India China Relations

[Dalvinder Singh Grewal]

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Peace and tranquility at the border is like an "insurance policy" for India-China ties and Prime Minister Narendra Modi conveyed it very clearly to Chinese President Xi Jinping on Sunday, foreign secretary Vikram Misri said.

IMAGE: Prime Minister Narendra Modi exchanges a handshake with Chinese President Xi Jinping during the Official Reception for Heads of States and Heads of Governments at the SCO Summit, in Tianjin, China, August 31, 2025. Photograph: Narendra Modi Photo Gallery/ANI Photo

India's assertion came after Xi said that the border issue should not define the overall China-India relations. PM Modi and President Xi held wide-ranging talks earlier in the day with a focus on rebuilding the bilateral ties that came under severe strain following the over four-year border standoff in eastern Ladakh that ended in October last year. In the meeting Modi underlined the importance of peace and tranquility on the border areas for continued development of bilateral relations.
on the border areas for continued and smooth development of bilateral relations," he said.

"There was an understanding on the need to maintain peace on the borders using the existing mechanisms and avoid disturbances to the overall relationship going forward," he added. The foreign secretary said Modi and Xi also expressed a commitment to "a fair, reasonable, and mutually acceptable resolution of the boundary question, proceeding from the political perspective of their overall bilateral relations and in the long-term interests of the two peoples."
In the last few months, both sides have initiated a series of measures to reset their ties that came under severe strain following the deadly clashes between Indian and Chinese troops in Galwan Valley in June 2020.
To a question on when the de-escalation will take place along the border, Misri said the discussion on it will take place in the designated mechanisms. Misri said Modi also mentioned the challenge of cross-border terrorism and pitched for extending support to each other to combat it. "Cross-border terrorism was mentioned by the prime minister as a priority. And, I would add that he did underline the fact that this is something that impacts both India and China," he said. "And, it's important therefore that we extend understanding and extend support to each other as both of us combat cross-border terrorism." "And I would in fact like to say that we have received the understanding and cooperation of China as we have dealt with the issue of cross-border terrorism in the context of the ongoing SCO summit," he said.
Misri said President Xi made four suggestions to further upgrade bilateral ties. "The suggestions are namely to strengthen strategic communication and deepen mutual trust; to expand exchanges and cooperation to achieve mutual benefit and win-win results, to accommodate each other's concerns, and finally to strengthen multilateral cooperation to safeguard common interests," he said. "All of these were responded to positively by Prime Minister Modi," Misri added.
The foreign secretary said the two leaders were of the view that differences between India and China should not be allowed to be turned into disputes.
Asked about Xi's remarks, Misri said at a media briefing that India has been consistently maintaining that peace and tranquility at the frontier is essential for the overall development of the relations. "From the very beginning, we have maintained at various levels that the situation on the boundary will inevitably have some impact on bilateral relations," the foreign secretary said at a media briefing. "And that is precisely why the most important kind of 'insurance policy' for our bilateral ties is to maintain peace and tranquility on the boundary." "So today, the prime minister himself also conveyed this very clearly to President Xi, and we will continue to maintain this position," Misri added. Misri said the boundary issue figured in the Modi-Xi discussions, and both leaders took note of the successful disengagement of troops last year and the maintenance of peace and tranquility in the border regions since then. "In voicing certain principles related to this issue, the prime minister underlined the need for peace and tranquility

 

[Dalvinder Singh Grewal]

Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Sunday flagged concerns over cross-border terrorism in his talks with Chinese President Xi Jinping and pitched for cooperation between India and China to combat the menace, as both countries are its victims.

IMAGE: Prime Minister Narendra Modi holds a bilateral meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping in Tianjin, China, August 31, 2025. Photograph: DPR PMO/ANI Photo

Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri, at a media briefing, said the issue of cross-border terrorism was mentioned by PM Modi as a "priority."

Modi and Xi held wide-ranging talks with a focus on rebuilding the bilateral relations that came under severe strain following the over four-year border standoff in eastern Ladakh that ended in October last year.
"Cross-border terrorism was mentioned by the prime minister as a priority. And, I would add that he did underline the fact that this is something that impacts both India and China."

"And, it's important, therefore, that we extend understanding and extend support to each other as both of us combat cross-border terrorism," he said.

"I would in fact like to say that we have received the understanding and cooperation of China as we have dealt with the issue of cross-border terrorism in the context of the ongoing SCO summit," he added.

The foreign secretary's remarks are seen to be an indication that the SCO declaration to be unveiled on Monday may comprise some criticism or condemnation of cross-border terrorism emanating from Pakistan.
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Pakistan has been an all-weather ally of China, and Beijing in the past had blocked New Delhi's efforts to designate a number of Pakistan-based terrorists by the UN Security Council.

Misri said the two leaders exchanged views on jointly fighting terrorism.

To a question on whether PM Modi raised the Pahalgam terror attack and use of Chinese equipment by the Pakistan army during the India-Pakistan military conflict in May, Misri did not give a direct reply.

"All I'll say is that, without going into the specifics, the issue was discussed. It was raised by the prime minister, and he outlined his understanding very, very crisply and very specifically on this issue," he said.

"He outlined the fact that this is a scourge that both China and India have been victims of, and India is still combating this menace. And he asked for China's support on this particular issue. And, as I said, the Chinese have extended their support in various ways on addressing this issue," he noted.

Modi landed in China on Saturday on a two-day visit that came after a gap of seven years. He is in China to attend the annual summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO).

 

[Dalvinder Singh Grewal]

Prime Minister Narendra Modi will hold a bilateral meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin on Monday, following the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit in Tianjin, Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri said on Sunday.

IMAGE: Prime Minister Narendra Modi arrives to attend the Official Reception for Heads of States and Heads of Governments at the SCO Summit in Tianjin, China, August 31, 2025. Photograph: Narendra Modi Photo Gallery/ANI Photo

During a special briefing in Tianjin, Misri confirmed that the prime minister will first address the SCO plenary session before meeting President Putin.

"Tomorrow, the Prime Minister will be addressing the plenary session of the Summit, where he will outline India's approach to fostering regional cooperation under the SCO umbrella. After this engagement, he is scheduled to have a bilateral meeting with President Vladimir Putin of Russia, following which he will depart for India," Misri said.
Earlier in the day, Prime Minister Modi met Chinese President Xi Jinping on the sidelines of the SCO leaders' summit. This was their first meeting after the BRICS summit in Kazan, Russia, in 2024.

Modi later joined the official reception of the summit, hosted by President Xi at the Tianjin Meijiang International Convention and Exhibition Center. He was greeted warmly by Xi Jinping and his wife, Peng Liyuan, before joining other world leaders for a group photograph symbolizing regional unity.

Russian President Vladimir Putin also attended the official reception along with senior members of his delegation, including Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, Deputy Prime Minister Alexey Overchuk, Deputy Chief of Staff Maxim Oreshkin, Kremlin Aide Yury Ushakov, and Presidential Spokesman Dmitry Peskov, according to Russian news agency TASS.
Further, PM Modi invited Xi Jinping to the BRICS Summit that India will host in 2026, the external affairs ministry said.

President Xi thanked Modi for the invitation and offered China's support to India's BRICS presidency.

Russia is also a part of the BRICS nations.

India is preparing to take over the leadership of BRICS from Brazil, the current president. PM Modi also held a bilateral meeting with the acting president and military chief of Myanmar, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation Summit in Tianjin.

Modi noted that India attaches importance to its ties with Myanmar as part of its 'Neighbourhood First,' 'Act East', and Indo-Pacific policies. The two leaders reviewed bilateral ties and discussed the way forward on several aspects of bilateral cooperation, including development partnerships, defense and security, border management, and border trade issues, the MEA stated.

 

[Dalvinder Singh Grewal]

India is likely to seal two mega submarine deals worth over Rs 1 lakh crore by the middle of next year to crank up its undersea warfare capabilities against the backdrop of China's increasing naval prowess, authoritative sources said on Sunday.

Image used for representational purpose only. Photograph: ANI Photo
The first project that is being negotiated is for the procurement of three Scorpene submarines, which will be jointly constructed by state-run Mazagon Dock Limited (MDL) and French defence major Naval Group.

Though the defence ministry cleared the nearly Rs 36,000 crore deal over two years back, there have been delays in negotiations to firm up various technical and commercial aspects of the project, the sources said.
The second project that the defence ministry is eyeing to seal is for the acquisition of six diesel-electric stealth submarines at a cost of around Rs 65,000 crore. The procurement was initially cleared by the ministry in 2021.
"We are expecting both contracts will be firmed up by the middle of next year," a source said.
Leading German shipbuilder ThyssenKrupp Marine Systems (TKMS) has partnered with Mazagon Dock Shipbuilders Ltd for the project, billed as one of the biggest 'Make in India' initiatives in recent years.
The sources said the cost negotiations for the deal will start soon, and the entire process may take six to nine months before a contract is concluded.
While the proposed acquisition of six stealth submarines under Project 75 India (P75-I) is a completely new program, the plan for the three Scorpene submarines will be a follow-on order of a previous acquisition.
Under the Indian Navy's Project 75, six Scorpene submarines have already been constructed by Mazagon Dock Limited (MDL) in collaboration with the Naval Group.
The Navy wants both deals to be firmed up soon, as it is looking at bolstering its underwater capabilities, said an official aware of the matter.
The sources cited above said finalizing the cost negotiations process for the diesel-engine program will take time. The commercial negotiations for Scorpene-class submarines have almost been completed, they added.
If everything goes as per plan, then the Scorpene project will be finalized early next year, as it has already suffered significant delays, the sources said.
The delivery of boats under both projects will start around six years after the signing of the contracts, they said.
Asked if the MDL will have the capabilities to implement both the projects simultaneously, the sources said it was for the shipbuilder to augment its infrastructure.
"There have already been inordinate delays in the Scorpene submarine project, and we hope it will be concluded soon," said one of the sources.
While the defence ministry had given its in-principle approval for the additional Scorpenes as well as the procurement of 26 naval variants of Rafale jets from France, the first project remained in limbo.
In April, India and France inked an intergovernmental agreement sealing a mega deal to procure 26 Rafale marine jets at a cost of Rs 64,000 crore (Euro 7 billion) for deployment on board the Indian Navy's aircraft carrier INS Vikrant.
Source: PTI

 

[Dalvinder Singh Grewal]

The MEA's readout and the foreign secretary's briefing informed that there was an agreement that when it comes to development, the two sides were 'partners rather than rivals.' This has long been a Chinese framing, which India appears to have accepted. For instance, this was not something that the Indian readout had said after the Modi-Xi meeting in Kazan. That said, the Indian side also specified its framework of the three mutuals—'mutual respect, mutual interest and mutual sensitivity' as the 'basis' for a 'stable relationship.'

Several differences obviously still persist. India and China both continue to look at the boundary issue from different perspectives. China desires for it to be compartmentalized from the rest of the relationship. India believes that peace and tranquility in the border areas are significant for the continued development of ties.

Cross-border terrorism and China's ties with Pakistan also remain a source of tension. Most significantly, however, the structural fault line between India and China is around the order in Asia. China desires a multipolar world but a unipolar Asia. India believes that a multipolar Asia must be at the heart of a multipolar world.

IMAGE: Modi, Xi, and Russian President Vladimir Putin at the Shanghai Cooperation Council summit in Tianjin. Photograph: ANI Photo

India and China have a difficult and complex relationship, which has been in a cold freeze since the Galwan conflict in 2020. Given the historical tensions and China's more recent support of Pakistan against India during Operation Sindoor, can the current diplomatic thaw truly be seen as a 'reset'?
How cautious should India be in engaging with China going forward?

What's currently underway is not a 'reset.' The relationship between India and China is not likely to go back to what it was in the past. What needs to be arrived at is a new balance.

The question from the Indian perspective is not about whether one should be cautious or not. The question that we in India need to ask is what sort of a relationship do we desire with China? What's in India's interests? And how do we get to that desirable destination? Strategic clarity on these is what should guide policy, rather than caution.

IMAGE: Modi with Xi in Tianjin. Photograph: DPR PMO/ANI Photo

Can India realistically reduce its concerns about the US by partnering with China, given that China remains its foremost strategic adversary?
The strategic goal of Indian policy must be to ensure the development and well-being of Indians. With that in mind, I don't think that one should think about these relationships as binaries. They are not.


Of course, the strategic environment that one operates in is impacted by the actions of others. But one should be careful to not overemphasize the impact of one relationship on the other.

There is also an internal logic to India's relationships with each of the global powers. Ties with the US, Europe, Japan, and Australia are based on shared strategic interests and are crucial to meet India's development and security needs. Apart from capital and technology, Western countries are critical sources for demand that can aid India's economic growth.

Of course, there are frictions that can emerge from time to time, and the present situation with the US is clearly turbulent. But it is important to maintain engagement, keeping the big picture in mind, maintaining resolve on certain bottom lines, and approaching these challenges with a sense of confidence in the long-term strategic convergences, while leveraging our diverse set of partnerships.

The need for a stable relationship with China, on the other hand, is an imperative of geography and geopolitics. China can also be an important development partner for India, but it cannot replace Western demand. So each has its own logic and utility.

As an observer of China and Chinese media, how was the meeting between Prime Minister Modi and Xi Jinping analyzed and portrayed by the Chinese media?

There exists a substantial degree of skepticism among Chinese analysts and media commentators. The general view is that this is a tactical easing, owing to the pressures brought about by the Trump administration.

Of course, this view is accompanied by a whole lot of schadenfreude. Official media, meanwhile, have essentially sought to portray India's presence at the SCO summit as a victory for Chinese diplomacy and vision for the world.

IMAGE: Modi delivers India's statement at the Shanghai Cooperation Council summit in Tianjin, September 1, 2025. Photograph: DPR PMO/ANI Photo

An important question exists : If Xi asserts that the border issue should not define overall China-India relations, how can normal relations be achieved when de-escalation remains incomplete, restrictions on Indian troop patrols continue, and the tragic loss of 20 soldiers still looms large?

The proverbial proof of the pudding when it comes to this current round of engagement between the two sides will eventually lie in de-escalation in Eastern Ladakh.

After Wang Yi's visit to Delhi in August, three new steps were announced.

An expert group to explore early harvest in boundary delimitation in the India-China border areas; a working group to advance effective border management; and the creation of general-level mechanisms in the eastern and middle sectors.

How these mechanisms progress will be important if the new dual-track approach that the two sides are talking about has to succeed.

IMAGE: Modi meets Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi in New Delhi, August 19, 2025. Photograph: @narendramodi

Given that trade has become a major priority for India following the 50% tariffs imposed by President Trump, what decisive gains has India made in trade agreements with China?

Data from China's General Administration of Customs for January to July tells us that Indian exports to China have fallen 7.1% year on year. There's a lot of room for China to import more from India. This can happen with regard to primary commodities, iron ores, marine goods, and even pharmaceuticals.

There's also significant scope in expanding services trade. But Beijing needs to open up for all of this, easing the barriers that are in place. That said, China is unlikely to fill the demand loss for Indian sectors that are hit by American tariffs. For that, the government and companies will have to look elsewhere.

What are the reasons for China's desire to 'normalize' relations with India?

Apart from some of the obvious economic interests, an India that is accommodative of China's rise and interests in the Indo-Pacific is a strategic asset for Beijing.

To achieve this end, it will engage in coercion but also dialogue on its terms. It is in this context that we should look at the Chinese desire for a new normal.

 

[Dalvinder Singh Grewal]

ਸ਼ੰਘਾਈ ਸਹਿਯੋਗ ਸੰਗਠਨ ਸੰਮੇਲਨ 2025 ਵਿੱਚ ਭਾਰਤ ਦਾ ਪ੍ਰਭਾਵ-1
ਵੈਂਗ ਯੀ ਦੇ ਦਿੱਲੀ ਵਿੱਚ ਉੱਚ ਪੱਧਰੀ ਮੁਲਾਕਾਤਾਂ

ਡਾ: ਦਲਵਿੰਦਰ ਸਿੰਘ ਗ੍ਰੇਵਾਲ​

ਸ਼ੰਘਾਈ ਸਹਿਯੋਗ ਸੰਗਠਨ (ਸ਼ੰਘਾਈ ਕੋਆਪਰੇਸ਼ਨ ਆਰਗੇਨਾਈਜ਼ੇਸ਼ਨ (ਐਸ ਸੀ ਓ)) ਦਸ ਮੈਂਬਰ ਦੇਸ਼ਾਂ ਦਾ ਇੱਕ ਯੂਰੇਸ਼ੀਅਨ ਰਾਜਨੀਤਕ, ਆਰਥਿਕ ਅਤੇ ਅੰਤਰਰਾਸ਼ਟਰੀ ਸੁਰੱਖਿਆ ਸੰਗਠਨ ਹੈ ਜਿਸ ਦੀ ਸਥਾਪਨਾ 2001 ਵਿੱਚ ਚੀਨ, ਕਜ਼ਾਕਿਸਤਾਨ, ਕਿਰਗਿਜ਼ਸਤਾਨ, ਰੂਸ, ਤਾਜਿਕਸਤਾਨ ਅਤੇ ਉਜ਼ਬੇਕਿਸਤਾਨ ਨੇ ਮਿਲ ਕੇ ਕੀਤੀ ਸੀ। ਜੂਨ 2017 ਵਿੱਚ, ਭਾਰਤ ਅਤੇ ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨ ਮਿਲੇ ਤਾਂ ਇਹ ਅੱਠ ਰਾਜ ਹੋ ਗਏ। ਈਰਾਨ ਜੁਲਾਈ 2023 ਵਿੱਚ ਅਤੇ ਬੇਲਾਰੂਸ ਜੁਲਾਈ 2024 ਵਿੱਚ ਮਿਲੇ ਤਾਂ ਦਸ ਰਾਜ ਇਸ ਦੇ ਮੈਂਬਰ ਬਣੇ। ਇਹ ਸੰਗਠਨ ਭੂਗੋਲਿਕ ਖੇਤਰ ਅਤੇ ਆਬਾਦੀ ਦੇ ਮਾਮਲੇ ਵਿੱਚ ਦੁਨੀਆਂ ਦਾ ਸਭ ਤੋਂ ਵੱਡਾ ਖੇਤਰੀ ਸੰਗਠਨ ਹੈ, ਜੋ ਵਿਸ਼ਵ ਦੇ ਕੁੱਲ ਖੇਤਰ ਦਾ ਲਗਭਗ 24% (ਯੂਰੇਸ਼ੀਆ ਦਾ 65%) ਅਤੇ ਵਿਸ਼ਵ ਦੀ 42% ਆਬਾਦੀ ਤੇ ਪੂਰੇ ਘਰੇਲੂ ਉਤਪਾਦ ਦੇ 36% ਦੀ ਪ੍ਰਤੀਨਿਧਤਾ ਕਰਦਾ ਹੈ। ਸ਼ੰਘਾਈ ਸਹਿਯੋਗ ਸੰਗਠਨ (ਐੱਸ. ਸੀ. ਓ.) ਨੂੰ ਰਾਜ ਪਰਿਸ਼ਦ ਦੇ ਮੁਖੀ (ਐੱਚ. ਐੱਸ. ਸੀ.) ਸੰਭਾਲਦੇ ਹਨ, ਜੋ ਸਾਲ ਵਿੱਚ ਇੱਕ ਵਾਰ ਮਿਲਦੇ ਹਨ ਅਤੇ ਸਰਵਉੱਚ ਫੈਸਲੇ ਲੈਂਦੇ ਹਨ। ਇਸ ਸਾਲ (2025) 25 ਵੀਂ ਵਾਰ ਦਾ ਇਹ ਸਿਖਰ ਸੰਮੇਲਨ 31 ਅਗਸਤ ਅਤੇ 1 ਸਤੰਬਰ 2025 ਨੂੰ ਚੀਨ ਵਿੱਚ ਪੰਜਵੀਂ ਵਾਰ ਹੋਇਆ ਹੈ ਜਿਸ ਵਿੱਚ ਰੂਸ, ਭਾਰਤ, ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨ ਅਤੇ ਉੱਤਰੀ ਕੋਰੀਆ ਦੇ ਨੇਤਾਵਾਂ ਸਮੇਤ ਕਈ ਵਿਸ਼ਵ ਨੇਤਾਵਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਸੱਦਾ ਦਿੱਤਾ ਗਿਆ ਹੈ। ਇਸ ਸੰਮੇਲਨ ਵਿੱਚ ਪਾਸ ਕੀਤੇ ਗਏ ਮਤੇ ਅੰਤਿਕਾ ਵਿੱਚ ਦਿੱਤੇ ਗਏ ਹਨ।

ਭਾਰਤ ਦੇ ਪ੍ਰਧਾਨਮੰਤਰੀ ਮੋਦੀ ਜੀ ਨੇ ਇਸ ਸਿਖਰ ਸਮੇਲਨ ਵਿੱਚ ਭਾਗ ਲਿਆ।ਇਸ ਸੰਮੇਲਨ ਤੋਂ ਪਹਿਲਾਂ ਚੀਨ ਦੇ ਵਿਦੇਸ਼ ਮੰਤਰੀ ਵਾਂਗ ਜ਼ੀ ਨੇ ਮੱਧ ਅਗਸਤ ਵਿੱਚ ਭਾਰਤ ਵਿੱਚ ਆ ਕੇ ਆਪਸੀ ਸਬੰਧਾਂ ਦੇ ਗੰਭੀਰ ਮਸਲਿਆਂ ਬਾਰੇ ਗੱਲ ਬਾਤ ਕੀਤੀ ਤੇ ਫਿਰ ਮੋਦੀ ਜੀ ਨੇ ਚੀਨ ਦੇ ਮੁਖੀ ਜ਼ੀ ਨਾਲ ਵੀ ਅਤੇ ਰੂਸ ਦੇ ਮੁੱਖੀ ਪੁਤਿਨ ਨਾਲ ਵੀ ਗੱਲ ਬਾਤ ਕੀਤੀ।

ਚੀਨੀ ਵਿਦੇਸ਼ ਮੰਤਰੀ ਵਾਂਗ ਯੀ ਦੀ ਤਿੰਨ ਦਿਨਾਂ ਭਾਰਤ ਯਾਤਰਾ 20 ਅਗਸਤ ਨੂੰ ਸਮਾਪਤ ਹੋਈ, ਜੋ ਸਾਲਾਂ ਦੇ ਤਣਾਅ ਤੋਂ ਬਾਅਦ ਦੁਵੱਲੇ ਸਬੰਧਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਸਥਿਰ ਕਰਨ ਦੀਆਂ ਕੋਸ਼ਿਸ਼ਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਇੱਕ ਮਹੱਤਵਪੂਰਨ ਪੜਾਅ ਸੀ। ਪ੍ਰਧਾਨ ਮੰਤਰੀ ਨਰਿੰਦਰ ਮੋਦੀ ਨੂੰ ਤਿਆਨਜਿਨ ਵਿੱਚ ਸ਼ੰਘਾਈ ਸਹਿਯੋਗ ਸੰਗਠਨ (ਐੱਸਸੀਓ) ਸਿਖਰ ਸੰਮੇਲਨ ਲਈ ਸੱਦੇ ਜਾਣ ਤੋਂ ਲੈ ਕੇ ਵਪਾਰ ਅਤੇ ਸਰਹੱਦੀ ਸਲਾਹ-ਮਸ਼ਵਰੇ ਦੇ ਸਮਝੌਤਿਆਂ ਤੱਕ, ਵੈਂਗ ਯੀ ਅਨੁਸਾਰ ਇਸ ਯਾਤਰਾ ਨੇ ਭਾਰਤ-ਚੀਨ ਸਬੰਧਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਇੱਕ "ਸਕਾਰਾਤਮਕ ਰੁਝਾਨ" ਸਥਾਪਤ ਕੀਤਾ।​

ਵੈਂਗ ਜ਼ੀ ਪ੍ਰਧਾਨ ਮੰਤਰੀ ਸਨਮੁੱਖ

ਵੈਂਗ ਯੀ ਦੇ ਦਿੱਲੀ ਵਿੱਚ ਉੱਚ ਪੱਧਰੀ ਮੁਲਾਕਾਤਾਂ ਵਿੱਚੋਂ 10 ਮੁੱਖ ਨੁਕਤੇ ਹੇਠ ਲਿਖੇ ਹਨਃ

1. ਚੀਨ 'ਚ SCO ਸੰਮੇਲਨ' ਚ ਹਿੱਸਾ ਲੈਣ ਪਹੁੰਚੇ ਫੰ ਮੋਦੀ ਵਾਂਗ ਯੀ ਨੇ ਰਾਸ਼ਟਰਪਤੀ ਸ਼ੀ ਜਿਨਪਿੰਗ ਵੱਲੋਂ ਪ੍ਰਧਾਨ ਮੰਤਰੀ ਮੋਦੀ ਨੂੰ 31 ਅਗਸਤ ਤੋਂ 1 ਸਤੰਬਰ ਨੂੰ ਤਿਆਨਜਿਨ ਵਿੱਚ ਹੋਣ ਵਾਲੇ ਐੱਸਸੀਓ ਸਿਖਰ ਸੰਮੇਲਨ ਵਿੱਚ ਹਿੱਸਾ ਲੈਣ ਦਾ ਸੱਦਾ ਦਿੱਤਾ। ਮੋਦੀ ਨੇ ਇਸ ਗੱਲ ਨੂੰ ਸਵੀਕਾਰ ਕਰਦੇ ਹੋਏ ਕਿਹਾ ਕਿ ਭਾਰਤ-ਚੀਨ ਦੇ ਸਥਿਰ ਅਤੇ ਉਸਾਰੂ ਸਬੰਧ ਖੇਤਰੀ ਅਤੇ ਵਿਸ਼ਵ ਸ਼ਾਂਤੀ ਲਈ ਮਹੱਤਵਪੂਰਨ ਹਨ। 2018 ਦੇ ਕਿੰਗਦਾਓ ਐੱਸਸੀਓ ਸਿਖ਼ਰ ਸੰਮੇਲਨ ਤੋਂ ਬਾਅਦ ਸੱਤ ਸਾਲਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਇਹ ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਦੀ ਪਹਿਲੀ ਚੀਨ ਯਾਤਰਾ ਹੋਵੇਗੀ।

2. ਦੁਵੱਲੇ ਸਬੰਧਾਂ 'ਚ' ਸਕਾਰਾਤਮਕ ਰੁਝਾਨ: ਵੈਂਗ ਯੀ ਨੇ ਇਸ ਗੱਲ 'ਤੇ ਜ਼ੋਰ ਦਿੱਤਾ ਕਿ ਪਿਛਲੇ ਸਾਲ ਕਜ਼ਾਨ ਵਿੱਚ ਮੋਦੀ-ਸ਼ੀ ਜਿਨਪਿੰਗ ਦੀ ਮੁਲਾਕਾਤ ਤੋਂ ਬਾਅਦ ਸਬੰਧ ਇੱਕ "ਸਕਾਰਾਤਮਕ ਰੁਝਾਨ" ਵਿੱਚ ਦਾਖਲ ਹੋਏ ਹਨ। ਦੋਵੇਂ ਨੇਤਾ ਇਸ ਗੱਲ 'ਤੇ ਸਹਿਮਤ ਹੋਏ ਕਿ ਸ਼ਾਂਤ ਸਰਹੱਦਾਂ ਅਤੇ ਵਧੇਰੇ ਗੱਲਬਾਤ ਨੇ ਵਿਸ਼ਵਾਸ ਬਹਾਲ ਕਰਨ ਵਿੱਚ ਸਹਾਇਤਾ ਕੀਤੀ ਹੈ। ਰਾਸ਼ਟਰੀ ਸੁਰੱਖਿਆ ਏਜੰਸੀ (ਐੱਨ. ਐੱਸ. ਏ.) ਦੇ ਅਜੀਤ ਡੋਭਾਲ ਨੇ ਵੀ ਦਸੰਬਰ 'ਚ ਬੀਜਿੰਗ' ਚ ਵਿਸ਼ੇਸ਼ ਨੁਮਾਇੰਦਿਆਂ ਦੀ ਗੱਲਬਾਤ ਤੋਂ ਬਾਅਦ ਸਬੰਧਾਂ 'ਚ' ਉੱਪਰ ਵੱਲ ਰੁਝਾਨ 'ਦਾ ਜ਼ਿਕਰ ਕੀਤਾ।

3. ਖਾਦ ਅਤੇ ਦੁਰਲੱਭ ਧਰਤੀ ਨਿਰਯਾਤ ਦੀ ਮੁੜ ਸ਼ੁਰੂਆਤ

ਇੱਕ ਵੱਡੀ ਆਰਥਿਕ ਸਫਲਤਾ ਵਿੱਚ, ਵਾਂਗ ਯੀ ਨੇ ਵਿਦੇਸ਼ ਮੰਤਰੀ ਡਾ. ਐੱਸ. ਜੈਸ਼ੰਕਰ ਨੂੰ ਭਰੋਸਾ ਦਿੱਤਾ ਕਿ ਚੀਨ ਭਾਰਤ ਨੂੰ ਖਾਦਾਂ, ਦੁਰਲੱਭ ਧਰਤੀ ਦੇ ਖਣਿਜਾਂ ਅਤੇ ਸੁਰੰਗ ਬੋਰਿੰਗ ਮਸ਼ੀਨਾਂ (ਟੀਬੀਐੱਮ) ਦੀ ਬਰਾਮਦ ਮੁੜ ਸ਼ੁਰੂ ਕਰੇਗਾ। ਲਗਭਗ ਇੱਕ ਸਾਲ ਤੋਂ ਸਪਲਾਈ ਵਿੱਚ ਵਿਘਨ ਪਿਆ ਸੀ, ਜਿਸ ਨਾਲ ਖੇਤੀਬਾੜੀ, ਵਾਹਨ ਨਿਰਮਾਣ ਅਤੇ ਬੁਨਿਆਦੀ ਢਾਂਚਾ ਪ੍ਰੋਜੈਕਟ ਪ੍ਰਭਾਵਿਤ ਹੋਏ ਸਨ।

4. ਸਰਹੱਦੀ ਸਥਿਰਤਾ ਅਤੇ ਨਵੀਂ ਵਿਵਸਥਾ: ਅਜੀਤ ਡੋਭਾਲ ਅਤੇ ਵੈਂਗ ਯੀ ਨੇ ਸਰਹੱਦੀ ਮੁੱਦੇ 'ਤੇ ਵਿਸ਼ੇਸ਼ ਨੁਮਾਇੰਦਿਆਂ ਦੀ 24ਵੇਂ ਦੌਰ ਦੀ ਗੱਲਬਾਤ ਦੀ ਸਹਿ-ਪ੍ਰਧਾਨਗੀ ਕੀਤੀ। ਦੋਵੇਂ ਪੱਖ ਇਸ ਗੱਲ 'ਤੇ ਸਹਿਮਤ ਹੋਏ ਕਿ ਪਿਛਲੇ ਸਾਲ ਦੀ ਵਾਪਸੀ ਤੋਂ ਬਾਅਦ ਅਸਲ ਕੰਟਰੋਲ ਰੇਖਾ (ਐੱਲ. ਏ. ਸੀ.)' ਤੇ ਵੱਡੇ ਪੱਧਰ 'ਤੇ ਸ਼ਾਂਤੀ ਕਾਇਮ ਹੈ। ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਨੇ ਪੂਰਬੀ ਅਤੇ ਮੱਧ ਖੇਤਰਾਂ ਲਈ "ਛੇਤੀ ਸਥਾਪਿਤ" ਦੀ ਹੱਦਬੰਦੀ ਅਤੇ ਨਵੇਂ ਆਮ ਪੱਧਰ ਦੇ ਤੰਤਰ 'ਤੇ ਕੰਮ ਕਰਨ ਲਈ ਸਲਾਹ ਮਸ਼ਵਰੇ ਅਤੇ ਤਾਲਮੇਲ ਲਈ ਕੰਮਕਾਜੀ ਢਾਂਚਾ (ਵਰਕਿੰਗ ਮਕੈਨਿਜ਼ਮ (ਡਬਲਿਊਐੱਮਸੀਸੀ) ਦੇ ਤਹਿਤ ਇੱਕ ਮਾਹਰ ਗ੍ਰੁਪ ਦਾ ਐਲਾਨ ਕੀਤਾ।

5. ਭਾਰਤ ਨੇ ਅੱਤਵਾਦ ਨੂੰ ਲੈ ਕੇ ਪ੍ਰਗਟਾਈ ਚਿੰਤਾ: ਗੱਲਬਾਤ ਦੌਰਾਨ ਭਾਰਤ ਨੇ ਸਰਹੱਦ ਪਾਰ ਦੇ ਖਤਰਿਆਂ ਸਮੇਤ ਅੱਤਵਾਦ ਨੂੰ ਮਜ਼ਬੂਤੀ ਨਾਲ ਰੋਕਣ ਤੇ ਜ਼ੋਰ ਦਿੱਤਾ । ਜੈਸ਼ੰਕਰ ਨੇ ਜ਼ੋਰ ਦੇ ਕੇ ਕਿਹਾ ਕਿ ਅੱਤਵਾਦ ਦਾ ਮੁਕਾਬਲਾ ਕਰਨਾ ਐੱਸਸੀਓ ਦੇ ਸੰਸਥਾਪਕ ਮਿਸ਼ਨ ਦਾ ਕੇਂਦਰੀ ਮੁੱਦਾ ਹੈ। ਵੈਂਗ ਯੀ ਨੇ ਮੰਨਿਆ ਕਿ ਇਸ ਮੁੱਦੇ ਨੂੰ "ਸਭ ਤੋਂ ਵੱਧ ਤਰਜੀਹ" ਦਿੱਤੀ ਜਾਣੀ ਚਾਹੀਦੀ ਹੈ।

6. ਤਾਈਵਾਨ ਮੁੱਦੇ 'ਤੇ ਤਣਾਅ: ਚੀਨ ਨੇ ਦਾਅਵਾ ਕੀਤਾ ਕਿ ਭਾਰਤ ਨੇ ਤਾਈਵਾਨ 'ਤੇ ਆਪਣੇ' ਇੱਕ ਚੀਨ 'ਦੇ ਰੁਖ ਦੀ ਪੁਸ਼ਟੀ ਕੀਤੀ ਹੈ, ਪਰ ਵਿਦੇਸ਼ ਮੰਤਰਾਲੇ ਨੇ ਤੁਰੰਤ ਸਪੱਸ਼ਟ ਕੀਤਾ ਕਿ ਭਾਰਤ ਦੀ ਨੀਤੀ ਵਿੱਚ ਕੋਈ ਤਬਦੀਲੀ ਨਹੀਂ ਆਈ ਹੈ। ਸੂਤਰਾਂ ਨੇ ਕਿਹਾ ਕਿ ਜੈਸ਼ੰਕਰ ਨੇ ਜਵਾਬ ਦਿੱਤਾ ਕਿ ਬੀਜਿੰਗ ਖੁਦ ਤਾਈਵਾਨ ਨਾਲ ਉਸੇ ਖੇਤਰਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਰੁੱਝਿਆ ਹੋਇਆ ਹੈ ਜੋ ਭਾਰਤ ਕਰਦਾ ਹੈ, ਨਵੀਂ ਦਿੱਲੀ ਦੇ ਤਾਈਪੇ ਨਾਲ ਆਰਥਿਕ ਅਤੇ ਸੱਭਿਆਚਾਰਕ ਸਬੰਧਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਕਾਇਮ ਰੱਖਣ ਦੇ ਇਰਾਦੇ ਨੂੰ ਉਜਾਗਰ ਕਰਦਾ ਹੈ।

7. ਪਣ-ਬਿਜਲੀ ਅਤੇ ਨਦੀਆਂ ਸਬੰਧੀ ਚਿੰਤਾਵਾਂ: ਜੈਸ਼ੰਕਰ ਨੇ ਬ੍ਰਹਮਪੁੱਤਰ (ਯਾਰਲੁੰਗ ਸਾਂਗਪੋ) 'ਤੇ ਚੀਨ ਦੇ ਯੋਜਨਾਬੱਧ ਮੈਗਾ ਡੈਮ' ਤੇ ਭਾਰਤ ਦੇ ਇਤਰਾਜ਼ ਉਠਾਏ । ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਨੇ ਹੇਠਲੇ ਰਾਜਾਂ ਉੱਤੇ ਪੈਣ ਵਾਲੇ ਪ੍ਰਭਾਵ ਦੇ ਮੱਦੇਨਜ਼ਰ ਪਾਰਦਰਸ਼ਤਾ ਦੀ ਜ਼ਰੂਰਤ ਉੱਤੇ ਜ਼ੋਰ ਦਿੱਤਾ। ਵੈਂਗ ਯੀ ਨੇ ਐਮਰਜੈਂਸੀ ਦੌਰਾਨ ਜਲ ਸ੍ਰੋਤਾਂ ਦੇ ਪ੍ਰਬੰਧਾਂ 'ਤੇ ਆਂਕੜਿਆਂ ਦੀ ਅਦਲਾ ਬਦਲੀ ਨੂੰ ਮਜ਼ਬੂਤ ਹੋਰ ਠੋਸ ਕਰਨ ਲਈ ਸਹਿਮਤੀ ਦਿੱਤੀ।

8. ਯਾਤਰਾ ਅਤੇ ਲੋਕਾਂ ਦੇ ਆਪਸੀ ਸਬੰਧਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਮੁਡ਼ ਸ਼ੁਰੂ ਕਰਨਾ: ਦੋਵੇਂ ਪੱਖ ਸਿੱਧੀ ਹਵਾਈ ਉਡਾਣ ਦੇ ਸੰਪਰਕ ਨੂੰ ਬਹਾਲ ਕਰਨ, ਹਵਾਈ ਸੇਵਾ ਸਮਝੌਤਿਆਂ ਨੂੰ ਤਾਜ਼ਾ ਰੱਖਣ ਅਤੇ ਸੈਲਾਨੀਆਂ, ਮੀਡੀਆ ਅਤੇ ਵਪਾਰਕ ਯਾਤਰੀਆਂ ਲਈ ਵੀਜ਼ਾ ਨੂੰ ਅਸਾਨ ਬਣਾਉਣ ਲਈ ਸਹਿਮਤ ਹੋਏ। ਲਿਪੁਲੇਖ, ਨਾਥੂ ਲਾ ਅਤੇ ਸ਼ਿਪਕੀ ਲਾ ਪਾਸ 'ਤੇ ਸਰਹੱਦੀ ਵਪਾਰ ਦੁਬਾਰਾ ਖੁੱਲ੍ਹ ਜਾਵੇਗਾ, ਜਦੋਂ ਕਿ ਕੈਲਾਸ਼ ਮਾਨਸਰੋਵਰ ਤੀਰਥ ਯਾਤਰਾਵਾਂ ਦਾ ਵਿਸਤਾਰ 2026 ਤੋਂ ਹੋਣਾ ਤੈਅ ਹੈ।

9. ਅਮਰੀਕੀ ਟੈਰਿਫ ਦੇ ਮੱਦੇਨਜ਼ਰ ਬ੍ਰਿਕਸ ਦਾ ਸਮਰਥਨ: ਅਮਰੀਕੀ ਰਾਸ਼ਟਰਪਤੀ ਡੋਨਾਲਡ ਟਰੰਪ ਵੱਲੋਂ ਭਾਰਤੀ ਵਸਤਾਂ ਉੱਤੇ ਭਾਰੀ ਟੈਰਿਫ ਲਗਾਏ ਜਾਣ ਦੇ ਮੱਦੇਨਜ਼ਰ, ਦੋਵਾਂ ਦੇਸ਼ਾਂ ਨੇ ਬ੍ਰਿਕਸ 2026 ਵਿੱਚ ਭਾਰਤ, 2027 ਵਿੱਚ ਚੀਨ ਸਿਖਰ ਸੰਮੇਲਨਾਂ ਲਈ ਆਪਸੀ ਸਮਰਥਨ ਦਾ ਵਾਅਦਾ ਕੀਤਾ । ਵਿਸ਼ਲੇਸ਼ਕਾਂ ਦਾ ਕਹਿਣਾ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਅਮਰੀਕਾ ਦੇ ਵਪਾਰਕ ਦਬਾਅ ਨੇ ਦਿੱਲੀ ਅਤੇ ਬੀਜਿੰਗ ਨੂੰ ਨੇੜੇ ਲਿਾਂਦਾ ਹੈ। ਅਰਥਸ਼ਾਸਤਰੀ ਜੈਫਰੀ ਸਾਕਸ ਨੇ ਟਰੰਪ ਦੇ ਟੈਰਿਫ ਕਦਮਾਂ ਨੂੰ "ਅਜੀਬ" ਅਤੇ "ਸਵੈ-ਵਿਨਾਸ਼ਕਾਰੀ" ਵਜੋਂ ਆਲੋਚਨਾ ਕੀਤੀ।

10. ਇੱਕ ਕਮਜ਼ੋਰ ਪਰ ਅਗਾਂਹਵਧੂ ਵਿਚਾਰ: ਇਹ ਦੌਰ ਲੱਦਾਖ ਦੇ ਡੇਮਚੋਕ ਅਤੇ ਦੇਪਸਾਂਗ ਸੈਕਟਰਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਪਿਛਲੇ ਸਾਲ ਦੀ ਅੰਤਿਮ ਵਾਪਸੀ ਤੋਂ ਬਾਅਦ ਹੋਇਆ ਹੈ। ਹਾਲਾਂਕਿ ਐੱਲ. ਏ. ਸੀ. 'ਤੇ 50,000-60,000 ਸੈਨਿਕ ਤਾਇਨਾਤ ਹਨ, ਪਰ ਦੋਵਾਂ ਧਿਰਾਂ ਨੇ ਅਣਸੁਲਝੇ ਵਿਵਾਦਾਂ' ਤੇ ਗੱਲਬਾਤ ਨੂੰ ਜਾਰੀ ਰੱਖਦੇ ਹੋਏ ਵਪਾਰ, ਸੰਪਰਕ ਅਤੇ ਬਹੁਪੱਖੀ ਮੰਚਾਂ 'ਤੇ ਸਹਿਯੋਗ ਵੱਲ ਧਿਆਨ ਕੇਂਦਰਤ ਕਰਨ ਦੇ ਇਰਾਦੇ ਦਾ ਸੰਕੇਤ ਦਿੱਤਾ।

ਅੱਗੇ ਦਾ ਰਾਹ : ਵਾਂਗ ਯੀ ਦੀ ਯਾਤਰਾ ਨੇ ਬਦਲਦੀ ਵਿਸ਼ਵ ਵਿਵਸਥਾ ਦੇ ਵਿਚਕਾਰ ਭਾਰਤ-ਚੀਨ ਸਬੰਧਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਸਥਿਰ ਕਰਨ ਦੇ ਰਸਤੇ ਖੋਲ੍ਹੇ ਹਨ। ਨਵੀਂ ਦਿੱਲੀ ਲਈ, ਖਾਦ ਅਤੇ ਦੁਰਲੱਭ ਮਿੱਟੀ ਦੀ ਸਪਲਾਈ ਸੁਰੱਖਿਅਤ ਕਰਨਾ ਇੱਕ ਠੋਸ ਲਾਭ ਹੈ, ਜਦੋਂ ਕਿ ਐੱਸਸੀਓ ਸਿਖਰ ਸੰਮੇਲਨ ਵਿੱਚ ਮੋਦੀ ਦੀ ਭਾਗੀਦਾਰੀ ਨਾਲ ਰਾਸ਼ਟਰਪਤੀ ਸ਼ੀ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ ਸਿੱਧੇ ਤੌਰ 'ਤੇ ਮਿਲ ਬੈਠਣ ਦਾ ਮੌਕਾ ਪ੍ਰਦਾਨ ਕਰਦੀ ਹੈ।

ਕੀ ਇਹ "ਸਕਾਰਾਤਮਕ ਰੁਝਾਨ" ਕਾਇਮ ਰਹੇਗਾ, ਇਹ ਇਸ ਗੱਲ 'ਤੇ ਨਿਰਭਰ ਕਰੇਗਾ ਕਿ ਸਰਹੱਦੀ ਗੱਲਬਾਤ ਵਿੱਚ ਨਿਰੰਤਰ ਪ੍ਰਗਤੀ ਹੋ ਰਹੀ ਹੈ ਅਤੇ ਦੋਵੇਂ ਦੇਸ਼ ਹਿੰਦ-ਪ੍ਰਸ਼ਾਂਤ ਅਤੇ ਇਸ ਤੋਂ ਬਾਹਰ ਸਹਿਯੋਗ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ ਮੁਕਾਬਲੇ ਨੂੰ ਕਿਵੇਂ ਸੰਤੁਲਿਤ ਕਰਦੇ ਹਨ।

ਭਾਰਤੀ ਵਿਦੇਸ਼ ਸਕੱਤਰ ਨੇ ਪ੍ਰੈਸ ਬ੍ਰੀਫਿੰਗ ਵਿੱਚ ਦੱਸਿਆ ਕਿ ਇੱਕ ਸਮਝੌਤਾ ਹੋਇਆ ਸੀ ਕਿ ਜਦੋਂ ਵਿਕਾਸ ਦੀ ਗੱਲ ਆਉਂਦੀ ਹੈ, ਤਾਂ ਦੋਵੇਂ ਪੱਖ 'ਵਿਰੋਧੀ ਦੀ ਬਜਾਏ ਭਾਈਵਾਲ' ਹੁੰਦੇ ਹਨ। ਇਹ ਲੰਬੇ ਸਮੇਂ ਤੋਂ ਇੱਕ ਚੀਨੀ ਪੱਖ ਰਿਹਾ ਹੈ, ਜਿਸ ਨੂੰ ਭਾਰਤ ਨੇ ਸਵੀਕਾਰ ਕੀਤਾ ਜਾਪਦਾ ਹੈ। ਉਸ ਨੇ ਕਿਹਾ ਕਿ ਭਾਰਤੀ ਪੱਖ ਨੇ ਤਿੰਨ ਆਪਸੀ ਢਾਂਚੇ-'ਆਪਸੀ ਸਤਿਕਾਰ, ਆਪਸੀ ਹਿੱਤ ਅਤੇ ਆਪਸੀ ਸੰਵੇਦਨਸ਼ੀਲਤਾ' ਨੂੰ 'ਸਥਿਰ ਸਬੰਧਾਂ' ਲਈ 'ਅਧਾਰ' ਵਜੋਂ ਨਿਰਧਾਰਤ ਕੀਤਾ ਹੈ।

ਕਈ ਅੰਤਰ ਸਪੱਸ਼ਟ ਤੌਰ 'ਤੇ ਅਜੇ ਵੀ ਹਨ। ਭਾਰਤ ਅਤੇ ਚੀਨ ਦੋਵੇਂ ਸਰਹੱਦੀ ਮੁੱਦੇ ਨੂੰ ਵੱਖ-ਵੱਖ ਦ੍ਰਿਸ਼ਟੀਕੋਣਾਂ ਨਾਲ ਦੇਖਦੇ ਹਨ। ਚੀਨ ਚਾਹੁੰਦਾ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਇਸ ਨੂੰ ਬਾਕੀ ਸਬੰਧਾਂ ਤੋਂ ਵੱਖ ਕੀਤਾ ਜਾਵੇ। ਭਾਰਤ ਦਾ ਮੰਨਣਾ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਸਰਹੱਦੀ ਖੇਤਰਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਸ਼ਾਂਤੀ ਸਬੰਧਾਂ ਦੇ ਨਿਰੰਤਰ ਵਿਕਾਸ ਲਈ ਮਹੱਤਵਪੂਰਨ ਹੈ।

ਸਭ ਤੋਂ ਮਹੱਤਵਪੂਰਨ, ਸਰਹੱਦ ਪਾਰ ਅੱਤਵਾਦ ਅਤੇ ਪਾਕਿਸਤਾਨ ਨਾਲ ਚੀਨ ਦੇ ਸਬੰਧ ਵੀ ਤਣਾਅ ਦਾ ਕਾਰਨ ਬਣੇ ਹੋਏ ਹਨ। ਹਾਲਾਂਕਿ, ਭਾਰਤ ਅਤੇ ਚੀਨ ਦਰਮਿਆਨ ਪੱਕੀਆਂ ਹੱਦਾਂ ਹਾਲੇ ਤੱਕ ਤੈਅ ਨਹੀਨ ਹਨ। ਚੀਨ ਇੱਕ ਬਹੁ-ਧਰੁਵੀ ਸੰਸਾਰ ਪਰ ਇੱਕ-ਧਰੁਵੀ ਏਸ਼ੀਆ ਚਾਹੁੰਦਾ ਹੈ। ਭਾਰਤ ਦਾ ਮੰਨਣਾ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਇੱਕ ਬਹੁ-ਧਰੁਵੀ ਏਸ਼ੀਆ ਇੱਕ ਬਹੁ-ਧਰੁਵੀ ਵਿਸ਼ਵ ਦੇ ਕੇਂਦਰ ਵਿੱਚ ਹੋਣਾ ਚਾਹੀਦਾ ਹੈ।​

 

[Dalvinder Singh Grewal]

Strategy of China claiming Arunachal Pradesh
Col Dr Dalvinder Singh Grewal​

When I was posted in Menchukha in Arunachal Pradesh in 1985, I was told by the local Lama of Segang that Nanak Lama of Amritsar had visited Pamoshubu near Segang along with his two companions and meditated under a big boulder. While meditating, he was attacked by a bear, but the boulder protected the Nanak Lama and his two companions. The imprint of their bodies is available on the boulder. Confirming this from other villagers as well that Nanak Lama of Amritsar was Guru Nanak, I, along with my troops, made a Gurdwara at the site and Sri Guru Granth Sahib was installed.​

This Gurdwara was further extended by the troops who came after me. The Gurdwara was well attended by Sikhs, soldiers, and locals till 2022 for over 37 years without any objections, till the locally elected MLA, a Buddhist who migrated from Tibet, was made speaker of the Arunachal Assembly. He started claiming that it was not Guru Nanak but Padmasambhava (a Bodhi saint who also belonged to Punjab); hence, it was the monument relating to Buddhism. Suddenly, one day, he impressed upon the Chief Minister of Arunachal Pradesh to inaugurate the place as a Buddhist center and got Sri Guru Granth Sahib and other religious signs removed from the Gurdwara and converted it into a Buddhism center. Since I had returned, I took the matter to SGPC, who agreed to my version and appointed a committee to fight the case. The committee, however, has been lying doggo and did not progress the case. Meanwhile, in addition to occupying the Gurdwara site, which I have got constructed with my own funds, they are now threatening and creating obstacles in regular worship at the place where the Sri Guru Granth Sahib has been shifted. Intelligence reports have mentioned that it is a game of Chinese not to allow Sikhs/Hindus or any Indian to build any structure in Arunachal, as it is a Chinese area, and these migrated Tibetans are even funded to ensure this. This occupation of the Gurdwara and causing trouble to the other portion is a game plan under that scheme. The matter was taken up with the Defence Minister of India by the Chairman of the Minority Commission of India, but no concrete action has yet materialized.

Chinese exceeding interest in Arunachal has been seen in recent years when they started giving Chinese names to Arunachal places and recently when a UK-based, Indian-origin woman from Arunachal Pradesh alleged that Chinese immigration officials at the Shanghai airport detained her for 18 hours on November 21 during a transit halt. This stemmed from their refusal to recognize her passport and their claim that Arunachal was not a part of India. In an official statement, the Indian government said that Arunachal Pradesh being a part of India was an “indisputable reality.”

The incident involving the UK-based Pema Thongdok led to both India and China releasing official statements. While China reiterated its claims on Arunachal, India said the incident was “most unhelpful” amid the ongoing process of normalisation of bilateral ties.

Pema Thongdok from Arunachal Pradesh presently in the UK.

She says, "... When I tried to question them and ask them what the issue was, they said, 'Arunachal is not part of India,' and started mocking and laughing and saying things like, 'you should apply for the Chinese passport; you're Chinese, you're not Indian...'"

"I am an Indian citizen residing in the UK for about 14 years, and I was travelling from London to Japan via a transit in Shanghai... One of the officials from the Chinese immigration came over and singled me out of the queue. I asked her what was happening, and she went on to say, 'Arunachal- not India, China-China, your visa is not acceptable. Your passport is invalid'... When I tried to question them and ask them what the issue was, they said, 'Arunachal is not part of India' and started mocking and laughing and saying things like 'you should apply for the Chinese passport, you're Chinese, you're not Indian'... I have transited through Shanghai in the past with no issues at all. I couldn't get in touch with my family for a very long time... The airline staff of China Eastern and about two other immigration officers were speaking in their language and saying and pointing out and saying Arunachal and laughing and calling it China, not India. That was a very humiliating, questionable behaviour from the immigration staff as well as the airline staff... I called up the Shanghai and Beijing Indian embassies and within an hour, the Indian officials came to the airport, got me some food and spoke through the issues with them and helped me get out of the country. A very long ordeal, 18 hours, but glad that I'm out of there..." she said

This was not the first time such an incident had happened. Most recently, in 2023, India withdrew its martial arts contingent from the Summer World University Games in Chengdu after China issued “stapled visas” (unstamped paper that is stapled to a passport) instead of regular visas to three athletes from Arunachal Pradesh.

Another strategy is for China to give its own names to places in Arunachal Pradesh—it published a list of six such names in 2017 and another 15 names in 2021. This year, too, another such list led the Indian External Affairs Ministry to describe these as “vain and preposterous attempts.”
Such attempts are meant to emphasize China’s claims on Arunachal Pradesh, which it refers to as South Tibet or Zangnan. The claims come from its rejection of the legal status of the McMahon Line, the boundary between Tibet and British India agreed upon at the Convention Between Great Britain, China, and Tibet at the Simla Convention of 1914.

China claims that Tibet did not have the standing to be a separate party to the treaty and thus rejects the convention as a whole. It is this disagreement that lies at the heart of Chinese claims over the position of the Line of Actual Control (LAC). In an official statement, the Indian government said that Arunachal Pradesh being a part of India was an “indisputable reality.”​

 

[Dalvinder Singh Grewal]

1962 what Chinese learnt?

The fierce battles of Galwan, Rezang La, Gurung Hill, and Walong taught the PLA a hard lesson: Fighting the Indian Army would never be easy or inexpensive.

Out of the three principal axes of the Chinese advance during the conflict, the only victory achieved by the People's Liberation Army with relative ease was along the Tawang axis.

It was a direct consequence of political interference and excessive media glare, to the extent that details of upcoming operations were published before their execution.

On the remaining two axes, in Aksai Chin and Walong, the Indian Army fought battles to the last man and the last round, forcing the PLA to pay a heavy price for their advance.

One clear lesson the PLA learned in 1962 was that wherever the Indian Army fought, the cost of advance would be prohibitive.

A book written by a PLA officer who served in the Western sector, obtained by Professor B R Deepak of Jawaharlal Nehru University in 1991, before it was banned by China, offers rare testimony to this fact.

The PLA officer admitted, 'From the very outset of the war, the Indian Army's firepower was exceptionally intense. After two hours of fierce combat, although the Chinese forces managed to capture Galwan Valley, the cost was devastating. A total of 874 Chinese soldiers perished on the icy terrain of this river valley. It was only in the early 1980s that the remains of over 800 soldiers were finally recovered from the frozen snow.'

The defenders of the Galwan post showed extraordinary resolve. Even when faced with certain death, they did not surrender.

This exceptional resistance imposed caution on the Chinese command, slowing the progress of their operations. When the PLA turned its attention to the remaining Indian posts in the Galwan Valley, they found that every post, though isolated and with limited defensive potential, stood firm.

The story was the same everywhere. Surrounded by overwhelming numbers, the Indian defenders refused to surrender.

The stand at Rezang La

The battle of Rezang La was even more catastrophic for the PLA. Despite being virtually cut off, without artillery support, and attacked from three directions, the defenders fought with unmatched courage.

Out of 120 men, 114 went down fighting. Five were wounded and taken prisoner, and the company commander had sent one soldier back to report the situation.

When that lone survivor informed his superior that more than one thousand Chinese soldiers had been killed, he was threatened with court-martial for exaggeration.

The truth became clear only when troops later returned to recover the bodies.

Every Indian soldier's body bore, on average, thirty-five bullet wounds.

Of the one thousand mortar rounds held, only six remained unfired. The Chinese had to launch eight successive human-wave assaults to capture the position, losing an estimated 1,300 soldiers in the process.

The exact number of Chinese casualties will never be known, for the PLA has never acknowledged the scale of its losses, maintaining instead that 1962 was a 'big victory at a small price.'

The situation was no easier for the PLA at Gurung Hill, which they attacked simultaneously with Rezang La.

Despite repeated attempts, they failed to capture the Gurung Hill complex and had to withdraw after suffering heavy casualties.

Only after Rezang La fell did the Indian brigade commander decide to redeploy troops from Gurung Hill and its neighbouring posts at Muggar Hill, Spangur, and Tokung to higher defensive positions west of Chushul, in keeping with the overall plan to safeguard Leh.

The battles in the Chushul sector, at Rezang La and Gurung Hill, must have left a deep impression on the Chinese command.

The PLA lost an estimated 2,500 soldiers in the Ladakh sector alone. While India rightly honours its soldiers for their courage, it is also worth recognising that the PLA soldiers displayed remarkable endurance, continuing to attack despite being wiped out in successive waves.

Whether this was driven by a sense of nationalist duty or the coercive discipline of the Communist regime remains a subject worthy of study.

The greatest challenge for the PLA, however, came at a location they least expected—the Walong sector.

The Chinese offensive began on October 21, 1962, but repeated assaults were repelled by determined Indian resistance.

At Namti, where Lieutenant Bikram and the troops of 6 KUMAON initially held the defences, the battlefield turned into a slaughter ground for the PLA, forcing them to halt and take a tactical pause by October 28.

Reinforcements were rushed in, and several command changes were made. General Ding Cheng, commander of the 54th Army and a veteran of the Long March, the Sino-Japanese War, and the Chinese Civil War, was given direct operational control.

The 54th Army, stationed in Tibet since 1959 after the Tibetan uprising, was deployed almost in its entirety against one Indian brigade.

During this lull, the Indian Army also reorganised its defences. Brigadier N C Rawlley, Mahavir Chakra, who took command on October 31, 1962, made his intent unmistakably clear to his troops.

'There will be no withdrawal from this place,' he said. 'Everybody must get this straight.'

His words set the tone for one of the fiercest battles of the entire conflict.

The defences at Walong were so formidable that the Chinese nicknamed the position the 'Tiger's Mouth'.

In the ensuing fighting, the PLA suffered approximately 4,000 casualties. A village elder from Kaho, near the Line of Actual Control, recalled that mule trains carrying Chinese dead and wounded stretched for nearly four kilometres between Namti and Karoti.

Despite repulsing multiple Chinese assaults, the Indian brigade was finally ordered to withdraw to Yapak on 16 November 1962, as defences became untenable under overwhelming numerical pressure.

Yet, by then, the point had been made. The PLA had realised that advancing against determined Indian defenders meant paying an unendurable cost in men and morale.

A lesson that endures

The fierce battles of Galwan, Rezang La, Gurung Hill, and Walong taught the PLA a hard lesson: Fighting the Indian Army would never be easy or inexpensive.

This understanding has guided Chinese caution along the border ever since.

In later years, the Indian Army reinforced that lesson repeatedly through the confrontations of Nathu La and Cho La in 1967, Sumdorong Chu in 1987, and again in more recent standoffs at Depsang, Doklam, and Galwan.

It was for this reason that General K V Krishna Rao later remarked that he did not consider 1962 a military debacle for the Indian Army; it was rather a political one.

The need for a balanced narrative

Sino-Indian relations today are once again following a familiar pattern, oscillating between cooperation and confrontation.

What has changed, however, is the global stature of both nations. India is no longer a young republic struggling to find its footing but an established regional power with international partnerships and strategic depth.

In this environment, the importance of presenting a balanced and timely narrative of every incident along the Line of Actual Control cannot be overstated.

The Government of India has done well in recent years to project a clear and factual account of incidents such as Doklam and Galwan.

As we advance, we must remain alert to the regional and global influences that may seek to exploit Sino-Indian differences for their own benefit.

The story of 1962 should therefore not be remembered primarily as one of defeat, but as a reminder of the courage, tenacity, and professionalism that compelled a far larger and better-prepared adversary to halt and reconsider after being given an unmistakably bloody nose.

 

[Dalvinder Singh Grewal]

China has been “actively planning” to establish additional military facilities to support its naval and air operations in several countries in India’s neighbourhood, says an annual report of the US Department of War.

The report, titled “Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China—2025” and presented to the US Congress, was released today. It also mentions that Beijing has been “probably seeking to prevent the deepening of US-India ties and itself helping Pakistan with the latest fighter jets.”

The report also hints at Chinese help to Pakistan around Operation Sindoor. “Before May 2025, China delivered 20 units of its J-10C fighter jet to Pakistan as part of two previous orders totalling 36 planes since 2020,” it says.

And in what could alarm analysts in India, the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) of China is actively considering and planning for additional military facilities to support naval and air projection. China is likely considering bases in Bangladesh, Myanmar, Indonesia, and Sri Lanka. It already has one in Pakistan at Gwadar on the Arabian Sea coast.

Also, China’s desire to have bases abroad extends to Angola, Cuba, Equatorial Guinea, Kenya, Mozambique, Namibia, Nigeria, Papua New Guinea, Seychelles, Solomon Islands, Tajikistan, Thailand, Tanzania, the United Arab Emirates, and Vanuatu, says the report.

From the Indian perspective, the bases in Kenya, Tanzania, Mozambique, and Seychelles are vital due to their location in the Indian Ocean Region.

The report says the PLA is probably most interested in military access along the sea lines of communication in the Malacca Strait, located east of India and the Strait of Hormuz (in the Persian Gulf), and other areas in Africa and West Asia.

On the India-China relationship, the report assesses that “China probably seeks to capitalise on decreased tension along the Line of Actual Control to stabilise bilateral relations and prevent the deepening of US-India ties.”

India probably remains skeptical of China’s actions and motives. Continued mutual distrust and other irritants almost certainly limit the bilateral relationship, says the report.

On China’s growing military exports, the report says Beijing offers three combat aircraft for export, including the fifth-generation FC-31 and the fourth-generation J-10C multirole combat aircraft. China and Pakistan co-produce the JF-17 light combat aircraft. In addition to manned aircraft, China has supplied armed UAVs ‘Caihong’ and ‘Wing Loong,’ to Pakistan, Myanmar, Algeria, Egypt, Ethiopia, Indonesia, Iraq, Morocco, Serbia, and the UAE.

During the next five years, China would probably grow its naval export market, adding to a customer base that currently includes Bangladesh, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Thailand, the report adds.

The report says the PLA is probably most interested in military access along the sea China has been “actively planning” to establish additional military facilities to support its naval and air operations in several countries in India’s neighbourhood, says an annual report of the US Department of War.

China planning bases in India vicinity: US report

The report, titled “Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China-2025” and presented to the US Congress, was released today. It also mentions that Beijing has been “probably seeking to prevent the deepening of US-India ties and itself helping Pakistan with the latest fighter jets”.

The report also hints at Chinese help to Pakistan around Operation Sindoor. “Before May 2025, China delivered 20 units of its J-10C fighter jet to Pakistan as part of two previous orders totalling 36 planes since 2020,” it says.

And in what could alarm analysts in India, the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) of China is actively considering and planning for additional military facilities to support naval and air projection. China is likely considering bases in Bangladesh, Myanmar, Indonesia, and Sri Lanka. It already has one in Pakistan at Gwadar on the Arabian Sea coast.

Also, China’s desire to have bases abroad extends to Angola, Cuba, Equatorial Guinea, Kenya, Mozambique, Namibia, Nigeria, Papua New Guinea, Seychelles, Solomon Islands, Tajikistan, Thailand, Tanzania, United Arab Emirates and Vanuatu, says the report.

From the Indian perspective, the bases in Kenya, Tanzania, Mozambique and Seychelles are vital due to their location in the Indian Ocean Region.lines of communication in the Malacca Strait, located east of India and the Strait of Hormuz (in Persian Gulf) and other areas in Africa and the West Asia.

On the India-China relationship, the report assesses that “China probably seeks to capitalise on decreased tension along the Line of Actual Control to stabilise bilateral relations and prevent the deepening of US-India ties.”

India probably remains skeptical of China’s actions and motives. Continued mutual distrust and other irritants almost certainly limit the bilateral relationship, says the report.

On China’s growing military exports, the report says Beijing offers three combat aircraft for export, including the fifth-generation FC-31 and the fourth-generation J-10C multirole combat aircraft. China and Pakistan co-produce the JF-17 light combat aircraft. In addition to manned aircraft, China has supplied armed UAVs ‘Caihong’ and ‘Wing Loong,’ to Pakistan, Myanmar, Algeria, Egypt, Ethiopia, Indonesia, Iraq, Morocco, Serbia, and the UAE.

During the next five years, China would probably grow its naval export market, adding to a customer base that currently includes Bangladesh, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Thailand, the report adds.

 

[Dalvinder Singh Grewal]

December 30, 2025 22:52 IST​

Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi on Tuesday said tensions between India and Pakistan were among the list of hotspot issues mediated by China this year.

IMAGE: The Jamia Masjid Subhan Allah, the Jaish e Mohammad's operational headquarters in Bahawalpur, which was struck by Indian missiles during Operation Sindoor. Photograph: Reuters Video/ANI

New Delhi has been maintaining that the May 7-10 conflict between India and Pakistan was resolved through direct talks between the DGMOs (Director General of Military Operations) of the armies of the two countries.

At the May 13 press briefing, the Ministry of External Affairs had said, regarding the ceasefire and what sort of role other countries played, etc. See, the specific date, time, and wording of the understanding were worked out between the DGMOs of the two countries at their phone call on 10th May 2025, commencing at 15:35 hours.
India has also been consistently maintaining that there is no place for any third-party intervention in matters relating to India and Pakistan.
"This year, local wars and cross-border conflicts flared up more often than at any time since the end of WWII. Geopolitical turbulence continued to spread," Wang said, speaking at the Symposium on the International Situation and China's Foreign Relations in Beijing.
"To build peace that lasts, we have taken an objective and just stance and focused on addressing both symptoms and root causes," he added.
"Following this Chinese approach to settling hotspot issues, we mediated in northern Myanmar, the Iranian nuclear issue, the tensions between Pakistan and India, the issues between Palestine and Israel, and the recent conflict between Cambodia and Thailand," he said.
China's role in the May 7-10 Operation Sindoor conflict between India and Pakistan this year came under serious scrutiny and criticism, especially the military assistance provided by Beijing to Islamabad.
On the diplomatic front, China, on May 7, called on India and Pakistan to exercise restraint even while expressing regret over India's airstrikes.
China finds India's military operation early this morning regrettable, said a Chinese foreign ministry statement on the first day of Operation Sindoor, reacting to questions on India's airstrikes and escalating tensions between India and Pakistan.
"China opposes all forms of terrorism," a Chinese foreign ministry statement said in an apparent reference to the Pahalgam terrorist attack and urged both sides to exercise restraint in the interest of peace.
But China's active military support to Pakistan during Operation Sindoor in May has become a sharp reminder about the negative impact of China-Pakistan close ties on Beijing's relations with New Delhi.
For its part, China, whose arms exports amount to over 81 percent of Pakistan's military hardware, sought to downplay India's Deputy Chief of Army Staff, Lt. General Rahul R. Singh's assertion that Beijing used the conflict as a live lab, declining to directly answer his charge.​

https://vdo.ai/contact?utm_medium=video&utm_term=rediff.com&utm_source=vdoai_logo
Gen Singh said China's strategy during Operation Sindoor was based on its ancient military strategy of "36 stratagems" and killing the adversary with a "borrowed knife" to buttress the point that Beijing extended all possible support to Pakistan to cause pain to India.
In his speech on China's foreign policy initiatives, Wang spoke of the good momentum of improvement of relations between India and China and spoke of Beijing's invitation to Prime Minister Narendra Modi to take part in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit held in Tianjin in August this year.
Also, this year, we invited the leaders of India and the DPRK to China. China-India relations showed good momentum, and the traditional friendship with the DPRK was cemented and further promoted, he said, adding that the SCO summit was a resounding success.

China's engagement with neighbouring countries entered a new stage of building a community with a shared future at a faster pace, he said.
On the BRICS, he said, the 20-member BRICS family grew more prosperous. And BRICS cooperation was ever more robust under the expanded format.
This year, economic globalisation met serious setbacks. The tariff war dealt a blow to international trade rules and disrupted the global economic order. The choice between openness and isolation became imperative, he said in apparent reference to US President Donald Trump unleashing unilateral tariffs against China and other countries.
He said the China-US relationship is one of the most consequential bilateral relationships in today's world.
The strategic choices of the two countries will shape the course of world history, he said.
On major issues of principle, we maintained firm and unequivocal positions. On issues concerning China's core interests, we responded with strength and held our ground, he said.
"At the same time, we engaged and talked with the US to seek cooperation, foster a more rational, objective view of China, and address differences through consultation and dialogue," he said.
Both Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping, with their frequent interactions, have guided the giant ship of China-US relations through troubled waters and steered it in the right direction, he said.
China and the US must seek solutions to their respective concerns based on equality, mutual respect, and reciprocity and find the right way for the two major countries to get along with each other.
Source: PTI​