaiyyae in Praise of Gurus
Shaloks in Addition To Vaars
Shalok Ninth Mehl
Mundavanee Mehl 5
ਰਾਗ ਮਾਲਾ, Raag Maalaa
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Discussions
Interfaith Dialogues
Free Speech Must Be Balanced Against The Rights Of Others
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<blockquote data-quote="Admin" data-source="post: 118832" data-attributes="member: 1"><p>America.gov asked five experts including Maha Elgenaidi: Is it possible to protect religious freedom without limiting free speech?</p><p></p><p>By Maha Elgenaidi, Executive Director and President</p><p>Islamic Networks Group</p><p></p><p>The First Amendment of the Constitution states: “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech … ,” thereby binding together these two important concepts in the consciousness of its citizens, and in many ways differentiating the United States from other nations. Both freedoms have been challenged in the brief history of the United States, but both concepts have prevailed in the long term, reflecting an underlying assumption that to limit either would be more detrimental than any possible challenges arising from their application.</p><p></p><p>Yet the question arises: Is there ever a circumstance that would warrant the curtailing of free speech to ensure religious freedom?</p><p></p><p>One finds that even under the Constitution, there are limits that balance one’s right to free speech against the rights of others, including limits on “the lewd and obscene, the profane, the libelous, and the insulting or ‘fighting’ words — those which by their very utterance inflicted injury or tend to incite an immediate breach of the peace.” (Chaplinsky v. New Hampshire (1942)) For example, the U.S. Supreme Court has taken the position that states can constitutionally ban acts such as cross burnings, which, it can be argued, are an expression of “free speech.”</p><p></p><p>One can point to episodes when unfettered free speech allowed the spread of toxic ideas with horrifying results. In perhaps the most notorious example, Nazi Germany made extensive use of hate speech and virulent propaganda. Even in the United States, we witnessed the impact of anti-Japanese vitriol within our borders during World War II. Violations against humanity do not happen in a vacuum, but are often preceded by a slow and insidious program of hatred advanced by the spoken or written word.</p><p></p><p>Today, in light of recent events in the United States and ongoing conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan, the political climate has put a new group of people at risk — Muslims in the West, who since 9/11 have been a target of increased discrimination, harassment and hate crimes. In the aftermath of the tragic Ft. Hood attacks and the Christmas Day attempted airline bombing, reports of mosque vandalism, hate crimes and other incidents have soared. In this context, the freedom to denigrate another’s religion is no longer a purely legal issue, but takes on other dimensions. It has been noted that an important precursor to genocide is the denigration and dehumanization of the target group, which prepares the public for the suspension of its rights.</p><p></p><p>As the U.S. Transportation Security Administration (TSA) implements actions that are viewed by some as ethnic profiling at airports, it is not a great leap to envision curtailment of civil liberties and an increase in hate crimes and other incidents against Muslims.</p><p></p><p>The question then arises, are we willing to risk harm to others for an absolute interpretation of an important principle? There is no simple answer, but it is important to note that even under the Constitution, the right to free speech is not absolute, but must be balanced against the rights of others and the welfare of the general public.</p><p></p><p>In the spirit of positive change, we urge people of all faiths and backgrounds to view this issue, not as a reason to divide us, but as an opportunity for dialogue, understanding and bridge building.</p><p></p><p>Islamic Networks Group (ING) is an educational outreach organization based in the San Francisco Bay Area with affiliates throughout the United States. Founded in 1993, ING promotes interfaith dialogues and education about world religions.</p><p></p><p>Elgenaidi has spoken to hundreds of schools, churches, synagogues, police departments, corporations and public agencies. She has appeared on numerous television and radio programs and is the author of seven training handbooks on outreach for American Muslims as well as eight training modules for public institutions on “developing cultural competency with the American Muslim community.”</p><p></p><p>Elgenaidi has been recognized with numerous civil rights awards, including the “Civil Rights Leadership Award” from the California Association of Human Relations Organizations, and the “Citizen of the Year Award” from the Santa Clara County Board of Supervisors. She received her Bachelor of Arts degree in political science and economics from the American University in Cairo. Elgenaidi is married and lives in Santa Clara, California.</p><p></p><p>The opinions expressed in this article do not necessarily reflect the views or policies of the U.S. government. For a U.S. official’s view see Promoting Respect for Religious Differences.</p></blockquote><p></p>
[QUOTE="Admin, post: 118832, member: 1"] America.gov asked five experts including Maha Elgenaidi: Is it possible to protect religious freedom without limiting free speech? By Maha Elgenaidi, Executive Director and President Islamic Networks Group The First Amendment of the Constitution states: “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech … ,” thereby binding together these two important concepts in the consciousness of its citizens, and in many ways differentiating the United States from other nations. Both freedoms have been challenged in the brief history of the United States, but both concepts have prevailed in the long term, reflecting an underlying assumption that to limit either would be more detrimental than any possible challenges arising from their application. Yet the question arises: Is there ever a circumstance that would warrant the curtailing of free speech to ensure religious freedom? One finds that even under the Constitution, there are limits that balance one’s right to free speech against the rights of others, including limits on “the lewd and obscene, the profane, the libelous, and the insulting or ‘fighting’ words — those which by their very utterance inflicted injury or tend to incite an immediate breach of the peace.” (Chaplinsky v. New Hampshire (1942)) For example, the U.S. Supreme Court has taken the position that states can constitutionally ban acts such as cross burnings, which, it can be argued, are an expression of “free speech.” One can point to episodes when unfettered free speech allowed the spread of toxic ideas with horrifying results. In perhaps the most notorious example, Nazi Germany made extensive use of hate speech and virulent propaganda. Even in the United States, we witnessed the impact of anti-Japanese vitriol within our borders during World War II. Violations against humanity do not happen in a vacuum, but are often preceded by a slow and insidious program of hatred advanced by the spoken or written word. Today, in light of recent events in the United States and ongoing conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan, the political climate has put a new group of people at risk — Muslims in the West, who since 9/11 have been a target of increased discrimination, harassment and hate crimes. In the aftermath of the tragic Ft. Hood attacks and the Christmas Day attempted airline bombing, reports of mosque vandalism, hate crimes and other incidents have soared. In this context, the freedom to denigrate another’s religion is no longer a purely legal issue, but takes on other dimensions. It has been noted that an important precursor to genocide is the denigration and dehumanization of the target group, which prepares the public for the suspension of its rights. As the U.S. Transportation Security Administration (TSA) implements actions that are viewed by some as ethnic profiling at airports, it is not a great leap to envision curtailment of civil liberties and an increase in hate crimes and other incidents against Muslims. The question then arises, are we willing to risk harm to others for an absolute interpretation of an important principle? There is no simple answer, but it is important to note that even under the Constitution, the right to free speech is not absolute, but must be balanced against the rights of others and the welfare of the general public. In the spirit of positive change, we urge people of all faiths and backgrounds to view this issue, not as a reason to divide us, but as an opportunity for dialogue, understanding and bridge building. Islamic Networks Group (ING) is an educational outreach organization based in the San Francisco Bay Area with affiliates throughout the United States. Founded in 1993, ING promotes interfaith dialogues and education about world religions. Elgenaidi has spoken to hundreds of schools, churches, synagogues, police departments, corporations and public agencies. She has appeared on numerous television and radio programs and is the author of seven training handbooks on outreach for American Muslims as well as eight training modules for public institutions on “developing cultural competency with the American Muslim community.” Elgenaidi has been recognized with numerous civil rights awards, including the “Civil Rights Leadership Award” from the California Association of Human Relations Organizations, and the “Citizen of the Year Award” from the Santa Clara County Board of Supervisors. She received her Bachelor of Arts degree in political science and economics from the American University in Cairo. Elgenaidi is married and lives in Santa Clara, California. The opinions expressed in this article do not necessarily reflect the views or policies of the U.S. government. For a U.S. official’s view see Promoting Respect for Religious Differences. [/QUOTE]
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Free Speech Must Be Balanced Against The Rights Of Others
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