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Guru Granth Sahib
Composition, Arrangement & Layout
ਜਪੁ | Jup
ਸੋ ਦਰੁ | So Dar
ਸੋਹਿਲਾ | Sohilaa
ਰਾਗੁ ਸਿਰੀਰਾਗੁ | Raag Siree-Raag
Gurbani (14-53)
Ashtpadiyan (53-71)
Gurbani (71-74)
Pahre (74-78)
Chhant (78-81)
Vanjara (81-82)
Vaar Siri Raag (83-91)
Bhagat Bani (91-93)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਝ | Raag Maajh
Gurbani (94-109)
Ashtpadi (109)
Ashtpadiyan (110-129)
Ashtpadi (129-130)
Ashtpadiyan (130-133)
Bara Maha (133-136)
Din Raen (136-137)
Vaar Maajh Ki (137-150)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗਉੜੀ | Raag Gauree
Gurbani (151-185)
Quartets/Couplets (185-220)
Ashtpadiyan (220-234)
Karhalei (234-235)
Ashtpadiyan (235-242)
Chhant (242-249)
Baavan Akhari (250-262)
Sukhmani (262-296)
Thittee (296-300)
Gauree kii Vaar (300-323)
Gurbani (323-330)
Ashtpadiyan (330-340)
Baavan Akhari (340-343)
Thintteen (343-344)
Vaar Kabir (344-345)
Bhagat Bani (345-346)
ਰਾਗੁ ਆਸਾ | Raag Aasaa
Gurbani (347-348)
Chaupaday (348-364)
Panchpadde (364-365)
Kaafee (365-409)
Aasaavaree (409-411)
Ashtpadiyan (411-432)
Patee (432-435)
Chhant (435-462)
Vaar Aasaa (462-475)
Bhagat Bani (475-488)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗੂਜਰੀ | Raag Goojaree
Gurbani (489-503)
Ashtpadiyan (503-508)
Vaar Gujari (508-517)
Vaar Gujari (517-526)
ਰਾਗੁ ਦੇਵਗੰਧਾਰੀ | Raag Dayv-Gandhaaree
Gurbani (527-536)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਿਹਾਗੜਾ | Raag Bihaagraa
Gurbani (537-556)
Chhant (538-548)
Vaar Bihaagraa (548-556)
ਰਾਗੁ ਵਡਹੰਸ | Raag Wadhans
Gurbani (557-564)
Ashtpadiyan (564-565)
Chhant (565-575)
Ghoriaan (575-578)
Alaahaniiaa (578-582)
Vaar Wadhans (582-594)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸੋਰਠਿ | Raag Sorath
Gurbani (595-634)
Asatpadhiya (634-642)
Vaar Sorath (642-659)
ਰਾਗੁ ਧਨਾਸਰੀ | Raag Dhanasaree
Gurbani (660-685)
Astpadhiya (685-687)
Chhant (687-691)
Bhagat Bani (691-695)
ਰਾਗੁ ਜੈਤਸਰੀ | Raag Jaitsree
Gurbani (696-703)
Chhant (703-705)
Vaar Jaitsaree (705-710)
Bhagat Bani (710)
ਰਾਗੁ ਟੋਡੀ | Raag Todee
ਰਾਗੁ ਬੈਰਾੜੀ | Raag Bairaaree
ਰਾਗੁ ਤਿਲੰਗ | Raag Tilang
Gurbani (721-727)
Bhagat Bani (727)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸੂਹੀ | Raag Suhi
Gurbani (728-750)
Ashtpadiyan (750-761)
Kaafee (761-762)
Suchajee (762)
Gunvantee (763)
Chhant (763-785)
Vaar Soohee (785-792)
Bhagat Bani (792-794)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਿਲਾਵਲੁ | Raag Bilaaval
Gurbani (795-831)
Ashtpadiyan (831-838)
Thitteen (838-840)
Vaar Sat (841-843)
Chhant (843-848)
Vaar Bilaaval (849-855)
Bhagat Bani (855-858)
ਰਾਗੁ ਗੋਂਡ | Raag Gond
Gurbani (859-869)
Ashtpadiyan (869)
Bhagat Bani (870-875)
ਰਾਗੁ ਰਾਮਕਲੀ | Raag Ramkalee
Ashtpadiyan (902-916)
Gurbani (876-902)
Anand (917-922)
Sadd (923-924)
Chhant (924-929)
Dakhnee (929-938)
Sidh Gosat (938-946)
Vaar Ramkalee (947-968)
ਰਾਗੁ ਨਟ ਨਾਰਾਇਨ | Raag Nat Narayan
Gurbani (975-980)
Ashtpadiyan (980-983)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਲੀ ਗਉੜਾ | Raag Maalee Gauraa
Gurbani (984-988)
Bhagat Bani (988)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਾਰੂ | Raag Maaroo
Gurbani (889-1008)
Ashtpadiyan (1008-1014)
Kaafee (1014-1016)
Ashtpadiyan (1016-1019)
Anjulian (1019-1020)
Solhe (1020-1033)
Dakhni (1033-1043)
ਰਾਗੁ ਤੁਖਾਰੀ | Raag Tukhaari
Bara Maha (1107-1110)
Chhant (1110-1117)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕੇਦਾਰਾ | Raag Kedara
Gurbani (1118-1123)
Bhagat Bani (1123-1124)
ਰਾਗੁ ਭੈਰਉ | Raag Bhairo
Gurbani (1125-1152)
Partaal (1153)
Ashtpadiyan (1153-1167)
ਰਾਗੁ ਬਸੰਤੁ | Raag Basant
Gurbani (1168-1187)
Ashtpadiyan (1187-1193)
Vaar Basant (1193-1196)
ਰਾਗੁ ਸਾਰਗ | Raag Saarag
Gurbani (1197-1200)
Partaal (1200-1231)
Ashtpadiyan (1232-1236)
Chhant (1236-1237)
Vaar Saarang (1237-1253)
ਰਾਗੁ ਮਲਾਰ | Raag Malaar
Gurbani (1254-1293)
Partaal (1265-1273)
Ashtpadiyan (1273-1278)
Chhant (1278)
Vaar Malaar (1278-91)
Bhagat Bani (1292-93)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕਾਨੜਾ | Raag Kaanraa
Gurbani (1294-96)
Partaal (1296-1318)
Ashtpadiyan (1308-1312)
Chhant (1312)
Vaar Kaanraa
Bhagat Bani (1318)
ਰਾਗੁ ਕਲਿਆਨ | Raag Kalyaan
Gurbani (1319-23)
Ashtpadiyan (1323-26)
ਰਾਗੁ ਪ੍ਰਭਾਤੀ | Raag Prabhaatee
Gurbani (1327-1341)
Ashtpadiyan (1342-51)
ਰਾਗੁ ਜੈਜਾਵੰਤੀ | Raag Jaijaiwanti
Gurbani (1352-53)
Salok | Gatha | Phunahe | Chaubole | Swayiye
Sehskritee Mahala 1
Sehskritee Mahala 5
Gaathaa Mahala 5
Phunhay Mahala 5
Chaubolae Mahala 5
Shaloks Bhagat Kabir
Shaloks Sheikh Farid
Swaiyyae Mahala 5
Swaiyyae in Praise of Gurus
Shaloks in Addition To Vaars
Shalok Ninth Mehl
Mundavanee Mehl 5
ਰਾਗ ਮਾਲਾ, Raag Maalaa
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Building In Gadhafi Compound Possibly Struck By Cruise Missles
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<blockquote data-quote="Archived_Member16" data-source="post: 144120" data-attributes="member: 884"><p><span style="color: Navy"><strong><span style="font-size: 18px">UN breathes life into‘responsibility to protect’</span></strong></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">March 21, 2011</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">Ramesh Thakur - Toronto Star</span></p><p> <span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p> <span style="color: Navy"><img src="http://media.thestar.topscms.com/images/a1/7a/a2288aa54c0fa3e5b8ef4fc6d586.jpeg" alt="" class="fr-fic fr-dii fr-draggable " style="" /></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"><span style="color: Red">Doctors in besieged Benghazi called for a no-fly zone earlier this month.</span></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"><span style="color: Red"></span></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"><span style="color: Red">ROBERTO SCHMIDT/AFP/GETTY IMAGES</span></span></p><p> <span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">On March 17, Security Council Resolution 1973 authorized the use of “all necessary measures” short of an invasion and occupation of Libya “to protect civilians and civilian-populated areas” — the first UN-sanctioned combat operations since the 1991 Gulf War.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">Resolution 1973 was passed by a 10-0 vote within 24 hours of being introduced, contrary to prevailing expectations that the moment for action had passed and the world once again had watched haplessly from the sidelines. An international military coalition has destroyed Libya’s air defence system, targeted tanks, established a naval blockade and is patrolling Libya’s skies to enforce the no-fly and no-drive zones.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">The game-changer was the juxtaposition of R2P as a powerful new galvanizing norm; the mass defection of Libyan diplomats who joined the chorus of calls for prompt and effective action to protect Libyan civilians, oust Moammar Gadhafi and promote democratic reforms; and the request for a no-fly zone by the Arab League on March 12.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">The key decision in Washington was made by President Barack Obama at a contentious meeting of top officials in the White House on March 15. The balance shifted in favour of military action when Hillary Clinton phoned in, influenced by what she was seeing and hearing in the region.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">There are many risks and dangers. The military operations could prove inconclusive, inflaming the region still further. Obama’s pivot from non-intervention suggests that U.S. policy is reactive, not strategic. There are inconsistencies in the muted response to protests and uprisings in Bahrain and Saudi Arabia, where vital U.S. geopolitical and oil interests are directly engaged.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">While these are “unknown unknowns,” in Donald Rumsfeld’s memorable phrase, the risks of no action were “known knowns.” Gadhafi would have prevailed and embarked on a methodical killing spree of rebel leaders, cities and regions. The recapture of Benghazi would have marked the end of the rebellion against Gadhafi’s rule. Instead, the UN-mandated intervention may mark the beginning of the end for him.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">Resolution 1973 marks the first military implementation of the doctrine of “responsibility to protect” (R2P). Had the international community shirked this responsibility, Libya could have become R2P’s graveyard.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">In the old world order, international politics, like all politics, was a struggle for power. The new international politics will be about the struggle for the ascendancy of competing normative architectures based on a combination of power, values and ideas.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">The UN exists to bring about a world where fear is changed to hope, want gives way to dignity, and apprehensions are turned into aspirations.</span></p><p> <span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">In the words of the late secretary-general Dag Hammarskjöld, the UN was “not created in order to bring us to heaven, but to save us from hell.” Failures in Africa and the Balkans in the 1990s reflected structural, political and operational deficiencies that accounted for its inability to save people from a life of hell on earth.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">For 350 years — from the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648 until 1998 — sovereignty functioned as institutionalized indifference. R2P responds to the idealized UN as the symbol of an imagined and constructed community of strangers: We are our brothers’ and sisters’ keepers.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">R2P gave Obama the necessary intellectual and normative tool to act. His decision to reject the traditional, realpolitik definition of U.S. interests in favour of an alternative, values-accommodating definition of the Libyan crisis was closer to his instincts and consistent with the narrative that won him the White House.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">The Arab League initiative and strong Franco-British urgings gave him the requisite political cover and international legitimacy. In Iraq in 2003, Washington did all the pushing but doors stayed firmly shut in most capitals. It does little harm to Washington today to be seen as the reluctant follower rather than the ardent suitor for military intervention in Libya.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">Resolution 1973 makes it clear that this military action is about protecting Libya’s civilian population from attacks by its own government and not concerned with occupying or dismembering the country. Any final settlement of the conflict must be political, not military. Thus Libya is not Iraq nor even Afghanistan. The international community is as sensitive as Americans to fears of western occupation of yet another Muslim country.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has been impressively firm and consistent on R2P, leading from the front. He noted that “Resolution 1973 affirms, clearly and unequivocally, the international community’s determination to fulfill its responsibility to protect civilians from violence perpetrated upon them by their own government.”</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy">R2P is coming closer to being solidified as an actionable norm.</span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"><em>Ramesh Thakur, a professor of political science at the University of Waterloo, was an R2P Commissioner and a principal author of its report. His most recent book is The Responsibility to Protect: Norms, Laws and the Use of Force in International Politics. </em></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"><strong> </strong></span></p><p><span style="color: Navy"><strong>source:</strong> <a href="http://www.thestar.com/opinion/editorialopinion/article/957664--un-breathes-life-into-responsibility-to-protect" target="_blank">http://www.thestar.com/opinion/editorialopinion/article/957664--un-breathes-life-into-responsibility-to-protect</a></span></p></blockquote><p></p>
[QUOTE="Archived_Member16, post: 144120, member: 884"] [COLOR="Navy"][B][SIZE="5"]UN breathes life into‘responsibility to protect’[/SIZE][/B] March 21, 2011 Ramesh Thakur - Toronto Star [IMG]http://media.thestar.topscms.com/images/a1/7a/a2288aa54c0fa3e5b8ef4fc6d586.jpeg[/IMG] [COLOR="Red"]Doctors in besieged Benghazi called for a no-fly zone earlier this month. ROBERTO SCHMIDT/AFP/GETTY IMAGES[/COLOR] On March 17, Security Council Resolution 1973 authorized the use of “all necessary measures” short of an invasion and occupation of Libya “to protect civilians and civilian-populated areas” — the first UN-sanctioned combat operations since the 1991 Gulf War. Resolution 1973 was passed by a 10-0 vote within 24 hours of being introduced, contrary to prevailing expectations that the moment for action had passed and the world once again had watched haplessly from the sidelines. An international military coalition has destroyed Libya’s air defence system, targeted tanks, established a naval blockade and is patrolling Libya’s skies to enforce the no-fly and no-drive zones. The game-changer was the juxtaposition of R2P as a powerful new galvanizing norm; the mass defection of Libyan diplomats who joined the chorus of calls for prompt and effective action to protect Libyan civilians, oust Moammar Gadhafi and promote democratic reforms; and the request for a no-fly zone by the Arab League on March 12. The key decision in Washington was made by President Barack Obama at a contentious meeting of top officials in the White House on March 15. The balance shifted in favour of military action when Hillary Clinton phoned in, influenced by what she was seeing and hearing in the region. There are many risks and dangers. The military operations could prove inconclusive, inflaming the region still further. Obama’s pivot from non-intervention suggests that U.S. policy is reactive, not strategic. There are inconsistencies in the muted response to protests and uprisings in Bahrain and Saudi Arabia, where vital U.S. geopolitical and oil interests are directly engaged. While these are “unknown unknowns,” in Donald Rumsfeld’s memorable phrase, the risks of no action were “known knowns.” Gadhafi would have prevailed and embarked on a methodical killing spree of rebel leaders, cities and regions. The recapture of Benghazi would have marked the end of the rebellion against Gadhafi’s rule. Instead, the UN-mandated intervention may mark the beginning of the end for him. Resolution 1973 marks the first military implementation of the doctrine of “responsibility to protect” (R2P). Had the international community shirked this responsibility, Libya could have become R2P’s graveyard. In the old world order, international politics, like all politics, was a struggle for power. The new international politics will be about the struggle for the ascendancy of competing normative architectures based on a combination of power, values and ideas. The UN exists to bring about a world where fear is changed to hope, want gives way to dignity, and apprehensions are turned into aspirations. In the words of the late secretary-general Dag Hammarskjöld, the UN was “not created in order to bring us to heaven, but to save us from hell.” Failures in Africa and the Balkans in the 1990s reflected structural, political and operational deficiencies that accounted for its inability to save people from a life of hell on earth. For 350 years — from the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648 until 1998 — sovereignty functioned as institutionalized indifference. R2P responds to the idealized UN as the symbol of an imagined and constructed community of strangers: We are our brothers’ and sisters’ keepers. R2P gave Obama the necessary intellectual and normative tool to act. His decision to reject the traditional, realpolitik definition of U.S. interests in favour of an alternative, values-accommodating definition of the Libyan crisis was closer to his instincts and consistent with the narrative that won him the White House. The Arab League initiative and strong Franco-British urgings gave him the requisite political cover and international legitimacy. In Iraq in 2003, Washington did all the pushing but doors stayed firmly shut in most capitals. It does little harm to Washington today to be seen as the reluctant follower rather than the ardent suitor for military intervention in Libya. Resolution 1973 makes it clear that this military action is about protecting Libya’s civilian population from attacks by its own government and not concerned with occupying or dismembering the country. Any final settlement of the conflict must be political, not military. Thus Libya is not Iraq nor even Afghanistan. The international community is as sensitive as Americans to fears of western occupation of yet another Muslim country. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has been impressively firm and consistent on R2P, leading from the front. He noted that “Resolution 1973 affirms, clearly and unequivocally, the international community’s determination to fulfill its responsibility to protect civilians from violence perpetrated upon them by their own government.” R2P is coming closer to being solidified as an actionable norm. [I]Ramesh Thakur, a professor of political science at the University of Waterloo, was an R2P Commissioner and a principal author of its report. His most recent book is The Responsibility to Protect: Norms, Laws and the Use of Force in International Politics. [/I] [B] source:[/B] [url]http://www.thestar.com/opinion/editorialopinion/article/957664--un-breathes-life-into-responsibility-to-protect[/url][/COLOR] [/QUOTE]
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